This thesis deals with the theme of bilateral relations between the EU and Switzerland, focusing on the current phenomenon of migration. The EU and Switzerland cooperate on bilateral sectoral basis, since Switzerland (hence the citizens of Switzerland) does not want to integrate into the European internal market to maintain its sovereignty and autonomy. Within the first series of bilateral agreements between the EU and Switzerland an agreement on free movement of persons was signed, thereby Switzerland opened its labour market to EU citizens. In February 2014, however, the citizens of Switzerland used the institution of direct democracy and adopted by a narrow majority the initiative to stop mass immigration. This step disrupted the agreement on free movement of persons and the complex negotiations started in order to solve this impasse. The aim of the thesis is to evaluate the impacts of immigration on the Swiss economy and the subsequent evaluation of the reasonableness to mitigate the immigration through a citizens' initiative.

This thesis deals with analysis of EU rules on entry and residence on the territory of Member States. These rules are described from the perspective of different groups of people, EU citizens, citizens of EFTA Member States, family members or citizens of Turkey, and also from the perspective of Member States participating in the Schengen Border Area and Member States outside this Area. The core of this thesis consist is the analysis of four key EU rules in this field, namely the Border Code (Regulation 562/2002), the Visa Code (Regulation 810/2009), the 539/2001 Regulation and the 2004/38 Directive, as well as relevant case law of the Court of Justice, that influences the interpretation of the rules in hand significantly. The rules are also assessed from the point of view of principles of legal certainty and legitimacy.

La Traité de Maastricht a institué la citoyenneté européenne. Envisagée initialement comme une conséquence de la nationalité d’un État membre, la notion a connu un développement extraordinaire au travers d’interprétations ambitieuses de la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne. Statut fondamental des ressortissants des États membres, la citoyenneté de l’Union se conjugue avec la liberté de circulation et les droits fondamentaux pour mettre à l’épreuve le statut personnel. Le temps est ainsi venu de s’interroger sur l’aptitude de la citoyenneté européenne à devenir le terreau d’un renouveau de la méthode du droit international privé au sein de l’Union européenne. La citoyenneté de l’Union constitue un fondement à la généralisation d’une méthode de reconnaissance mutuelle en bouleversant le statut personnel / The Maastricht Treaty establishes the European citizenship. Initially conceived as a consequence of Member State’s nationality, the concept has incredibly increased through ambitious exegesis analysis of the Court of Justice of the European Union. Fundamental status of nationals of the member States, EU citizenship brings together and fundamental Rights to improve the personal status. Time has now come to find out if or not the European citizenship will becomes the spring of a new Private international law method for the European Union. European citizenship constitutes the substructure of the globalization of a mutual recognition method, overthrowing the personal status.

<p>The purpose of this research is to examine the impact of liberalisation of trade in services on African LDCs by highlighting the importance of services trade through Mode 4 (temporary movement of natural persons).37 The paper will examine the nature of liberalisation to this Mode under the existing GATS framework, critically analyse the constraints on engaging in negotiations, specifically the national barriers that are hindering this movement, and make suggestions on ways of improving the nature of commitments on movement of natural persons in terms of Mode 4 to favour LDCs as laid down in Article VI of the GATS.</p>

<p>The purpose of this research is to examine the impact of liberalisation of trade in services on African LDCs by highlighting the importance of services trade through Mode 4 (temporary movement of natural persons).37 The paper will examine the nature of liberalisation to this Mode under the existing GATS framework, critically analyse the constraints on engaging in negotiations, specifically the national barriers that are hindering this movement, and make suggestions on ways of improving the nature of commitments on movement of natural persons in terms of Mode 4 to favour LDCs as laid down in Article VI of the GATS.</p>

Cette étude a pour objet principal de présenter une analyse juridique de la libre circulation des ressortissants de pays tiers dans l'UE. La migration et la mobilité des personnes en provenance des pays tiers constituent des thèmes clés pour l’avenir d'un continent européen de plus en plus vieillissant. La présence de ressortissants de pays tiers sur le territoire européen permet d’analyser la relation potentielle des perspectives juridiques de la libre circulation avec les intérêts du marché intérieur. Cette première hypothèse repose en grande partie sur les récentes avancées législatives concernant la mobilité au sein de l'Union. Il est important de préciser que les ressortissants de pays tiers qui voyagent dans l'UE pour des raisons économiques doivent être « mobiles ». Cela suppose « en théorie », selon les dispositions juridiques les plus favorables à la libre circulation, que le législateur européen vise à attirer certains profils de travailleurs sur le territoire de l’UE. Ensuite, cette étude vise à examiner et à souligner l'importance d'assurer la sécurité intérieure au sein de l’UE par rapport à la mobilité des personnes provenant de pays tiers. À cet égard, et en particulier aujourd'hui, tout ressortissant d'un pays tiers qui décide de se déplacer sur le territoire de l'UE, quelle qu’en soit la raison, ne doit pas constituer une menace pour la sécurité intérieure de l'UE. / The main purpose of the doctoral thesis is to provide a legal analysis of the free movement of third-country nationals within the European Union (EU). Migration and mobility of third country nationals represent key topics for the future in Europe. The international migrant population in EU in expected to increase, due to ageing population, impending demographic crisis, global competitiveness and growth, among others. Regarding the presence of third country nationals within European territory, this thesis offers the study of the potential link between provisions on free movement under EU law and the internal market interests. This hypothesis rests to a large extent on the recent legislative developments concerning the mobility of third country nationals within the Union, mainly for persons who travel to the EU for economic reasons. Therefore, «in theory», it is through the most favorable legal provisions on free movement, how the European legislator seeks to attract certain profiles of «mobile workers» from third countries into EU territory. Furthermore, the present thesis tries to examine and underline the importance of guaranteeing the EU internal security with regard to the mobility of third countries nationals. In this respect, and especially these days, any third country national who decides to move into EU territory, for whatever reason, cannot constitute a serious threat to EU public policy or internal security. / La tesis doctoral tiene por objeto principal ofrecer el análisis jurídico de la libre circulación de los nacionales de terceros países en la Unión Europea (UE). La migración y la movilidad de las personas procedentes de terceros países se presentan como temas claves para el futuro de un continente europeo cada vez más envejecido. En relación a la presencia de los nacionales de terceros países en el territorio europeo, por una parte, se analiza en la presente tesis, la potencial relación entre las previsiones jurídicas de la libre circulación con los intereses del mercado interior. Esta primera hipótesis descansa en gran parte, en los recientes avances legislativos relativos a la movilidad dentro de la Unión de los nacionales de terceros países que se desplazan a la UE, sobre todo, por motivos económicos. Por ello, «en teoría», es a través de las previsiones jurídicas más favorables de la libre circulación, como el legislador europeo pretende atraer determinados perfiles de trabajadores «móviles» al territorio europeo. Asimismo, por otra parte, el presente estudio trata de examinar y subrayar la importancia que tiene la garantía de la seguridad interior de la UE en materia de la movilidad de las personas procedentes de terceros países. A este respecto, y sobre todo en la actualidad, cualquier nacional de un tercer país que decide moverse al territorio de la UE, por el motivo que sea, no puede representar una amenaza para la seguridad interior de la UE.

Recently in Britain there has been an on-going discussion on the right of European citizens to move to, work and reside freely in any European Union member-state. British politicians and media, stepping on the significant number of Eastern Europeans who moved to the United Kingdom, articulated a securitising discourse representing them as ‘benefit tourists’ and criminals who threaten the integrity of the welfare system and social cohesion. However, this is only part of the securitisation story. This paper argues that the securitisation of mobile European citizens and, consequently of the right of free movement itself, is used as governmentality in order to allow in the country only those who are needed and keep the rest out, and at the same time to raise support for a renegotiation of the relationship between Britain and the European Union. It will be demonstrated that the securitisation process takes place through policies and everyday practices on the one hand, and through the securitising discourse articulated by politicians and media on the other. Moreover, the possibility of securitisation having a long-lasting effect by creating a security rationale in which all future policies would be embedded is assessed.

Les situations familiales européennes correspondent aujourd’hui à une réalité incontestable qui se traduit, juridiquement, par l’émergence d’un véritable droit international privé européen de la famille, entendu comme l’ensemble des règles de conflit de juridictions et de conflit de lois prévues par l’Union européenne pour s’appliquer aux relations familiales européennes. Face à la nouveauté de la matière et les incertitudes de ses concepts constitutifs, il est nécessaire de procéder à l’analyse des fondements du droit international privé européen de la famille, afin de mieux comprendre la matière et d’être capable de la faire progresser. L’étude de ces fondements révèle la nécessité de l’élaboration d’un droit international privé européen de la famille qui mobilise toutes les méthodes du droit international privé, en les articulant efficacement autour du rôle central de la règle de conflit de lois, véritable pierre angulaire du système Le droit de l’Union est actuellement loin d’un tel système d’ensemble. Il serait pourtant possible de surmonter la situation d’échec du droit de l’Union européenne par un droit international privé européen de la famille qui organise efficacement la pluralité des droits de la famille nationaux, tout en assurant l’effectivité des devoirs familiaux. Pour cela, le droit international privé européen doit intégrer la nécessité du respect des ordres juridiques nationaux et efficacement la mettre en oeuvre par un système de droit international privé articulé autour d’une règle de conflit de lois conçue de façon à tenir compte de l’irréductible dimension nationale du droit de la famille. L’Union européenne, tout en proposant un droit international privé respectueux du concept de pluriel universel, pourrait ainsi (re-)découvrir l’identité pluraliste de l’unité dans la diversité. Et elle pourrait par-là faire émerger progressivement l’identité d’un véritable citoyen européen, qui s’épanouit et s’identifie dans la diversité des droits nationaux et dans la coordination harmonieuse de cette diversité, de façon, non seulement, à ce que chaque droit de la famille national soit le résultat d’un processus démocratique auquel les citoyens directement intéressés participent activement, mais aussi et surtout de façon à ce que chaque Etat membre puisse continuer à défendre ses valeurs nationales essentielles dans le contexte du fédéralisme européen. / European families are nowadays an undeniable reality. This reality is taken into account through the emergence of a genuine European private international family law, understood as the set of rules of conflict of jurisdictions and conflict of laws provided by the European Union to apply to European family relationships. Given the novelty of the subject and the uncertainty of its constituent concepts, it is necessary to analyse the foundations of European private international family law, in order to be able to better understand it and to enhance its operation. The study ofthese foundations reveals the need to develop a European private international family law thatmobilizes all methods of private international law, effectively articulating them around the centralrole of the rule of conflict of laws, the real cornerstone of the system. The European Union is currently far from realising such a comprehensive and coherent system. Nonetheless it would be possible to overcome the failure of the current situation through the development of a European private international family law that effectively organises the plurality of national family rights,while ensuring the effectiveness of family duties. The European private international law should therefore incorporate the need to respect the national legal systems and effectively implement this respect through the elaboration of a system of private international law that is conceived around a rule of conflict of laws designed to take account of the inevitable national dimension of family law. The European Union, while offering a private international law respectful of the concept of a “plurieluniversel”, could hence (re-)discover the identity of the pluralistic unity in diversity. Thus, it could gradually let emerge the identity of a genuine European citizen, identifying herself and himself withthe diversity of national laws and the harmonious coordination of this diversity, not only in order to protect the fact that each national family law is the result of a democratic process in which citizens directly concerned can actively participate, but especially in order to guarantee that each Member State can continue to defend its national core values in the context of European federalism.

L’ « éducation tout au long de la vie », y compris dès la petite enfance, le primaire, le secondaire, la formation professionnelle, l’éducation supérieure et des adultes est devenue une priorité pour l’ONU (ODD 2030 numéro 4) et pour l’UE (moteur de la Stratégie 2020). La Commission envisage un Espace Européen d´Éducation, auprès le succès de l´Espace Européen d´Éducation Supérieur et l´Espace Européen de la Recherche. L´UE a fait de la mobilité son objectif et le programme Erasmus +, après trente ans, a bénéficié à plus de 9 millions de personnes. Pour autant, quels sont les droits dans le domaine de l’éducation des étudiants, parents, apprentis, directeurs d’établissements éducatifs publics et privés, professeurs, et des autres parties prenantes de la société civile (associations, fondations, entreprises) ? D’un point de vue juridique, les États de l’UE doivent suivre les obligations découlant de la DUDH, des Pactes, CDE, l’UNESCO, l’OIT, OMC, UNICEF, entre autres. Les États doivent répondre à ces obligations parmi les Examens Périodiques Universels, et suivre les recommandations du rapporteur spécial sur le droit à l’éducation. « L’acquis communautaire » a modelé le droit à l’éducation. Parmi les droits analysés se trouvent : le droit à la libre circulation des personnes, le droit à la libre prestation des services et d’établissement, des travailleurs, le principe de non-discrimination en raison de la nationalité, de l’égalité des genres, entre autres. Au regard de l’analyse de l’aspect international, de l’aspect européen et de l’aspect des droits de l’homme (application de la Charte des droits de l´homme et de la CEDH et sa jurisprudence), les citoyens de l’UE ont un droit à l’éducation au sein de l’UE comme droit de l’homme « sui generis » original et spécifique de l’UE. / Lifelong learning including early childhood, primary, secondary, vocational training, higher education and adult education has become a priority for the UN (ODD 2030, number 4) and for the EU (the driving force behind the 2020 Strategy). The Commission is considering a European Area of Education, with the success of the European Higher Education Area and the European Research Area. The EU has made mobility its goal and the Erasmus + program for thirty years has benefited more than 9 million people. However, what are the rights in the field of education for: students, parents, trainees, and directors of public and private educational institutions, teachers, and other stakeholders of civil society (associations, foundations, companies)? From a legal point of view, EU States must follow the obligations following from the UDHR, the Covenants, the CRC, UNESCO, ILO, WTO, UNICEF, among others. States must meet these obligations among the Universal Periodic Review, and follow the recommendations of the Special Rapporteur on the Right to Education. The « acquis communautaire » is shaping the right to education. Among the rights analyzed we find: rights of free movement of persons, services and establishment, workers, non-discrimination on grounds of nationality, and gender equality among others. After the analysis of the international aspect, the European aspect and the human rights aspect (application of the EU Charter of fundamental rights and the ECHR and its jurisprudence), EU citizens have a right to education in the EU as human right «sui generis» .

This diploma thesis is focused on taxation of personal income of dependent activity in the Czech republic and Finland. First, the basic context of primary freedoms in European union are defined. Then the relevant legislation concerning taxation of chosen income category in the Czech republic and Finland are described. Using these informations we calculate and compare the tax burden of several model taxpayers in these two countries.