Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Sci. polit.--Bordeaux 4, 2001. Titre de soutenance : Le Parti chrétien du peuple en Norvège : un parti périphérique. / En appendice, choix de documents. Bibliogr. p. 278-291.

In this paper I propose a definition on what right-wing populism is, by comparing three right-wing populist parties; the Swedish Democrats in Sweden, the Danish Folks Party in Denmark and the Progress Party in Norway. This is also my question formulation. I have used the idea analysis to straighten out the concept of right-wing populism. The purpose of this paper is to make a definition of the concept of right-wing populism, since one seldom speaks of what right-wing populism is but rather only uses it with parties who want to decrease immigration. However is it much more to a right-wing populist party than just the immigration question.       I begin by discussing the previous research about populism and right-wing populism to see what conclusions previous researchers have made. The analysis is divided into three parts; one section for every party. Each analysis starts with a brief history about the party and then continues with the three areas I have chosen; how they look upon democracy, the ”people” and the immigrant-question. In my conclusion I compare the three parties with each other and find a definition of right-wing populism. My proposed definition is that a right-wing populist party advocates more direct democracy, want to preserve the culture in its country without involvement of other cultures and wants to decrease the immigration to the country.

I min uppsats har jag valt att undersöka Dansk Folkepartis bok Danmarks fremtid dit land - dit valg. Jag har främst gjort en retorisk analys av materialet utifrån Lennart Hellspongs bok Metoder för brukstextanalys. I kombination med den retoriska analysen har jag även valt att använda Teun van Dijks bok Elite discourse and racism för att få en breddare förståelse av materialet. Med hjälp av van Dijks bok och hans diskussion av olika retoriska strategier och diskurser försöker jag göra det lättare att förstå och se Dansk Folkepartis sätt att påverka. Jag för även en kortare diskussion av bilder och dikter som förekommer i boken.

De tre skandinaviska länderna Danmark, Norge och Sverige har samtliga ett högerpopulistiskt parti i de nationella parlamenten. Inflytandet som partierna har fått över den nationella politiken skiljer dem åt, i Danmark agerar Dansk Folkeparti stödparti till regeringen och i Norge sitter Fremskrittspartiet i regeringen. I Sverige däremot har Sverigedemokraterna inte fått något direkt inflytande över regeringens politik, trots att partierna är lika stora.  Studien har tittat på tre olika variabler utifrån teorin om att högerpopuistiska partier som närmar sig mitten har lättare att samarbeta med andra partier än de som väljer ena sidan, vilket har varit den beroende variabeln. Genom att analysera partiernas politiska program från två tidpunkter går det att se om partierna har anpassat sin politik för att ligga närmare de andra partierna. Även ländernas historia av politiska koalitioner och andra partier i parlamenten har undersökts, vilka har varit de oberoende variablerna.  Studiens resultat visar att partierna inte har närmat sig mitten. Dansk Folkeparti har en stark högerprofil i sociokulturella frågor och står i mitten i socioekonomiska frågor. Fremskrittspartiet har haft och har en tydlig högerpolitik i både socioekonomiska och sociokulturella frågor. Sverigedemokraterna har haft ett stort fokus på de sociokulturella frågorna där de står till höger, men har även fått en större socioekonomisk politik, där de står i mitten. Därför går det inte att säga att partier som närmar sig mitten lättare kan samarbeta och få ett större politiskt inflytande.

<p>The purpose of this study is to present populism as a political phenomenon and to impose focus on the rightwing populist parties that are active in Scandinavia. This essay begins with a presentation of the three rightwing political parties in Scandinavia. The rightwing populist parties have successfully developed their rhetoric and effectively influenced the political establishment in Sweden, Norway and Denmark. The parties that the essay focuses on are the</p><p>Swedish democrats (SD), the Norwegian Progress party (FRP) and the Danish People`s party (DF). These parties are interesting in the sense that they share many opinions and are active in comparable political atmospheres, but also that they use approximately the same rightwing populist rhetoric as a way of exerting leverage on political policy.</p><p>The theoretical segment is constructed on a descriptive historical background of populisms three different phases. It begins with the classic populism then the “dissatisfaction party” and in conclusion, today's rightwing populism. The theoretical segment also addresses populisms ideological foundations and its contents. This includes the country of birth, the people, welfare “chauvinism” on ethnic national grounds, targeted dissatisfaction, criticism against representative democracy, populisms dynamic structure, hostility to foreigners and stranger distrust. The empirical analysis of the political parties is based on seven starting points: basic values, views on peoples worth, most important unit in society, method for social change, political forms of managing, economic organization and utopia. To illustrate these points a comparison between the average parties is done, by examining their respective party agendas.</p><p>The conclusion is drawn that there are few resemblances between the political parties examined; the differences considered are clearly stronger than the resemblances. The</p><p>differences lie mostly in basis values, most important unit in society and political forms of managing. Furthermore are the resemblances only partial. The parties were most similar in</p><p>relation to the family’s position in the society. SD and DF can be said to have similar ideologies while FRP’s ideology differs somewhat. SD and DF can be described as conservative nationalist parties, while FRP is a mixture of neoliberalism and conservatism. After studying each party’s principle agendas it can be established that all three parties utilize</p><p>rightwing rhetoric.</p><p>Keywords: rightwing populist parties, Swedish democrats, Norwegian Progress party and Danish People`s party, theoretical and analytical structure, empirical analysis.</p>

The purpose of this essay is to analyze the ideological development of the former communist parties and the contemporary left-wing socialist parties of the Nordic countries. It is aimed at the two decades that have passed since the collaps of the Berlin wall and the parties at hand are; the Norwegian Sosialistisk Venstre, the Danish Socialistisk Folkeparti, the Swedish Vänsterpartiet and the Finnish Vasemmistoliitto. Since the 1960´s these parties have undergone major ideological changes with reference to a widening of their political agenda to an inclusion of democratic ideals as well as the new ideologies of feminism and ecologism. Thus reforming them into modern left-wing socialist parties at different times. The main hypothesis is formulated from the idea that there must be a connection between the startingpoint of reformation and the degree of modernism/traditionalism they show today. Furthermore, the study intends to determine how much they have changed and if there are any common features in the development. The method used consists of a quantitative approach with a minor qualitative streak and the material includes the four parties principalprograms from 1990 until today. In the quantative part I chose to count an amount of value-related words with connection to the four categories of socialism, feminism, ecologism and the democratic ideal. With the ideological refinement of Ball and Dagger as a frame of reference i chose a big amount of words, in which case the qualitative approach constituted as a failsafe in order to determine every words accuracy. The research shows that my original hypothesis is only partly correct. The degree of modernization seems to be depending on whereas the party was founded before or after the collapse of the Berlin wall. The fact that the three Scandinavian parties all show a positive modernization in comparison to their Finnish counterpart supports that. The study also reveals that the Finnish party, without consideration of modernism/traditionalism, changes the most during the period and the Danish party changes the least. The main feature of the Scandinavian parties is the decline of socialistic ideas in comparison to their Finnish equivalent.

The purpose of this study is to present populism as a political phenomenon and to impose focus on the rightwing populist parties that are active in Scandinavia. This essay begins with a presentation of the three rightwing political parties in Scandinavia. The rightwing populist parties have successfully developed their rhetoric and effectively influenced the political establishment in Sweden, Norway and Denmark. The parties that the essay focuses on are the Swedish democrats (SD), the Norwegian Progress party (FRP) and the Danish People`s party (DF). These parties are interesting in the sense that they share many opinions and are active in comparable political atmospheres, but also that they use approximately the same rightwing populist rhetoric as a way of exerting leverage on political policy. The theoretical segment is constructed on a descriptive historical background of populisms three different phases. It begins with the classic populism then the “dissatisfaction party” and in conclusion, today's rightwing populism. The theoretical segment also addresses populisms ideological foundations and its contents. This includes the country of birth, the people, welfare “chauvinism” on ethnic national grounds, targeted dissatisfaction, criticism against representative democracy, populisms dynamic structure, hostility to foreigners and stranger distrust. The empirical analysis of the political parties is based on seven starting points: basic values, views on peoples worth, most important unit in society, method for social change, political forms of managing, economic organization and utopia. To illustrate these points a comparison between the average parties is done, by examining their respective party agendas. The conclusion is drawn that there are few resemblances between the political parties examined; the differences considered are clearly stronger than the resemblances. The differences lie mostly in basis values, most important unit in society and political forms of managing. Furthermore are the resemblances only partial. The parties were most similar in relation to the family’s position in the society. SD and DF can be said to have similar ideologies while FRP’s ideology differs somewhat. SD and DF can be described as conservative nationalist parties, while FRP is a mixture of neoliberalism and conservatism. After studying each party’s principle agendas it can be established that all three parties utilize rightwing rhetoric. Keywords: rightwing populist parties, Swedish democrats, Norwegian Progress party and Danish People`s party, theoretical and analytical structure, empirical analysis.

The purpose of this essay is to analyze why the Sweden Democrats (SD) continued to grow in the 2018 election, while the Danish Peoples Party (DF) lost over half of their support in the election in 2019. By using a structured, focused comparative method, the essay analyses the similar political systems of Denmark and Sweden, focusing on the traditional established parties’ different strategies to gain back the voters lost to populists. The analysis concludes that the success of SD and failure of DF can be contributed to ineffective strategies by Sweden’s traditional parties and a more effective strategy in the Danish case. Sweden’s established parties used isolating strategies by demonizing SD and their voters as extremists, paving way for SD to use populist political communication. In the danish case, most established parties have legitimized DF by co-opting their stances on immigration. The blue block has cooperated with DF in the Danish government.  By anchoring the analysis in theories about favorable conditions for populism, the main conclusion is that SD, because of the established parties’ isolating strategies, have been able to use populist political communication to present themselves as a distinct political alternative which mobilizes voters. DF have not had this opportunity, due to the co-optation, cooperation and broad consensus on their main issues