The purpose of this study is to examine the Swedish parliamentary debate on socioeconomicsegregation over two time periods: between 1995-2000 and 2016-2021. Considering thatsocioeconomic segregation has been on the rise in Sweden over the past three decades, thisstudy attempts to analyze how the Swedish parliament has discussed this particular issue.Using frame analysis, this study provides an overview of what frames are prevalent during theparliamentary debate over the course of each period. Essentially, this paper explores howsocioeconomic segregation has been conceptualized, particularly how the problem has beendefined, what the underlying causes are, what remedies are proposed, and what moraljudgments are made by political actors. As parliamentary debates frequently seem to revolvearound a struggle over who should get priority for a particular problem definition, this studyalso takes a further look at the framing strategies used by political actors in parliamentarydebates. As demonstrated in the results, there may have been a change in discourse over timeas political actors have to a greater extent moved away from an emancipatory frame in favorof a broader perspective on the segregation problem with housing policy measures as thecornerstone. In addition to showing which frames were advocated by which actor, analyzingframe construction through language to uncover who wins the hearing for their problempicture, results in a far more extensive and deepened understanding of power, politics andinterests.

<p>The Duluth Model of intervention for those charged with domestic violence offences has for the past thirty years been instrumental in conceptualizing violence, abuse, power and control, how to hold offenders accountable and keep victims safe, and is reflective of a collaborative, feminist approach to violence intervention. The model’s design assumes that violence is perpetrated by men against their female partners as a mechanism to maintain/gain power and control. However, increasing numbers of women are now being charged with violence against their male partners and being referred for service. Problematically, there has been little development of policies or formal practices that recognize the different meanings of women’s violence or the particularity of their programming needs so that service providers in Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) treatment programs find themselves working with female offenders under a male model of violence.</p> <p>The purpose of this project was to engage in a critical feminist analysis of the resulting tensions, specifically to ask how conceptualizations of gender and violence undergird policy development and how, in Duluth-dominated programming approaches, service providers understand and respond to women’s needs. To explore these questions, I took a two-fold methodological approach: an analysis of the extensive literature on Partner Assault Response (PAR) programs and female offenders, using the concept of policy framing; and an online survey of service providers that explored dimensions of their work and that included questions incorporating the policy frame distinctions that emerged from the literature analysis.</p> <p>The policy frame analysis underscored the power of problem construction and shed conceptual light on the challenges of working under the Duluth model with women. Survey participants described those challenges in the, as yet, dimly lit front-lines of practice, as well as their engagements at times in creative, subversive program delivery to meet women’s needs. Future research drawing forward the seldom heard voices of women charged with violence will be critical, as will continued endeavours to fashion gender-specific, need-driven policy.</p> / Master of Social Work (MSW)

Feminist Foreign Policies (FFPs) have been the subject of a growing body of literature since Sweden first introduced their FFP in 2014, with many scholars calling into question the effectiveness and transformative potential of these policies. This thesis contributes to the growing body of literature on FFPs by conducting a critical frame analysis on Germany’s FFP, which was newly introduced in 2023. Using critical theory, the thesis analyzes the conceptualization and the transformative potential of the policy, based on framing and discourse in selected policy documents, speeches and an interview. It finds that the conceptualization of Germany’s FFP is conflictual, wherein while the policy describes itself as being transformative, intersectional and challenging global power structures, it remains centered around women, questions global hierarchies only selectively and reproduces others, which limits the transformative potential of the policy.

This study is researching the use of strategic communication in political campaigns oriented in social media platforms. The main character of this study is the Argentinian president Javier Milei during the second roundof his presidential campaign in 2023. The method used in this study is both qualitative and quantitative with a focus on content analysis. The selected data consists of nine posts from Javier Milei’s Instagram account, both video and pictures. The analysis of the research shows the strategic frame and discourse of his message in his campaign and how it shows in social media during the second round of the presidential candidacy, even research how newspapers portray him in articles. The conclusion of this study is that Javier Milei effectively used strategic political communication to frame himself as a populist leader against the elite. Heused social media, combined with traditional media coverage which allowed him to engage and mobilize voters through emotional and symbolic messages. His approach shows the importance of integrating various media channels to create a populist narrative to resonate with the voters in his campaign.

The Swedish policy for integration has been accused of wrongly targeting only immigrants and therefore resembling assimilation. In this bachelor thesis I show that there seems to be a general understanding between academics and politicians of how integration should be achieved. If integration is the opposite of assimilation an integrated society has to be achieved trough mutual adaptation. The purpose of this thesis is to identify if the Swedish government design their policy for integration according to the idea of integration as mutual adaptation or not. A frame analysis is used to identify the de target populations in the Swedish strategy for integration. Through analysing the choice of target populations I conclude that the Swedish policy for integration does not fulfil the idea of integration as mutual adaptation. Another important conclusion is that there can be two different target populations for every policy, one tied to the causal story and one tied to the solution of the problem with integration. / Den svenska integrationspolitiken har anklagats för att felaktigt riktas mot endast invandrare och på så sätt mer likna assimilationspolitik. I den här kandidatuppsatsen visar jag att forskare och politiker på en övergripande nivå verkar vara överens om hur integration bör uppnås. Om integration är motsatsen till assimilation måste ett integrerat samhälle uppnås genom ömsesidig anpassning. Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att ta reda på om den svenska regeringen utformar sin integrationspolitik efter idén om integration som ömsesidig anpassning eller inte. Frameanalys används för att identifiera målgrupperna i den svenska strategin för integration. Genom att analysera valet av målgrupper drar jag slutsatsen att den svenska integrationspolitiken inte uppfyller idéen om integration som ömsesidig anpassning. En annan viktig slutsats är att det kan finnas två målgrupper för varje åtgärd, en knuten till orsaksförklaringen och en knuten till lösningen på problemet.

The Basque conflict has waged since the 1950s in its current form. However, with the arrival of democracy 36 years ago, the Basque Country has been the scene of an intense peace mobilization, dominated by two peace organizations: Gesto por la Paz, a group of community organizations that mobilize to publicly reject political violence, and Lokarri/Elkarri, an organization that includes a conflict resolution proposal based on dialogue between conflicting parties. While there is some literature on these organizations, none has analysed their extraordinary impact on Basque society. This research explores how the Basque peace movement has impacted on the social and political culture of the Basque conflict. It seeks to understand the nature of this impact and to determine the channels and methods by which it was achieved, using frame analysis. Three interlinked questions serve to guide the research, asking first if there is a Basque Peace Frame and if it could be considered a master frame, how this Basque Peace Frame has evolved, and, finally, how the Basque Peace Frame has impacted on other Basque Civil Society Organizations related to the conflict. This qualitative research spans the period between the March 2006 declaration of ceasefire by ETA and the end of fieldwork for this research in September 2008. The research includes 18 in depth interviews, written media, and analysis of seven notable Basque social organizations related to the conflict, in addition to the two peace organizations mentioned above. The research found the impact of the Basque peace movement in the Basque Country is significant and rich. The Basque Peace Frame developed based on the rejection of the use of violence as a political tool and identifies that violence as the main barrier to achieving an inclusive conflict resolution. The Basque peace movement organizations developed a specific kind of mobilization to enforce the Basque Peace Frame based on silent and symbolic acts. The objective was to counter the former dynamics of mobilization that were contentious and directed to promote Basque national rights. The Basque Peace Frame proposed a change in the way the political collective identity was constructed in the Basque Country, showing that an association between nationalism and violence is not obligatory. The Basque Peace Frame has evolved and spread between social organizations in the Basque Country, using sympathetic identity networks as the main channel of frame diffusion. Even organizations that did not reject the use of contentious methods of protest are now questioning the use of violence, signifying exciting prospects for the future of non-violent political action in the Basque Country.

我國2000年總統大選結果為台灣帶來首次的政黨輪替，使我國在民主化的路程上更進一步地朝向民主鞏固(Democracy Consolidation)的階段，在這樣的時代中，公務人員必須更加重視民意，並在人民心中建立值得信賴的形象。而在人民的「腦海圖像」大多是由傳播媒體傳遞的訊息所建構而成的，故公共管理者須了解人民從傳播媒體獲得什麼樣的訊息，以及公務人員在傳播媒體上的形象究竟為何，才能對症下藥地進行公務人員的形象改造。 因此，本研究以聯合報系的電子資料庫「聯合知識庫」為分析資料的來源，資料範圍則為我國第一次總統大選前後各一任總統任期，即1996年5月20日到2004年5月19日的公務人員新聞，採用傳播學界的研究方法─內容分析與框架分析，分析上述時間範圍內的聯合報的新聞內容，以了解公務人員在報紙上所呈現的形象究竟為何，以及比較2000年政黨輪替前後公務人員的報導形象，是隨著執政黨的更替而有所不同。 結果發現，報紙給予公務人員的框架有三：「大人」、「公僕」及「員工」，其中以「公僕」為在新聞之中最常見的公務人員形象框架；再者，報紙多以中立立場、極短篇幅，以及純新聞的報導方式來報導公務人員。最後，如果比較政黨輪替前後的公務人員新聞之後，發現兩時期的公務人員皆被報紙視為「公僕」，而且多被給予負面的報導；但亦有所不同之處：政黨輪替之後，公務人員新聞的報導篇幅變小，對公務人員的評價負面新聞比例不變，但正面新聞比例有上升的趨勢。 / In democratic polity, the important aspect of governance is public opinion. After the year of the first party turn-over, bureaucrats need to build reliable images in people’s head and try to earn their support for the policies. But, what is the images of bureaucrats in people’s head is an interesting but unsolved question for the field of public administration. To answer the question, the researcher tries to analyze the stories about bureaucrats in the media---the strong fourth branch of a democratic government. By using content analysis and frame analysis, this research uses the data collected from the news in the United Daily News to answer the above questions. Between the years of 1996 to 2004, 998 sample news are selected from the database of UDNDATA. The findings are as follows: First of all, as a whole, there are three types of newsframes of bureaucrats utilized: “authoritarians”, “public servants”, and “employees”, and the newsframe of public servant appears to be the most popular one. Secondly, bureaucrats’ news is covered in less than 500 words and in the tone of neutrality and negativity. Thirdly, there is no difference in newsframe between the news before and after the first party turn-over. However, the news space is getting shorter and the amounts of positive coverage are increased after the year of 2000.

基因改造食品一方面是複雜的基因科技產物，另一方面牽涉環境與健康危害的議題，是風險社會下即具代表性的例子。在各方論述的競逐下，媒體如何報導這些新聞卻鮮少有研究關注。本研究旨在探討媒體如何再現基因改造食品新聞？歷年來的報導呈現何種趨勢？與某些特殊事件有關？以哪些形式與議題為最多？凸顯了哪些人的觀點？媒體使用了哪些框架來再現基改食品的樣貌？其中又與哪些在地文化產生互動？ 為解答上述問題，本研究採取量化內容分析與質量化兼具的框架分析兩部分，分析1994年1月起至2006年12月底為止，《聯合報》與《中國時報》的基因改造食品新聞。 在量化內容分析部份發現，基因改造食品新聞以「純淨新聞」寫作為最多，最常出現在「社會／生活」版面，引用比例最高的消息來源為「科學領域專家」，最主要的新聞議題為「政策規範」。這部份的框架分析，研究發現以屬於「進步包裹」的新聞為最多，在各框架包裹所細分的小框架中，採「科學萬能」框架論述的新聞又佔有最高比例。 本研究也依新聞數量變化，將基因改造食品議題的發展分為三個時期：1999年之前的「醞釀期」、2000至2003年「高峰期」與2004年之後的「平穩期」。醞釀期的報導大多將基因改造產品視為科學新產物，有許多來自外電或編譯稿。高峰期開始出現一連串的消費者運動，焦點轉為關注政策制定與食品安全。後來的議題平緩期，出現在地方版的新聞數量超過社會／生活版面，意謂著基改議題逐漸在地化發展，新聞重點在政策的執行面。此外，隨著時期演進，採取「危害包裹」與「關切包裹」論述的新聞也有逐漸增加趨勢，顯示管理議題愈受重視。 在質化框架論述分析部份，本研究發現採用「進步包裹」論述的新聞，抱持基改食品是改善現狀、帶來美好的立場；其中再細分出來的「科學萬能」與「經濟掛帥」框架，多用科學、經濟術語或研究報告、數據來加以佐證，呈現出基改食品在科學與經濟上對人類的貢獻。這兩大框架強烈暗示科技與經濟至上，論述中幾無描繪任何發展時可能的代價與風險，同時又佔據最多新聞數量，因而令其他相對的框架立場難以發聲、居於弱勢。 其次，歸類為「危害包裹」的報導，傾向基改食品具有風險、對人類有害。其中屬「健康疑慮」框架者，關注食品安全問題，論述者多為社運團體，亦引用科學報告為證據；但是他們最終對法規的呼籲，在媒體報導中無法成為關注焦點。被歸類為「天然最好」框架的報導，多為商業推廣新聞，藉由強調非基改食品優點來反面凸顯基改食品，有嚴重的新聞廣告化問題。在「產經毒藥」部分，此類新聞以事件導向為主，描繪有關本地基改作物影響出口經濟的案例，但新聞數稀少，難以喚起重視。風險最大的「禍延子孫」框架，其立場認為基改技術將帶來人類浩劫，但台灣並非基改主要生產國，容易有置身事外之感，加上強大風險的關注本身尚未被科學認可，也很難在地生根。 屬於「關切包裹」的新聞，與法規政策演進有關，其中區分的「妥善管理」論述，對政策有嚴格要求；「有管就好」框架的新聞，則流露出管理的散漫。在此包裹中，呈現出台灣官方面臨美國貿易壓力下，對高科技風險產品的處置，然而台灣並非每次都能嚴守立場，在本地自主與強國干涉間取得平衡；而媒體報導不僅透露出這個問題，也暴露媒體本身並沒有做好捍衛民眾知情權與加強風險意識的責任。 本研究希望能加強後續對風險事物的研究與重視，也建議媒體對任何科學研究，應抱持懷疑態度，不宜過分誇大、宣揚其預期貢獻或獲利。媒體工作者應時常關注國內外的重大科學發現，深化本身背景知識，在報導議題時才能有深入的理解，以善盡加強大眾風險意識之責。政府面對風險事物，不只要盡快制定相關規範，也必須與民眾做良好溝通，加強他們的風險意識與知識。

This study aims to investigate how individuals that have been playing pen and paper role-playing games since the 1990s to 2016 view their own experiences and the development of role-playing games. Six informants were interviewed in-depth about their experiences and how they view the change of roleplaying games and how society sees it. All the informants had been playing roleplaying games since the 1990s and are still playing. In the thematic analysis, five themes were identified: negative experiences, relationships, fantasy, development and normative change. This study exemplifies the complexity of belonging to a stigmatized group and also how a cultural phenomenon can grow, change and become accepted. It also highlights the role the informants themselves played in that change. Interestingly, it was found that the informants kept playing, despite the stigma around their hobby, because they found role-playing to be meaningful and stimulating and not for the reason that they identified themselves as role-players. Furthermore, all informants mention that thanks to role-playing they have developed a skill-set (e.g. creativity, problem-solving, understanding of group dynamics), which has become valuable to them later in life. The informants always believed that role-playing was something positive and meaningful, which also was confirmed once enough research had been done.

The diploma thesis "Media Image of Lobbying" focuses on the issue of the media image of lobbying and lobbyists in the newspapers Mladá fronta Dnes and Právo in the year 2008. Lobbying is an activity which the majority of population experiences through the media only. The media may thus greatly influence the way the public perceives and evaluates lobbying. In the first part of the diploma thesis the question of the media presentation of reality are introduced and the factors which influence the form of the media content are outlined. The paper further deals briefly with the effect the media have on the population and with the agenda-setting concept. Then the definition of lobbying is given, as well as the reasons and conditions for its positive and negative reputation. Positive and negative functions of lobbying are pointed out and various types and forms of lobbying are presented including indirect lobbying, which is associated with PR activities. In the research part of the paper the results of the quantitative research are presented. The aim of this research was to discover the most frequent types of lobbying and lobbyists in the newspapers studied. The qualitative frame analysis then shows the ways in which lobbying and lobbyists are presented in the media. The appendix to the paper contains a codebook...