The purpose of the study was to explore the rehabilitation of ex-combatants who fought the Zimbabwe liberation war, thus to find out if these ex-combatants received counseling and were resettled or reintegrated within the period 1990 to 1995. In order to maintain focus the aims of the study were set out as follows: • to focus on rehabilitation which encompasses taking care of the ex-combatants who were disabled and or injured during the war, as well as counseling, reintegrating and resettling them and • to explore whether the ex-combatants who were demobilized and those who opted for a civilian life were rehabilitated. • to explore if the ex-combatants were reintegrated. • to understand how the ex-combatants were coping with their lives and • to discover how they perceived their support from the government at the time of their demobilisation. The study concentrated on ex-combatants in Gweru, who were to be rehabilitated from 1990 to 1995. In-depth face-to-face interviews were conducted to achieve the objectives set out for the study. The results of the study indicate that there was no rehabilitation, counseling, resettlement and real integration. The findings clearly indicate that these ex-combatants still think of being resettled, allocated good land for farming. They went on to suggest being paid pension by the government and to have their children employed, educated and supported by the government.

No description available.

Esta tesis intenta demostrar que El rumor del incendio y Proyecto 1980-2000: el tiempo que heredé, obras de teatro testimonial de segunda generación, permiten abordar críticamente las narraciones sobre la violencia política a partir de la confrontación con historias de vidas particulares. Así, esta tesis busca probar que la resignificación del pasado se realiza desde estrategias teatrales específicas que separo en tres rubros: palabra, cuerpo y el tratamiento en escena del material de archivo, a partir de la no-ficcionalidad inherente a la forma testimonial. El cuerpo y la palabra del performer, junto con el archivo, son combinados y resignificados según la carga afectiva que conllevan para desestabilizar la lectura de la memoria cultural oficial por parte del espectador. En este sentido, la enunciación desde el artista como testigo que escoge su historia propia como materia prima de creación es relevante para el discurso artístico, y también se relaciona con la memoria cultural. / Tesis

Despite radical differences in their political commentary, Amiri Baraka and V.S. Naipaul’s literary careers have obsessively centered on the divided Self of the colonized artist. Esther Jackson argues that Baraka’s “search for form” becomes “symbolic of a continuing effort to mediate between warring factions within the perceiving mind” (38). Similarly, many critics have interpreted Naipaul’s grave manifestos as the outpourings of a writer disenchanted with his own past and national identity. For Selwyn Cudjoe, Naipaul’s work is “reflective of a man who failed to discover any psychological balance in his life” (172-173). This thesis analyzes how Amiri Baraka’s Dutchman and V.S. Naipaul’s Guerrillas engage with various fairy tale conventions in order to narrate the colonized victim’s divided Self. These narratives ultimately function as anti-fairy tales, revealing the black protagonist’s accursed position in the symbolic order. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2014. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

FundaÃÃo de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Cearà / A presente pesquisa expÃe aÃÃes do movimento de Arte ativista ELAS (Escola Livre de Arte subversiva), para pensar como se dà o processo de Arte, ResistÃncia e EducaÃÃo hoje, atravÃs de artistas, de coletivos e de movimentos de Arte. à por meio da cartografia que estabelecemos uma ligaÃÃo da Arte em processo, com a ResistÃncia Ãs metodologias de pesquisa tradicionais, e à elaboraÃÃo de prÃticas artÃsticas que sÃo limitadas por editais do Estado, e de empresas privadas, que exercem seus poderes em torno dos temas e de outras demandas que exigem para as experimentaÃÃes dos artistas. Problemas de como se dà a relaÃÃo de Arte, instituiÃÃes e mercadoria, de como pensar a ResistÃncia Ãs ârelaÃÃes de poderâ atravÃs das artes, e de como criar novos modos de existÃncia partindo da criaÃÃo, da reinvenÃÃo da EducaÃÃo, do olhar crÃtico em torno das âSociedades de controleâ (conceito pensado por Deleuze), sÃo colocados em discussÃo durante todo o trabalho. Em quase um ano de intervenÃÃo junto ao ELAS, vÃrias ideias e problemas foram pensados e muita Arte foi realizada, numa tentativa de se fazer guerrilha, de criar mundos e de compor vidas, com as prÃticas artÃsticas que buscam inquietar, desterritorializando o sistema educacional tradicional, numa preocupaÃÃo Ãtica e social com o mundo que se faz presente. E num certo erotismo de engajamento polÃtico, a Arte que à produzida dentro de coletivos (onde, na dÃcada de 90, houve uma explosÃo destes coletivos, no Brasil) como no ELAS, com as inspiraÃÃes vindas desde à dÃcada de 30, tÃm nos feito buscar o que se pode ter como livre, em oposiÃÃo Ãs relaÃÃes desenvolvidas no sistema capitalista, pensando e compondo uma âestÃtica da existÃnciaâ, colocada por Foucault (1994), e que podemos visualizar na obra de Hakim Bey(2005) em Zonas AutÃnomas temporÃrias(TAZ) e de Luther Blisset (2001) nas criaÃÃes de mito, em âguerrilhas psÃquicasâ, em aÃÃes de furto como no coletivo Yomango , e âterrorismos poÃticosâ, prÃticas que questionam as relaÃÃes de poderes, e que sÃo formas criativas, subversivas, impactantes e novas, de se fazer polÃtica e de se viver a prÃpria vida. / This research study presents the actions of the activist artistic movement ELAS (Free School of subversive art) in order to reflect about the way in which the process of art, resistance and education takes place today through artists, artistic collectives and movements. It is through cartography that we establish a link between the art in progress, with its resistance to the traditional research methodologies, and the elaboration of artistic practices that are limited by the State and by private companies, that use their power to influence the subject matter and other demands upon artistic experimentation. The following questions are discussed during the entire project: the current relation between art, institutions and the market, how to conceive the resistance to power through the arts, the construction of new ways of existence departing from the creation process, the reinvention of Education, of the critical view of societies of control ( concept introduced by Deleuze), among others. In almost a year of happenings with ELAS, many ideas and problems were reflected upon and a huge amount of art was made, with the intent of making guerrilla, of creating worlds and composing lives, with artistic practices that aim to awaken, expropriating the educational system, in an ethical and social concern with the world that becomes present. And in a certain eroticism of politicalinvolvement, the art produced in collectives ( there was an explosion of these collectives in Brazil during the 90âs) like ELAS, with inspirations originating since the 30âs, has made us look for what can be seen as free, in relations within contemporary society, looking at the way we take care of ourselves through an existence esthetic, denominated by Foucault, and that can also be seen in Hakim Beyâs work in Temporary Autonomous Zones (TAZ), in the creation of myth, in psychic guerrillas, in actions of theft like the ones of the collective Yomango, in poetic terrorisms; all of these practices that question the power relations, and creative, subversive, new and impacting ways of doing politics and living your own life.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2004. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 151-154).

This article studies the ideology which oriented the revolutionary activity of the guerrillas in Peru in 1965. The article argues that in those areas where there were strong peasant organizations the guerrillas were not successful because they were viewed as outsiders. The social and ideological composition of the principal actors (the peasants and the guerrillas) are analyzed, as well as the interaction between the two. The article aims to provide a new reading of the radical leftist guerrilla movements which arose in the mid-sixties. / La ideología que guió la acción revolucionaria de las guerrillas en el Perú en 1965 es el tema del presente artículo. Este sostiene que en aquellas zonas donde hubo una fuerte organización campesina, la guerrilla no tuvo éxito porque fue vista como un elemento externo. En el texto se analizan la composición social e ideología de los principales agentes sociales (campesinos y guerrilleros) y la interacción entre ambos. En suma, se trata de una nueva lectura del accionar de los grupos de izquierda radical a mediados de la década de 1960.

[pt] A dissertação visa relatar e analisar o fracasso do processo de paz realizado na Colômbia, durante o governo do presidente Andrés Pastrana, entre os anos de 1998 e 2002. A realidade local constituía-se num drama humanitário cuja solução se mostrava contrária à sustentação de mitos como o de uma democracia política estável ou o da pobreza como a principal causa da violência. O firme desígnio de resolver pacificamente a luta armada exigia que se levasse em consideração a natureza complexa e instável do Estado, a identidade dos atores armados, a realidade do agravamento da crise social e a difícil conciliação entre os interesses internos e externos. O empreendimento conduzido pelo presidente Andrés Pastrana era objeto da área de estudos de resolução pacífica de conflitos, cujas lentes conceituais foram as escolhidas como ferramenta para leitura e interpretação dos fatos. Esta literatura lida com o contexto sócio-político no qual se desenvolvia o enfrentamento armado, abrangendo as várias características específicas deste contexto. Ela preconizava o reconhecimento mútuo e a flexibilização das exigências, para que a negociação apresentasse avanços. O colapso do processo de paz colombiano, entre outros aspectos, tornou evidentes os obstáculos para a transformação do conflito. Sequer conseguiu-se fazer que os dois lados presentes à negociação renunciassem ao uso das armas. Decorridos aproximadamente quatro anos de negociação entre o governo e as FARC, os esforços não lograram substituir uma histórica, vivaz e destrutiva experiência por outra, construtiva e benéfica, a qual poderia ter se sobressaído na eventual assinatura de um acordo de paz. / [en] This essay is an account and an analysis of the failure of the Colombian peace process that took place during the presidential mandate of Andrés Pastrana from 1998 through 2002. The local reality actually became an humanitarian crisis whose solution necessarily involved abandoning shattered myths such as that of a stable democracy or that of poverty as the main root of endemic violence. The strong will to solve the armed conflict in a peaceful way has lead to reflection on the complex and unstable nature of the Colombian state, the true character of the quarrelling actors, the deepening of the social crisis and the tricky conciliation between internal and external interests. President Pastrana´s initiative falls into the area of studies of peaceful conflict resolution. The reading and interpretation of the facts will therefore be undertaken through the lenses of the literature on peaceful conflict resolution. That literature deals with the issue of the socioeconomic context in which the armed struggles occur, including its specifics. It also recommends mutual political recognition among parties and increasingly flexible demands in order to spur the smooth advance of the negotiation. The ultimate collapse of the Colombian peace process exposed the multiple obstacles to a solution to the civil war. It was not even possible to persuade either party to drop weapons. After four years of negotiations between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia had passed, all these efforts were not enough to replace an ago-old, historical, and destructive social experience for a new, constructive, and beneficial experience. Such a new reality could have been possible if a peace accord had been reached.

This study is a survey of war names adopted by guerrillas during the Zimbabwean conflict (1966-1979). The study collects, describes and analyses war names that were used by ZANLA guerrillas in the conflict. It explores onomastic patterns and processes that influenced these war names. Names collected from textual sources and from interviews of former guerrillas are analysed and classified into nine categories. One of the main findings is that the background of the namer influenced the naming patterns and processes identified in the study. Another finding is that most guerrillas named themselves and it was also observed that some guerrillas have retained their names. The findings, analysed within the theoretical framework developed earlier from the onomastic and identity theories, indicate that the war name plays a vital role not only in concealing the old identity of the guerrilla but also in creating new identities, which were used as weapons for challenging the enemy and contesting space. Onomastic erasure and resuscitation are proposed as partial explanation for the creation of some war names. The study contributes to onomastic research not only in that it has produced a large corpus of war names that can be used for further research in that it is a significant point of reference in onomastic research in Zimbabwe and in southern Africa, especially in the area of nicknames and war names. It also lays the foundation for further research on the role of naming patterns and processes in peace building and conflict resolution in Zimbabwe, on the southern African subcontinent and elsewhere. / Thesis (D. Litt et Phil.)

This study is a survey of war names adopted by guerrillas during the Zimbabwean conflict (1966-1979). The study collects, describes and analyses war names that were used by ZANLA guerrillas in the conflict. It explores onomastic patterns and processes that influenced these war names. Names collected from textual sources and from interviews of former guerrillas are analysed and classified into nine categories. One of the main findings is that the background of the namer influenced the naming patterns and processes identified in the study. Another finding is that most guerrillas named themselves and it was also observed that some guerrillas have retained their names. The findings, analysed within the theoretical framework developed earlier from the onomastic and identity theories, indicate that the war name plays a vital role not only in concealing the old identity of the guerrilla but also in creating new identities, which were used as weapons for challenging the enemy and contesting space. Onomastic erasure and resuscitation are proposed as partial explanation for the creation of some war names. The study contributes to onomastic research not only in that it has produced a large corpus of war names that can be used for further research in that it is a significant point of reference in onomastic research in Zimbabwe and in southern Africa, especially in the area of nicknames and war names. It also lays the foundation for further research on the role of naming patterns and processes in peace building and conflict resolution in Zimbabwe, on the southern African subcontinent and elsewhere. / Thesis (D. Litt et Phil.)