Residential crowding is frequently associated with impoverished segments of the population, often living in distressed neighbourhoods, and with detrimental consequences for crowded households. The aim of this thesis is to apply a sociological and historical perspective on residential crowding by analyzing Swedish governmental texts and quantitative survey data. Politically defined welfare standards, as well as the subjective experience of crowding are analyzed and interpreted through sociological welfare and governmentality theory. The arguments justifying the official governmental standards on residential crowding – first formulated in the mid-1930s – are explored in a discourse analysis. The analysis shows that there is a strong link between what is regarded to be appropriate dwelling space and what is regarded to be morally good housing conditions. In the 1930s and 1940s experts’ decided on what was adequate dwelling space, however in the mid- 1980s experts’ ability to decide on dwelling space was highly questioned. Instead it became an individual responsibility to decide on how to reside. Hence, what constitutes morally good and morally bad dwelling conditions is debated and dispersed on many actors. Two parallel discourses on crowding, a ”gentrified” and a “distressed” are further explored by analyzing the data from a survey study. Subjective as well as objective elements are analyzed by relating socio-economic profiles of the crowded residents in a distressed and a gentrified neighbourhood. Despite income differences within the crowded population, depending on what neighbourhood you live in, the crowded residents in all neighbourhoods experience less freedom regarding their dwelling situation than do non-crowded residents. The least amount of freedom is experienced by those who are crowded both according to the Swedish housing standard and according to a subjective measure of crowding.

Svensk förskola står inför stora utmaningar gällande kompetensförsörjningen. Allt för få söker sig till förskollärarutbildningen, samtidigt som det finns krav på att enbart förskollärare – och inte förskolans andra yrkeskategori barnskötare – kan få tillsvidaretjänster. Syftet med denna studie är att bidra med kunskap om hur barnskötarelever konstruerar och förhåller sig till den bild av barnskötarprofessionen som konstrueras i utbildningspolitiska dokument, och om den lokala aktören, Norrköpings kommun, på utbildningsfältet och deras logik och strategi. Studien tar avstamp i Foucaults styrningsmentalitetsteori, i den nyinstitutionella teorins logikbegrepp, och i socialkonstruktivistiska perspektiv som kontextualiserar samhället inom nyliberalismens logik. Studien är kvalitativ och består av intervjuer och dokumentanalys. Analysen visar att barnskötarutbildningen och barnskötarprofessionen konstrueras i speglingen mot förskollärarutbildningen- och professionen, vilket innebär att barnskötare tillskrivs lägre status. Konstruktionen av barnskötare sker även genom att det värde som professionen traditionellt har kopplats till – omsorg – ges mindre och mindre utrymme i utbildningspolitiska dokument, samtidigt som de värden som förskollärarprofessionen kopplas till – utbildning och lärande – får större utrymme. Analysens huvudsakliga poänger visar att Norrköpings kommun rymmer flera logiker som konkurrerar med varandra, och att elever på barnskötarutbildningen har en annan logik och strategi. Det finns en distinkt diskrepans mellan logikerna, både de som förmedlas av respektive aktör, men också inom respektive aktör. På så vis framträder flera olika bilder som inte hänger ihop – ologiska logiker.

A interpretação das relações de poder que articulam técnicas de governo e produção de verdade sobre os sujeitos conduziram Foucault a uma série de genealogias com diferentes perspectivas dessa problemática. Esta dissertação apresenta uma linha de leitura possível desse caminho por meio de dois argumentos principais: o primeiro pretende mostrar que o método genealógico do autor é fundamentado por interpretações de relações de forças. Em seguida, já em um segundo momento, a dissertação expõe, por meio da localização das forças que estão em atividade em cada centro genealógico, como suas pesquisas sobre o dispositivo de sexualidade e o governo das multiplicidades encaminharam Foucault, em percurso dinâmico, para a história da experiência do sujeito ético na Antiguidade. Assim, argumentamos que Foucault não rompe com suas investidas sobre as práticas das relações de poder modernas ao voltar-se para as genealogias das técnicas de si e da arte de viver na Antiguidade, mas estas antes aparecem como desdobramento de problemas já presentes no interior de seus trabalhos do fim da década de 70. A dissertação visa, portanto, situar uma ampla experiência filosófica, que demarca e critica os entraves e alcances históricos das modalidades de relações entre governo dos outros e governo de si e entre verdade e subjetividade. / The interpretation of power relations that articulates techniques of governing and production of truth on individuals conducted Foucault through a series of genealogies with different perspectives of this problem. This thesis presents a possible lecture to this course, and, through locating the powers in activity in each genealogical center, we try to expose how his researches on the dispositive of sexuality and the governing of multiplicities opened a path for the ethical subjects history of experience on antiquity. We argue that Foucault doesnt cease his researches on modern relations of power practice while turning his attention to genealogies of the techniques of the self and the art of living on antiquity, but this aspect shows up as unfolding of problems already presents in his 70s work. We aim for a wide philosophical experience, which marks and critics the deadlocks and the historical ranges of relation modalities between governing of others and governing of the self and between truth and subjectivity.

Esta Tese tem como tema de pesquisa as relações entre crianças e adultos na Contemporaneidade. Caracteriza-se como uma pesquisa do presente que empreende um olhar genealógico para compreender práticas atuais entre os sujeitos infantis e os sujeitos adultos. Este estudo inscreve-se numa perspectiva pós-estruturalista de pensar a Educação e seus contornos, a partir do aporte teórico dos Estudos Foucaultianos, especialmente com as noções de genealogia e governamentalidade. A considerar que, na Contemporaneidade, há deslocamentos nas formas de viver o exercício do governamento infantil, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo compreender as condições de possibilidade que estabeleceram o exercício das práticas, entre crianças e adultos, nos mais distintos espaços, bem como problematizar o sentido que essas práticas assumem no contemporâneo. Para tanto, foram analisados os seguintes documentos, Programas e Leis: Declaração dos Direitos da Criança (1959), Constituição Federal (1988), Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (1990), Programa Primeira Infância Melhor (2006) e Lei Menino Bernardo (2014). Tal análise possibilita compreender que, na Contemporaneidade, está sendo produzida uma infância de direito e uma infância protagonista. Essas formas de compreender a infância foram consideradas como algumas das condições de possibilidade para as práticas atuais entre sujeitos infantis e adultos. Com o olhar de pesquisador cartógrafo, foram selecionadas e analisadas situações do cotidiano que evidenciaram deslocamentos do exercício de governamento entre crianças e adultos, movimento que foi nomeado nesta Tese como infantocracia. / This thesis has - as a research theme - the relationships between children and adults in the Contemporaneity. It is characterized as a current research, which adopts a genealogical point of view to understand current practices between infant and adult subjects. This study follows a post - structuralist perspective of thinking about Education and its outlines, based on the theoretical contribution of Foucault Studies, especially through the notions of genealogy and governmentality. Considering there is a movement in the ways of practicing children's governance, in contemporaneity, this research aims at understanding the conditions of possibility that established these practices, between children and adults, in the most distinct spaces, as well as questioning the meaning that these practices assume in the contemporary. Therefore, the following documents, Programs and Laws were analyzed: Declaração dos Direitos da Criança (1959), Constituição Federal (1988), Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (1990), Programa Primeira Infância Melhor (2006) e Lei Menino Bernardo (2014). This analysis made it possible to understand that, in the Contemporaneity, a rights childhood and a leading childhood were produced. These forms of understanding childhood were considered as being some of the conditions of possibility for the current practices among children and adults. Through the view of researcher cartographer, we selected and analyzed everyday situations that evidenced this movement of the exercise of governance between children and adults, a movement that was named in this thesis as infantocracy. Based on the analyzes, it was possible to affirm that the principle of full protection - noticed in the different studied documents - can be considered a strategy to gather the child population, and that the constitution of these subjects (as protagonists and subjects of rights) is presented as a condition of possibility for the emergence of infantocratic practices. Such practices, taken as central in this study, trigger the formation of flexible, healthy, self-entrepreneurs, and proactive subjects: necessary characteristics for the subjects of neoliberal governmentality. It is also possible to affirm that infantocratic practices constitute a change in the ways of understanding and of living the relationships among children and adults in Contemporaneity, and that they are only achievable thought the grid of intelligibility of the neoliberal governmentality. Therefore, this thesis supported the following statement: from the conditions that established the child as a protagonist and subject of rights - established in the neoliberal political rationality of our time - there are changes in the ways of understanding and of living the practice of governance practices among adults and children, named here as infantocratic practices.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-04T21:02:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 17 / Milton Valente / A presente dissertação enfrentará alguns conceitos fundamentais da obra foucaultiana, tais como o poder, a soberania, a disciplina, a instituição de seqüestro, a vigilância, para aprofundar a análise naquilo que se refere ao tema da arte de governar. Nesse ponto, será a obra de Nietzsche, no recorte que lida com a temática do pecado, chamada a oferecer uma breve contribuição. Das novas formas de poder pastoral, em Foucault, até alcançar o tema do racismo de Estado, serão abordadas as doutrinas da razão de estado e da polícia, a história da verdade no âmbito das práticas judiciárias, o panoptismo e a origem da pena de prisão. Como ponto final, o tema do racismo associado à figura do inimigo – dará suporte a aproximações entre a filosofia foucaultiana e problemas contemporâneos como a violência, a suspensão de direitos de determinados grupos sociais, o recrudescimento das penas e das estruturas e instituições de vigilância e controle social / The presente paper will face some main concepts inserted in the philosophical work of Michel Foucault, such as power, sovereignty, discipline, surveillance, in the way to improve the analysis to what referes to the governing art. At this point, a specific scene of Nietzschean´s philosophy, in wich the theme of the sin takes place, will be added as a brief contribution. Between the new forms of the priest´s power, in Foucault, and the theme of State racism, other subjects will be approached, like the doctrine of State reason, the doctrine of police, the history of truth in the judicial practices, the panopticon, and the origens of the prison penalty. The final issue will face the theme of racism, wich will give support, in association to the notion of enemy, to the dialogue between the mentioned concepts of the foucaultian philosophy and some contemporary issues, connected to subjects such as violence, suspension of rights (from determinated social groups), reinforcement of penaltys, structures and institu

In this dissertation, I illustrate how the governance of archaeology in Turkey from the beginning of the modern state until the present day has shaped knowledge about the past. I analyze development plans, laws, repatriation efforts, UNESCO World Heritage Site nominations, and the distribution of research permits as tools of governmental policies. I also investigate educational structures to demonstrate how state policies have shaped public understanding of the value of archaeology. In its earliest years, as part of its nation building efforts, the Republic encouraged research on cultural diffusion at major Bronze Age sites. Witnessing the use of similar approaches to justify racist claims during World War II, archaeologists in Turkey distanced themselves from political agendas. Throughout the 1950s, practitioners focused solely on studying the human past without privileging other agendas. From the late 1960s - 1990s, state policies emphasized archaeology's touristic value, treating cultural heritage as an economic good. This meant a continued focus on impressive architectural monuments found primarily at Classical sites. Requests to investigate other eras and cultures, including Islamic and Turkish sites as well as regions with multi-ethnic pasts such as southeastern and eastern Anatolia and the Black Sea coast, were limited to restoration and rescue projects. After 2002, the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party) government continued to link archaeology with tourism via World Heritage nominations. It also moved deliberately to use archaeology as a tool of political authority by limiting permits and funds to certain sites and by connecting foreign research permits with strong-arm repatriation tactics. While the number of excavations in previously under-explored areas of the country increased, government policies positioned archaeological sites as strategic chips in international diplomacy. In today's Turkey, archaeology is both an economic and a diplomatic commodity. I demonstrate how the ideal of the discipline as the scientific study of the human past has been exploited to serve political ends. This study serves as both a full historical analysis and also a cautionary tale, illustrating how powerful forces can frame, occlude, and ultimately undermine our collective ability to understand the past.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-09-29T12:33:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Mestre Passini.pdf: 995279 bytes, checksum: 17acf27fbf630e60823d017571468906 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-29T12:33:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Mestre Passini.pdf: 995279 bytes, checksum: 17acf27fbf630e60823d017571468906 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-22 / This research reaches to draw some reflective lines about coloniality in Brazilian reality, aiming to find where your reproducibility anchors and where the resistance movements in the social sphere are. Starting from concepts such as the Subjectivity Production, the Governmentality and the Unconscious Colonial-Capitalistic, reach to debate coloniality as a model of subjectivation, where governmental, elitist and oligarchical acts promote social maintenance of this subjective trait. In order to explain some governmental and subjective coloniality traits, was made a brief historical study based on work Raízes do Brasil, by Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, in addition to articles that report the performances of Brazilian politicians post-impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. By referencing and connecting the colonial policies practices described in the Holanda book, with the performances of politicians presented in the reports, it searches to explain the complexity of constant update of colonial values in socio-political scenario. In this, apparently crystallized by forms of existence that match the hierarchy of the current cultural grid, we introduce the cinema as a resistance point by its ritualistic capability on rearrenge the forces compositions made presents in this context. To explore this complexity, the film "The Second Mother?", by Anna Muylaert, was chosen because represent parts of the social and affectively movements placed on action in the period undertaken in this research. These are movements that encompass both the maintenance practices of socio-political order, as their contestation and destabilization practices. Recounting the film narrative, expose the layers of perception of the forces placed on clash in filmic plot. As we approach the characters through their experiences, we inhabit positions that our bodies potentially assume, whether in the arraignment of hierarchical maintenance, or in the management of other ways of living. The film, therefore, act as a device capable of assembling the rupture forces of the colonial-capitalistic model updated by social and governmental practices and, in this way, enables fertile space for the proliferation of existential territories that are not allowed to exist by the same modelling / A presente pesquisa busca traçar algumas linhas reflexivas acerca da colonialidade na realidade brasileira, objetivando encontrar onde se ancora sua reprodutibilidade e onde se fazem seus movimentos de resistência na esfera social. Partindo de conceitos como Produção de Subjetividade, Governamentalidade e Inconsciente Colonial-Capitalístico, procura-se pensar a colonialidade como um modelo de subjetivação, em que atos governamentais, elitistas e oligárquicos promovem a manutenção social desse traço subjetivo. Com o intuito de explanar sobre alguns traços da colonialidade governamental e subjetiva, é feito um breve estudo histórico embasado na obra Raízes do Brasil, de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, e em reportagens que relatam as atuações dos políticos brasileiros pós-impeachment de Dilma Rousseff. Ao referenciar e conectar as práticas políticas coloniais descritas no livro de Holanda com as atuações dos políticos apresentadas pelas reportagens, busca-se explicitar a complexidade da atualização constante dos valores coloniais no cenário político-social. Nesse cenário, aparentemente cristalizado por formas de existir que correspondem à hierarquia da grade cultural vigente, buscou-se o cinema como ponto de resistência, por esse apresentar certa potencialidade ritualística na recomposição das forças que se presentificam em tal contexto. Para explorar essa complexidade, o filme Que Horas Ela Volta?, de Anna Muylaert, foi escolhido por representar social e afetivamente parte dos movimentos colocados em ação no período de realização desta pesquisa. Trata-se de movimentos que englobam tanto as práticas de manutenção da ordem político-social vigente quanto as práticas de contestação e desestabilização. Recontando a narrativa do filme, expõem-se as camadas de percepção das forças colocadas em embate na trama fílmica. Ao nos aproximarmos dos personagens, habitamos, através de suas vivências, posicionamentos que assumimos potencialmente em nossos corpos, seja na denúncia da manutenção hierárquica, seja no agenciamento de outros modos de viver. O filme passa, portanto, a atuar como um dispositivo capaz de agenciar forças de ruptura à modelação colonial-capitalística atualizada pelas práticas sociais e governamentais e, desta maneira, possibilita espaço fértil para a proliferação de territórios existenciais que se encontram impedidos de existir por essa mesma modelação

This PhD research explored how neoliberal governmentality influenced the UK charity SportHelp and its youth sport programmes. Despite charities being significant providers of non-formal education for young people in the UK, there has been limited work exploring how the neoliberal landscape shapes these organisations and their programmes in practice. Therefore, this thesis addresses this gap in knowledge by a) furthering the limited literature on charities and their operation, b) providing an empirical illustration of how neoliberal governmentality functions, and c) contributing to the ongoing debate about the purpose of non-formal education in the neoliberal marketplace. This case study research focused on a single charity – SportHelp – whose remit is to improve socio-economically disadvantaged young people’s lives through the provision of sport. Over a 9-month period, data were collected through semi-structured interviews with a selection of SportHelp’s managers, coaches, and young people. Furthermore, participant observations of three coaching sessions (featuring previously interviewed coaches and young people) were undertaken to complement the interviews. The data were subsequently analysed using thematic analysis. Findings suggest the neoliberal landscape shaped SportHelp and its youth sport programmes profoundly. To maximise its chances of economic survival, SportHelp re-configured itself into a ‘quasi-market’. In doing so, it adopted a deficit-reduction approach towards improving young people’s lives: the charity assumed socio-economically disadvantaged young people were inherently ‘deficient’ (because of their lower socio-economic status) and required ‘fixing’. Using sport, SportHelp coaches ‘fixed’ young people’s personhood by instilling the neoliberal values of individual responsibility, discipline, and life skills. These values were readily internalised by young people because SportHelp operates in the realm of non-formal education; a space where coaches could foster passion, relationships, and a sense of belonging.

A presente pesquisa teve por objetivo problematizar os combinados, essa prática aparentemente comum na educação de criança pequena, aquela da educação infantil e dos anos iniciais do ensino fundamental. A análise foi realizada a partir de alguns escritos foucaultianos, bem como de autores que se valem deste, em torno de conceitos como governamentalidade, sujeito e relações de saber-poder e se debruça sobre os discursos produzidos pela Revista Nova Escola (1996 a 2015) ao utilizar tal prática, observando o modo como esse periódico opera para que tais discursos se tornem regimes de verdade. Consequentemente, a dissertação também envolveu uma releitura de teóricos construtivistas que, de certa forma, estão envolvidos nas teorias e nos discursos que possibilitaram a conjectura para que os combinados se tornassem parte da prática cotidiana das escolas. No contexto acima exposto, a pesquisa problematizou as receitas contidas em alguns dos conteúdos dos periódicos, as condutas dos professores (leitores da revista) no que se refere à produtividade para incluir tal prática em seus planos de aula, a representação da palavra combinado para as crianças e, principalmente, como todos esses sujeitos (professores, alunos, orientadores etc.) podem tornar-se reprodutores dos mesmos discursos. A análise envolveu também investigar se, e como, os combinados se tornaram regimes de verdade; como podem estabelecer determinadas formas de relações de poder; e como contribuem para que o aluno seja visto como sujeito moderno, racional, essencial, que se autogoverna. / This research aimed to problematize and discuss the \"agreements\" which is apparently a common practice in child education of early childhood and in the early years of primary school. The analysis was carried out from some Foucault scholars, as well as writings of authors who use this around the concepts such as governmentality, subject and know-power to study the discourse produced by the Magazine Nova Escola (1996 to 2015) observing how it works in order to become real schemes. Consequently, this dissertation also involved the rereading of constructivist theorists who are involved in the theories and discourses that made it possible to conjecture the agreements to become part of the daily practice in schools. In the context above, the survey discussed the \"recipes contained in some of the contents of the journals, the conduct of teachers (readers of the magazine) as regards the productivity to include this practice in their lesson plans, the representation of the words agreed for children and, primarily, as all these subjects (teachers, students, counselors, etc.) can become players of the same speeches. The analysis also involved investigating whether, and how, the agreements became real regimes and how they can establish powerful relationships and how they help the students to be seen as modern, rational and self-governed beings.

Recent years have witnessed an increase in the phenomenon of highly publicized trial in China. There have been studies exploring the relationship between the media and the political system, especially the judicial system in China. Scholarship on this topic has shown that the Chinese media are playing an increasingly important role in sustaining the regime. Specifically, they are becoming more influential over the outcomes of court cases and have developed to one of the most important actors in China's legal system (Wang & Tan, 2008; Liebman, 2005, 2010; Stockmann &Gallagher, 2011). The media-court relationship provides insights into China's politics, and more importantly, reflects the logics and rationale behind the Communist Party-state's governance. This thesis aims to contribute to existing knowledge on the functioning of the Chinese judicial system using as a case study, the trial of Yao Jiaxin, a young man prosecuted for a particularly heinous murder. This case study explores the dynamic relationship between the media and the courts in China under the framework of the “governmentality” of the Chinese Communist Party. The findings showed that the relationship between the media and the courts is changing, and the public has become an important actor in this relationship. As such, both the media and the courts are now more responsive to public opinion. This new dynamic is attributed to China’s evolution to a governmentality of “soft authoritarianism,” which is enabled by the Internet, mainly online forums and social media platforms in China. However, Yao’s case also suggested some limitations of China’s governmentality. First, social actors including the media and the court are facing challenges in achieving a balance between being responsive to the public and maintaining their professional integrity. Secondly, “soft” authoritarianism is only a means to an end, not an end in itself. Individual interests are expected to be sacrificed for the sake of collective interests under this governmentality.