Den horisontella stabiliseringen av en byggnad har ofta stor betydelse vid dimensionering av den bärande stommen. Motverkas de horisontella lasterna inte tillräckligt kan problem uppstå när pelare och balkar får en utböjning som är större än vad marginalerna tillåter. En vanligt förekommande horisontell last uppkommer från vind som träffar en yttervägg. I detta arbete beräknades och jämfördes utböjningen orsakad av vindlast för fem olika stabiliseringsmetoder. Dessa fem metoder bestod av fast inspända pelare, ledade- och inspända ramar, dragstag samt drag-tryckstag. Paviljongen vid Backens prästgård konstruerades med drag-tryckstag som stabiliserande metod då det var den styvaste i fallet. Konstruktionsavdelningen på konsultbolaget Tyréns ville för framtida projekt veta hur stor skillnaderna i utböjning blev jämfört med ovan nämna metoder. Mått, vinklar och tvärsnitt modifierades från referensbyggnaden för att passa projektets syfte bättre. Beräkningar gjordes för hand och med beräkningsprogrammet Ramanalys, där även skillnader i resultaten mellan beräkningsmetoderna skulle härledas. Projektets första mål var att redogöra för skillnaderna i utböjning mellan stabiliseringsmetoderna. Resultatet visade att ledad ram orsakade den största utböjningen. Vidare uppkom den största utböjningen i fallande ordning enligt fast inspänd pelare, inspänd ram, dragstag och slutligen drag-tryckstag. Det andra målet innebar att härleda de skillnader i resultat som handberäkningar och Ramanalys uppvisade som värdera omfattningen på dessa. Grafiska figurer visade att sammantryckningen i staget till en början blev densamma för båda beräkningsmetoderna men att den horisontella utböjningen blev större i Ramanalys. Med ökande last skilde sig även sammantryckningen åt. Skillnaden berodde på att Ramanalys tog hänsyn till krökning i staget. Utöver detta påvisades att Ramanalys beaktade den krökning samt förlängning som skedde i intilliggande balk respektive pelare. Slutsatsen blev att drag-tryckstag var den styvaste metoden och att horisontell utböjning skiljde sig mycket åt beroende på stabiliseringsmetod. Det visades även att handberäkningarna gav missvisande resultat av betydande storlek. Handberäkningar kunde således inte anses vara ett lämpligt tillvägagångssätt vid beräkning av utböjningar för samtliga stabiliserande metoder förutom fast inspända pelare. / The horizontal stabilization often has a big impact regarding the dimension of the supporting framework. If the horizontal forces are not sufficiently counteracted problems can occur when columns and beams get a deflection which is bigger than the margins allow. A common horizontal action occurs when wind hits an outer wall. In this thesis the horizontal deflection caused by a force of wind was calculated and compared for five different stabilization methods. These five methods consisted of rigid restrained columns, hinged- and rigid restrained frames, tensile rods as well as tensile-compression braces. The music pavilion at Backens rectory was constructed with tensile-compression braces because it was the stiffest stabilization method in that case. The construction department at Tyréns consultancy wanted to know how big the differences in deflection was compared to the methods mentioned above. Measurements, angels and cross sections was modified from the reference building to better fit the purpose of this project. The calculations were made by hand and with the calculation program Frame Analysis, where also differences in the results between the two calculation methods would be derived. The projects main aim was to describe the differences in deflection between the stabilization methods. The result showed that the hinged frame caused the biggest horizontal deflection. Further the biggest deflection that emerged in descending order accordingly; rigid restrained columns, rigid restrained frames, tensile rods and finally tensile-compression braces. The second aim was to derive the differences shown in the results when calculations was carried out by hand and with Frame Analysis as well as evaluate the extent of the differences. The graphic figures made showed that the compressive strain on the brace was the same with both methods to begin with, but the horizontal deflection was bigger in Frame Analysis. With increasing load, the compressive strain also differed. The difference is due to Frame Analysis regard of the curvature that appears in the brace. In addition, Frame Analysis also took in account the curvature that occurred in the beam in which the load was assumed led through. Besides this it was shown that Frame Analysis payed attention to that the column to which the brace was connected got a vertical extension that affected the deflection. The conclusion was that tensile-compression braces was the stiffest method and that horizontal deflection differed a lot depending on stabilization method. It was also shown that calculations made by hand gave misleading results of significant size and could not be considered a suitable approach when calculating deflections on any stabilization methods besides rigid restrained columns.

This thesis examines the EU´s framing of its climate policies before and during the Covid-19 crisis. Based on previous research concerning economic crises and climate policy in the EU, it is expected that environmental policy will be downgraded in importance or set aside during a severe crisis. The research question is analyzed through a frame analysis of official EU documents concerning climate and economic recovery from the Covid-19 crisis. The thesis finds that the European Union mostly frames its climate policies in terms of a ‘green transition’, by means of a ‘just transition’ and by principles of a ‘circular economy’, before and during the Covid-19 crisis. The results suggests that the Covid-19 crisis has not weakened, or substantially changed the framing of climate policies in the EU, at the time of writing. In contrast, the crisis is often framed as an opportunity to accelerate the transition towards a sustainable society. The comprehensive set of policies; the European Green Deal, the role of the Commission as a policy entrepreneur, and the increased public support for climate action are discussed as explanatory factors to why the Covid-19 crisis has not caused climate policy to be downgraded or side-lined on the political agenda.

<p>Validerat; 20140619 (global_studentproject_submitter)</p>

In Ontario, as in many other provincial, state, and national jurisdictions, the government has come to play a significant role in shaping the curriculum taught in public schools. The curriculum, in this sense, is a matter of public policy. In educational research, however, there is a surprising lack of literature analyzing the curriculum as policy. This thesis engages with this gap in the literature through a multifaceted analysis of four successive versions of Ontario’s key curriculum policy document on the education of public secondary students as citizens. In analyzing this document, my emphasis is on how it frames citizenship, which I understand here as the desired relationship between the individual, the society, and the state. Methodologically, this thesis is a hybrid of deductive and inductive analytic approaches. The deductive element consists of an analysis of theoretical literature to develop a typology of the dimensions of citizenship—political, public, juridical, economic, and cultural. The inductive element consists of qualitative analyses of both the four versions of the curriculum policy document and a selection of interviews with teacher candidates who taught courses from this document. My findings reveal a gradual shift in the framing of citizenship in the curriculum over a twenty-year period, with active participation in local or national public life becoming eclipsed in favour of an individualized emphasis on economic participation and juridical responsibilities. While the teacher candidates interviewed reveal a willingness to creatively reinterpret the curriculum, they also describe how they are constrained by a network of other policies that effectively discourage active forms of citizenship. In conclusion, I suggest that future revisions of the curriculum policy document should place greater emphasis on active forms of citizenship in order to bring greater balance to citizenship education policy in Ontario.

This diploma thesis entitled "Social Pro-choice movement in Ireland and Switzerland" aims to gain insight into Pro-choice organizations as a social movement in the Republic of Ireland and Switzerland. At first I tried to define what I actually mean by term "pro-choice". I also outlined some of the definitions of social movements and theories that deal with social movements and give an insight into their research. The next chapter is already devoted to the Ireland. Here I present a brief history of the republic, political system, economy, language, religion, and especially the history of the abortion law. In the next subsection about Pro-choice organizations I am writing about the creation and development of Pro-choice organizations in this country. And finally there is also the research part of this work, which is focusing on the frame analysis of the leaflets. The third chapter focuses on Switzerland. In this section are the same chapters focused on the history, politics, economics, language, religion, history, abortion law history, Pro- choice organizations history and the frame analysis. In the last chapter, I compared these two countries from the point of view of the frame analysis, their success and I could not ignore the political and cultural system. Key words: social movement, Pro-choice,...

Representations have a significant part in our everyday lives as they shape our understanding of the world and are related to the construction of knowledge and the formation of social relations between different cultural groups. Previous studies have questioned the objectivity of news media and representations and argued that representations are not as objective as they often claim to be. Conscious and unconscious choices such as what is to be emphasized, included, excluded, choices of words, examples, metaphors, the journalist's background and more are examples of what makes the neutrality and objectivity of news reporting questionable. This argument is further strengthened by emphasizing that news production and its consumption is neither isolated nor independent and is influenced by different levels of power. The production of news is therefore a complex interaction between different stakeholders that influence what is interesting and newsworthy to be published because in the end, news is a product to be sold. This study examines the geographical representation of North Korea in the news media with a frame perspective. Framing has in this study been interpreted as a way of representing and is understood as a framework that frames a news subject and sets the tone on how the news subject can be interpreted and understood by the receiver. The empirical data, collected from two Swedish and two South Korean digital newspapers from two time periods, April 2017 and April 2018, were analyzed using a combination of a frame analysis and a content analysis. The conclusion of this study is that there are to some extent differences on how the news media in Sweden and South Korea choose to frame North Korea. During the two time periods, the Swedish news medias makes generally a more negative representation of North Korea compared to the South Korean news medias. But overall are the frames used by the news media in both countries reflected by the situation in North Korea and the world.

Climate change is opening opportunities for further extraction of natural resources and business in the Arctic, which is why the region is more desirable to a variety of actors, including the European Union (EU). Even though the EU is not a permanent observer in the Arctic Council, the EU Member States, Sweden and Finland, are. Henceforth, this thesis is an explorative comparative case study with the aim to investigate the EU's role in Arctic affairs, and if the EU's interests overlap and/or challenge the interest of the two EU Member States. It explains this through the theoretical approaches of liberalism (cooperation) and realism (confrontation). The material under investigation is the Arctic policies of the EU, Sweden, and Finland. The Arctic policies are analyzed based on the three priorities of the EU's Arctic policy: (1) International cooperation on Arctic Issues, (2) Climate change and safeguarding the Arctic Environment, and (3) Sustainable development in and around the Arctic by conducting a frame analysis. The findings of the study show that the EU frames itself as a ‘helping hand’ in the Arctic, meanwhile Sweden and Finland do not fully agree with this picture. Concluding that the EU does not show any attempt to challenge its Member States' interests in the Arctic. It also shows all three actors on one side have a very liberal frame for international cooperation, but on the other side have visible elements of a more realistic frame in terms of sustainable development.

The United States is for the first time 100 years potentially facing a peer in the international Arena. China’s rise has been significant over the last 20 years, and they are now able to rival the United States in many areas. How then, will the long dominant United States react to the rise of China, how does it view it as a threat. Utilizing a content analysis approach including threat framing and assessment of threat perception intensity this study seeks to answer the question of how the United States view China as a threat. The result of the analysis indicates an intensification of threat perception of China over time, but then going down again. Obama had the lowest average intensity, trump the highest, and Biden somewhat lower than Trump. The results deepen our understanding of American threat perception and can allow for further research on the subject. / <p></p><p></p>

This thesis illuminates the experiences, motives, and framing process of a cohort of homebirthing women in Tucson, Arizona who embody the collective action frames of the national homebirth movement. A model of birth frame construction, alignment and adoption is presented that expands current theory on social movement framing processes, cognitive liberation, and life politics in health and self-help related movements. The study explores the evolution of homebirth midwifery nationally and locally. It articulates the main collective action frames that argue against standard maternity care and presents the alternatives proffered by the homebirth movement. It presents micro-level experiences of movement pioneers, macro-articulations of movement leaders, respondent's micro-level birth model framing processes; and how "life politics" have changed birth culture in America. Written materials augmented data obtained from in-depth interviews with (n=38) respondents who homebirthed in Tucson between 1970 and 2000. Content analysis was utilized and grounded theory was employed.

Gay/Straight Alliances aimed at providing sexual minority youth and their allies with support, social events, and activism and education opportunities have proliferated in high schools in the United States over the past two decades. This study employs a qualitative, grounded theory approach to examine how sexual minority youth and their allies navigate gender, sexuality, and social movement participation. A year and a half of observation and 16 semi-structured individual interviews were conducted with Gay/Straight Alliance members in a high school setting in the southeastern United States. The study reveals that, through the lens of frame analysis, the G/SA is analogous to larger and more organized social movement organizations. The findings also suggest members often struggle and engage with issues surrounding sexuality, including its origins, coming out as a process, and judgments and evaluations surrounding sex and desire. Additionally, the findings address elements of gender conformity and nonconformity