<p>Abstract</p><p>Författaren analyserar i denna uppsats texter om kris, samhälle och säkerhet, vilka producerats och distribuerats</p><p>med stöd från Krisberedskapsmyndigheten.</p><p>Författaren problematiserar att hotet om potentiella, liksom farorna med förverkligade, kriser anses vara så överhängande att en särskild myndighet inrättas med syftet att stärka hela samhällets krisberedskap. Krisberedskapsmyndighetens arbete med samhällets säkerhet betraktas i uppsatsen som en form</p><p>av riskhantering varmed riskerna med krisen ska lindras eller elimineras. Med ett diskursanalytiskt</p><p>förhållningssätt till texterna och genom att använda governmentality-teorin söker författaren analysera hur</p><p>myndigheten beskriver dagens samhälle och dess behov av vissa politiska åtgärder. En av</p><p>Krisberedskapsmyndighetens centrala uppgifter är att bistå med kunskap och stöd för initierandet av privat-</p><p>offentlig samverkan. Författaren beskriver och analyserar därför också vad texterna om samverkan mellan det</p><p>offentliga och det privata innebär för förebyggande krisberedskap och samhällelig säkerhet. En viktig slutsats är att</p><p>när en viss förståelse av samhälle, kris och säkerhet ges företräde på bekostnad av andra perspektiv, begränsas</p><p>också de reella möjligheterna till alternativa sätt att skapa säkerhet.</p>

<p>Tidningen Studentliv ges ut av fackförbundet TCO och kommer ut till alla högskole- och universitetsstudenter i Sverige. Tidningen behandlar bland annat frågor som rör studenter, facket och dessas förhållande till arbete och studier. Tidningen skulle kunna sägas vara ett livsstilsmagasin för studenter som samtidigt har en tydlig facklig prägel.</p><p>I denna uppsats undersöker jag hur tidningen konstruerar in studenten i arbetsmarknads- och utbildningsmässiga kontexter. Jag konstaterar i min analys att detta sker på ett naturaliserande och individualiserande sätt, samt att tidningen genomgående premierar olika expertroller och dessas auktoritet över studenten.</p><p>Studentliv rör sig vidare inom en företagsamhetsdiskurs i detta beskrivande av studenten. Studenten målas upp som en företagsam individ vars hela tillvaro är ett personligt projekt. Denna företagsamhetsdiskurs, menar jag, fungerar som en form av governmentality som arbetar genom tidningen och därmed även genom och på dennas läsare.</p>

Over recent decades several competing descriptions of the media and cultural industries have been put forward. The media and cultural industries have been described as creative industries, copyright industries, and as constitutive of an experience economy. One key element in these descriptions has been the importance of copyright law in a postindustrial economy. The present study is an analysis of an emerging idea of an industry that functions, in part, outside of the market created by copyright law, and by exploiting, or by building markets on top of, digital, cultural and informational commons. The study is about how this idea is expressed in various forms by business organisations, companies, consultants and policymakers. I have invented the concept of the openness industry to denote the businesses that these organisations and policy makers claim are forerunners and promoters of the idea of ‘openness’ as a business model for the media industry. The purpose of the thesis is to analyse the governmentality and ideology of the openness industry. A key element in the idea of the openness industry is that internet users can be persuaded to produce symbolic products for it by other means than the economic incentives provided by copyright. Another key element is the high value placed on single individuals in the creation of economic value; but in contrast to how the copyright industries are thought to be dependent on ‘authors’, the openness industry relies on the ‘entrepreneur’. Previous notions of the media and cultural industries have given publishers and producers of film, music and games a central role.The companies that are seminal to the idea of the openness industry are internet and technology companies.

With a post-structural approach and an analytical focus on processes of governmentality and biopower, this study is concerned with how discourses of health are contextualized in educational practice and interaction between educators and participants in workplace health promotion (WHP) interventions. Of concern are issues of the discursive production, regulation and representation of power, knowledge and subjects as gendered beings in workplace health promotion interventions. The methods for generating data are participant observation, interviews and gathering of documentation pertaining to four different workplace health promotion nterventions. Based on these data, the thesis offers an analysis of the health discourses drawn on in the interventions and the technologies of power and of the self by which the participants are governed and invited to govern themselves in the name of health. It also asks what practices and positions that thus come to be made available or not to the participants. Two health discourses are identified: the biomedical discourse and the wellness discourse. Both discourses are drawn on in all four studied interventions, the biomedical discourse being the dominating discourse drawn on. The biomedical discourse is informed by scientific ‘facts’ and statistics and is underpinned by a notion of risk. The wellness discourse is informed by an understanding of health as a subjective embodied experience and is underpinned by a notion of pleasure. Drawing on these discourses, the responsibility for health is placed with the participants and the healthy participant/employee is constituted as a rationally motivated risk-avoider and disciplined pleasure seeker who is both willing and able to actively make ‘good’ choices regarding their lifestyle. Furthermore, and informed by essentialist and heteronormative ideas about gender, the ideal healthy person is modelled on a male norm, representing women as the deviant Other.

This thesis analyzes the Justice and Development Party government

This thesis examines two aspects of the shaping of school pupils and has its theoretical base in Foucault's concepts of governmentality and conduct of conduct. The initial study deals with the construction of the ideal pupil in two curricula texts from 1969 and 1994. The second focuses on how pupils are constructed and construct themselves in the school context. The method of inquiry is text analysis and group interviews. The curricula study describes pupils' desired competencies in curricula texts today and forty years ago. The study notes that during the last four decades the honest, helpful, patient and considerate subject has been replaced by a responsible, reflective, active and critical subject. A subject with dichotomous competencies is elaborated to show the antithesis to the democratic pupil/member of society. The discussion deals with how the desired competencies may effect schoolwork and the interaction between teachers and pupils, and vice versa.  The second study deals with what a group of pupil talk about, how they do it and who is allowed to talk when. The subject matter is how nine-year-old pupils argue with each other about coming off well in school or failing as a pupil. The results indicate that relations with peers is central for nine-year-old pupils during the school day, and that traditional school work - such as reading and writing, maths and so on -  is not something the pupils pay particularly much attention to. The pupils must learn to master a number of implicit rules about the conduct of a school girl or a school boy. Most pupils learn the prevailing criteria without difficulty, but those who fail in this matter are in one way or another excluded from other children's activities. To position oneself and others is a basic part of the interaction with others and is always in progress. Positioning in this sense is not to be mixed up with social positions and status in more traditional terms. You position yourself and the other as soon as you catch sight of each other by asking yourself: Who am I and who is he/she? This question is strictly tied to here and now in a special context, and continues as long as any kind of interaction exists between two or more people. The children have different techniques for positioning themselves and each other, and use them more or less frequently. Some pupils are more competitive than others and express a more hierarchic idea in their relations to other pupils. Other boys and girls seem to have very little interest in such competition and manage to position themselves without comparing or competing.

Under 1990-talet skedde stora samhällsförändringar inom både ekonomiska och politiska områden. Skolan förändrades från en centraliserad till en decentraliserad organisation. Kommunerna fick ta ett större ansvar för den lokala skolan och mål- och resultatstyrning infördes i förskolan, grundskolan och på gymnasiet. Det uppkom en politisk föreställning om att det föränderliga samhället och den ökade internationella konkurrensen skapar nya förutsättningar på arbetsmarknaden, vilket i sin tur ställer nya krav på kunskaper och utbildning. Begreppet livslångt lärande kom därigenom att framställas som lösningen på hur medborgarna ska klara dessa förändringar. Studien belyser arbetet kring livslångt lärande och individuell utveckling samt hur eleverna i grundskolan ska uppnå målen i läroplanen och kursplanerna. Studien syftar till att undersöka vilka styrningspraktiker som kan ligga bakom hur individen ska utvecklas i skolan för att leva upp till och bli en del av det livslånga lärandet. Detta görs genom att studera olika offentliga dokument och utredningar om den svenska grundskolan. Utgångspunkten är en Foucaultinspirerad diskursanalys med inriktning på perspektivet governmentality. Studien har påvisat att det används olika verktyg och teknologier som ska leda till former av självstyrning, självreglering och kontroll av eleven. I analysen lyfts fram olika styrningspraktiker som används för att skapa det livslångt lärande subjektet, där framförallt lärarens och elevens roll belyses. Bland annat diskuteras individuella utvecklingsplaner och utvecklingssamtal för hur elevens kunskapsbildning och lärande ska förbättras.

During recent years, resilience theory – originally developed in systems ecology – has advanced as a new approach to sustainable development. However, it is still more of an academic theory than a discourse informing environmental politics. The aim of this essay is to study resilience theory as a potential environmental discourse in the making and to outline the political implications it might induce. To gain a more comprehensive knowledge of resilience theory, I study it in relation to already existing environmental discourses. Following earlier research on environmental discourses I define the discourses of ecological modernization, green governmentality and civic environmentalism as occupying the discursive space of environmental politics. Further, I define six central components as characteristics for all environmental discourses. Outlining how both the existing environmental discourses and resilience theory relates to these components enables an understanding of both the political implications of resilience theory and of resilience theory as an environmental discourse in relation to existing environmental discourses. The six central discourse components I define are 1) the view on the nation-state; 2) the view on capitalism; 3) the view on civil society; 4) the view on political order; 5) the view on knowledge; 6) the view on human-nature relations. By doing an empirical textual analysis of academic texts on resilience theory I show that resilience theory assigns a limited role for the nation-state and a very important role for civil society and local actors when it comes to environmental politics. Its view on local actors and civil society is closely related to its relativist view on knowledge. Resilience theory views capitalism as a root of many environmental problems but with some political control and with changing perspectives this can be altered. Furthermore, resilience theory seems to advocate a weak bottom-up perspective on political order. Finally, resilience theory views human-nature relations as relations characterized by human adaptation to the prerequisites of nature. In conclusion, I argue that the empirical analysis show that resilience theory, as an environmental discourse, to a great extent resembles a subdivision of civic environmentalism called participatory multilateralism.

This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

Over the past few decades, there has been a shift in crime control discourses, from an almost exclusive focus on traditional criminal justice objectives and practices, to attention to ‘community’ and a range of strategies that seek to prevent crime and increase safety. Overall, evaluations of the community mobilization approach to crime prevention and safety conclude that these initiatives have generally demonstrated limited long-term impacts on ‘crime’ and safety at the local level. Through the ‘what works’ lens, the limits of the approach have typically been attributed to implementation challenges related to outreach and mobilization, and inadequate resourcing. Through a more critical lens, using studies on governmentality as a starting point, this study examines the mechanisms through which crime prevention and community safety became thinkable as sites of governance in Canada, and more specifically within the Community Development Framework (CDF) in Ottawa (ON). To this end, I conducted an ethnography using a triangulation of data collection methods, including extensive fieldwork and direct participant observation within the CDF. The findings of this ethnography describe in detail how the CDF emerged and unfolded (from 2008 to 2010) from a variety of perspectives. These findings show that the CDF encountered a number of common challenges associated with program implementation and community-based evaluation. However, the lack of progress made towards adhering to CDF principles and reaching CDF goals cannot be reduced to these failures alone. The CDF highlights the importance of locating the community approach to crime prevention within its wider socio-political context, and of paying attention to its numerous ‘messy actualities’. These include the dynamics and repercussions of: governing at a distance and of the dispersal of social control; the neoliberal creation and responsibilization of choice-makers; relations of power, knowledge and the nature of expertise; the messiness of the notion of ‘community’; bureaucratic imperatives and professional interests; the words versus deeds of community policing; and processes relevant to resistance within current arrangements.