A presente tese de doutorado intenciona analisar os processos sociais que possibilitaram a ascensão de descendentes de escravos como possuidores de terra em contextos pós-coloniais. O debate ora suscitado busca eleger como foco de reflexão as relações que produzem discursos de verdade, nos quais antigos rendeiros (Cabo Verde) e quilombolas (Brasil) não se constituem facilmente na figura de proprietários. As teorias do estado de exceção leem esses fenômenos de oscilação política como uma forma peculiar de resguardar a segurança pública em um paradigma arbitrário de governo. Sendo assim, serão apresentados argumentos que vislumbrem a insegurança fundiária nos dois países em um quadro complexo do referido estado de exceção que mescla elementos étnicos e políticos. Neste fulcro, serão apresentados dois universos rurais: São Salvador do Mundo (Cabo Verde) e Canguçu, Quilombo Maçambique (Brasil) - o primeiro assistiu às fortes disputas territoriais entre morgados e rendeiros, passando pelo projeto de reforma agrária e, atualmente, encontra-se sob a posse de pequenos agricultores; o segundo experimentou as variadas transformações históricas no que se refere à questão fundiária sulina, bem como concentrou em seu espaço territorial um grande número de trabalhadores escravos no séc. XIX. As duas localidades partem de contextos sociais de trabalho subalternizado por proprietários brancos, porém encontrando destinos raciais diversos, oferecendo materiais etnográficos densos para trabalhar a questão teórica “terra-segurança”. / This doctoral thesis intends to analyze the social processes that enabled the rise of the descendants of slaves as having land in postcolonial contexts. The debate raised now seeking election as a focus for reflection relations that produce discourse of truth, in which former tenants (Cabo Verde) and maroon (Brasil) are not easily figure of the owners. Theories of the state of exception read these oscillation phenomena in politics as a peculiar form of protecting public safety in a paradigm of arbitrary government. Thus, arguments are presented that envisage tenure insecurity in both countries in a complex picture of that state of exception that ethnic and political mix. This core will be presented two rural universes: the São Salvador do Mundo (Cabo Verde) and Canguçu, Quilombo Maçambique (Brasil) - the first attended the strong territorial disputes between heirs and tenants, through the agrarian reform project and currently is under possession of small farmers, the latter tried the various historical transformations in relation to the southern land issue, and focused on their territorial space a large number of slave laborers in the century. XIX. The two locations run by social contexts of work subalternizado by white owners, but finding racially diverse destinations, offering dense ethnographic materials to work the theoretical question "land-security."

Private property in the United States arose out of a tradition that emphasized the individual freedom to control holdings without interference from governmental influences. A sharp distinction between society as a whole and individual rights isolated ownership of private property from a notion of the common good. This dualistic framework excludes the possibility for forms of property that do not fall completely into either category. Property ownership attitudes are central to issues that often divide environmentalists and landowners. Property rights must be put in the context to understand the divergence between landowner attitudes and provisions made when the institution of private property was created. Finally, land itself as a type of property should be considered ethically distinct from other forms of property because of the interdependencies of human and nonhuman interests that the science of ecology has revealed.

Denna multipla fallstudie behandlar hur kommuner implementerar de bostadssociala målen i sina markanvisningar. Sveriges befolkning växer och fler bostäder behöver byggas för att människor ska ha någonstans att bo. Bristen på bostäder får stora konsekvenser både på individnivå och för samhället i stort när bostadsbristen hämmar samhällsutvecklingen. De som drabbas hårdast av detta är de med låg inkomst, studenter, ungdomar, pensionärer, socialt utsatta och nyanlända. För att skapa rätt förutsättningar för alla invånare i kommunerna ska målen för bostadsförsörjningen beskrivas i bostadspolitiska program och kopplas till översiktsplanerna (SFS 2000:1383). Behovet av att bygga bostäder för låginkomsttagare är stort, bland andra studenter, ungdomar och äldre, kommunerna kan genom sina markanvisningar ställa krav på byggherrarna om att uppföra sådana bostäder. Syftet med detta arbete är att kartlägga hur två kommuner arbetar med markanvisning för att nå de sociala målen i bostadspolitiken och försöka besvara följande frågeställningar: • Hur kommer de bostadssociala målen gällande studenter, ungdomar samt bostäder för äldre och 55+ till uttryck i markanvisningar? • Hur skiljer sig de bostadssociala målen i markanvisningarna mellan Sundbybergs stad och Täby kommun? De i uppsatsen granskade markanvisningarna visar på att det i kommunerna byggs bostäder för den breda allmänheten men även i viss mån riktat mot grupper med lägre inkomster. Studien visar även att olika politisk styrning påverkar bostadsförsörjningen i olika riktning. Samt att vikten av att ha tydliga mål för bostadsförsörjningen leder till att bostadsbyggandet får en tydlig inriktning. Motsatsvis får avsaknaden av mål för bostadsförsörjningen negativa konsekvenser i form av uteblivna bostäder för ungdomar, studenter och äldre och 55+. / This multiple case study deals with how municipalities implement their housing supply objectives in their land allocations. Sweden’s population is growing and more housing needs to be built for people to have somewhere to live. The lack of housing has major consequences both at the individual level and for society at large when housing shortages hamper social and economic development. Those who are most affected by this are those with low incomes, for example adolescents, students and senior citizens. In order to create the right conditions for all residents in the municipalities, the housing supply objective should be described in housing policy programs and linked to the comprehensive plan (SFS 2000:1383). If there is a need to build residences for lower-income citizens, including adolescents, students and senior citizens, municipalities may, through their land allocations, induce the developers to construct such housing. The purpose of this study is to examine how two municipalities in the greater Stockholm region work with their land allocations to reach the objectives of their housing supply objectives and try to answer the following questions: • How will the housing supply objectives be expressed in land allocations regarding students, adolescents and senior citizens and 55+? • How does the housing supply objectives in the land allocation differ between Sundbybergs stad and Täby kommun? Conclusions from the study show that different political views, where basic principles on how to govern a municipality effectively, lead to, among other things, the housing supply objectives in different paths. One path does not favor those with low income, the other tries to do something. Different political views affect housing construction in Sweden, the question has therefore been raised that housing construction should be handled at the national level.

Thesis (DTh (Old and New Testament))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / This dissertation has explored the Biblical basis for a redefinition of stewardship, and has done so in the light of land ownership customs and ethos in some parts of Africa. It has employed a postcolonial hermeneutics in interpreting Genesis 1:26-28 using also a functional equivalence approach in its translation and exegesis. In chapter one the conceptual scheme is outlined, while providing a highlight of the problem, the hypothesis, the methodology and various definitional terms which feature in the discussion. In chapter two various scholarly views are examined in order to critically assess the criteria for either a humans-above-nature or humans-in-partnership-withnature mindset. The implications of such divergent views have been critically examined. In the third chapter views of African scholars were brought to bear on gerontocracy which has transcended pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial economic and political influences and has sustained an ongoing cultural practice of a “giraffe principle” of stewardship, land ownership and use. In the fourth and fifth chapter, the use of a postcolonial critical hermeneutics in interpretation is rationalised. A functional equivalence approach in translating our pericope into Ogba is used, and then re-read using a postcolonial critical hermeneutics. The imago Dei and the cultural mandate which goes with it has been re-interpreted in line with a hermeneutics that is humane and sensitive to a post-colonial context. In the sixth chapter a redefinition of stewardship has been attempted, using the fruits of our close reading, functional translation, and the cultural perceptions derived from our empirical research. In the final chapter, a conclusion has been drawn to show how this study contributes to a new appreciation of the concept of stewardship when applied to land ownership and use especially when humans are properly located in a relationship with God and with nature that is ongoing.

This master degree thesis is focused on the rights and obligations of agricultural land owner from the perspective of right. Land belongs to most important sources of planet. Human being cannot alive and exist without agricultural land and cultivation of agricultural land helped to developed modern human civilization. Soil has been threatened on area and as well as quality especially by human, therefore is needed effective legal regulation with a balanced respect for property rights and the public interest in protecting of agriculture land and the environment. The main goal of thesis should be critically analyze on legislation (especially Laws, but also Government Regulations and Notices), regulating the ownerships of agricultural land. After general part of thesis, analyzing ownerships in general follows the interpretation of the ownership of land parcels, supplemented by the system and the development of land registration. The main part of thesis consists of a chapter entitled the rights and obligations of agriculture land owner, which is divided into modes of protection of agricultural land (in terms of area and quality), protection of larger area under Act on the protection of nature and landscape and other laws. The conditions of contemporary agricultural land are dealt in the last chapter of thesis....

The Appalachian Land Ownership Study was a participatory action research project in one of our nation’s poorest regions suffering from absenteeism, poverty, powerlessness, and improper taxation. In discovering who owned the region’s land, the participants sought to organize against the social, economic and environmental injustices imposed on the Appalachian land and people. Most sociological and historical accounts of the Land Study focus on the process of participatory action research and the work of the project’s Task Force. However, over 50 citizen researchers also participated in the study. These citizen researchers encountered rich learning experiences as they struggled against scientific, corporate, and governmental power. The purpose of this oral history study was to discover the learning and experiences of citizen researchers involved with the Appalachian Land Ownership Study of 1979-1981. Significant themes emerged which contribute to understanding the complex personal, cultural, and social framework for environmental adult education. First, the Appalachian backdrop was a critical context for informal and experiential learning from the land and its people. Second, the Appalachian Ownership Task Force leaders were critical environmental adult educators who facilitated the learning of citizen researchers through dialogue. Third, agency was fostered as citizen researchers were moved to act in defense of a threatened lifeworld, and thus also became critical environmental adult educators. / Includes bibliography. / Dissertation (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2013.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2017-08-28T18:15:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 RAFAEL AMORIM MARTINS DE SÁ.pdf: 897142 bytes, checksum: 175f1f43bc8c67996286c6f84f750b06 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-28T18:15:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RAFAEL AMORIM MARTINS DE SÁ.pdf: 897142 bytes, checksum: 175f1f43bc8c67996286c6f84f750b06 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-10 / One of the severe urban social problems in Brazil is the proliferation of irregular and clandestine allotments. Families who live in these areas face a hard social reality, since they do not possess the regular title of these properties, which contributes to an incessant instability or even legal insecurity. Inserted in this context is the question of public health, due to precarious conditions of hygiene and lack of basic sanitation. With the aim of minimizing or at least solving this problem, the Government has been taking some measures in order to equate the environmental issues found in these allotments. The first step was the entry in effect of Federal Law no. 11.977/2009 and later the Provisional Measure 759/2016, converted into Law by the National Congress and only pending on the presidential approval. Such legal instruments contemplate the regularization of land ownership of social concern, which loosens legal procedures, including the environmental ones, in order to regularize these allotments, which indeed exist, but lack juridical formalization In view of what has been exposed, this dissertation aimed to demonstrate, through analyzing juridical norms, researching already consolidated studies and also through the verification of administrative procedures for ordination of existent land allotments in Aparecida de Goiânia-GO, that the implementation of the regularization of land ownership of social concern in Brazil, especially in this city, is still deficient, since it is based on a contradictory and inefficient model, incorporating antagonism among environmental, social and legal issues. / Um dos graves problemas sociais urbanos no Brasil é a proliferação de loteamentos irregulares e clandestinos. As famílias que vivem nessas áreas experimentam uma dura realidade social, uma vez que não possuem o título regular de seus imóveis, o que contribui para uma constante instabilidade ou mesmo insegurança jurídica. Insere-se neste contexto a questão da saúde pública, em virtude das precárias condições de higiene e da falta de saneamento básico. Com o fito de minimizar ou mesmo solucionar esse problema, o poder público vem tomando medidas para equacionar as questões ambientais presentes nesses loteamentos. O primeiro passo foi a entrada em vigor da Lei Federal nº 11.977/2009, e, posteriormente, a Medida Provisória nº 759/2016, convertida em lei pelo Congresso Nacional, faltando apenas a sanção presidencial. Tais dispositivos legais contemplam as regularizações fundiárias de interesse social, o que flexibiliza os procedimentos legais, inclusive ambientais, a fim de regularizar esses parcelamentos, que, de fato, existem, porém carecem de formalização jurídica. Diante do exposto, esta dissertação buscou demonstrar, por meio da análise de normas jurídicas, de pesquisas em estudos já consolidados e, também, mediante a verificação de processos administrativos de ordenação de parcelamentos de solos existentes em Aparecida de Goiânia-GO, que a efetivação da regularização fundiária de interesse social no Brasil, em especial, nesse município, ainda é deficitária, visto que se baseia em um modelo contraditório e ineficiente, encerrando uma antinomia entre questões ambientais, sociais e legais.

Esta dissertação tem foco na ação dos deputados e senadores que compuseram e ainda compõem a Bancada Ruralista do Congresso Nacional, em um contexto de consolidação do neoliberalismo da economia e de acirramento das disputas políticas e dos conflitos territoriais que marcam a questão agrária no Brasil nas últimas décadas (1995-2010). As questões abordadas discutem a importância do estudo deste sujeito social na Geografia Agrária brasileira, também o papel das organizações de representação dos interesses da classe dos proprietários de terra, como a União Democrática Ruralista (UDR). Analisa também a constituição de relações de poder em torno do patrimônio, parentesco e política, que resultam na acumulação de bens e renda, principalmente a renda fundiária. Destarte, foi imprescindível considerar os desdobramentos históricos da formação da propriedade privada da terra no Brasil, e o papel das oligarquias estaduais na qual foram gestadas determinadas lideranças políticas tradicionais que fazem parte desta bancada. A partir da análise das biografias e do estudo sistemático dos dados declarados pelos parlamentares ao Cadastro do Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária (INCRA) no ano de 2003 e dos bens declarados à Receita Federal e entregues a Justiça Eleitoral, nos pleitos de 1998, 2002, 2006 ou 2010 constatou-se a inserção destes políticos ruralistas nas dinâmicas territoriais de apropriação de terras em meio à lógica do desenvolvimento contraditório, desigual e combinado no modo capitalista de produção na agricultura, e as distinções de cada político no processo de territorialização dos monopólios e na monopolização dos territórios, porque além de políticos a maioria atua diretamente no campo. Foi construída uma cartografia da concentração fundiária ruralista, que mostra que os parlamentares, nos municípios brasileiros, concentram a maior parte de suas terras na propriedade improdutiva, mas também acumulam além da grande propriedade, as médias, pequenas e minifúndios. Esta complexa dinâmica envolve atuação de empresas do agronegócio, relações de parentesco e tramas inter-regionais entre os políticos da bancada que resultam na apropriação de terras, especialmente nas áreas de expansão do agronegócio, e também em conflitos com a classe camponesa, os povos indígenas e as comunidades quilombolas. / This study aims at important aspects of the rural issues in Brazil for the last decades, such as the former and current Brazilian Congressional Rural Caucus members performance- congressmens and senators - inside a context of stability of the neoliberal economy, intense political disputes, and territorial conflicts. This article also presents the importance of the study on the mentioned social beings and the representative organization for landlords roles in the Brazilian Rural Geography, such as the Rural Democratic Union (UDR).The patrimonial power, kinship, and politics relationship constituting, which has resulted in the accumulation of property and income, especially in land income, will also be pointed out. Therefore, it was extremely necessary to take the Brazilian land private property formation historical development and the state oligarchies role, in which specific traditional political leadership was first elaborated, being it a part of the rural caucus basis, into consideration. Through biographical analysis and systematic study of the Income Tax Return declared by the parliamentarians to the National Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA) by the year 2003, and the property and vehicles Income Tax Return declared to the Brazilian Federal Revenue (FRB) and delivered to the Electoral Justice, in the elections of 1998, 2002 or 2010, it was possible to verify the integration of these rural politicians in the land ownership dynamics through the logic of uneven and combined development in the capitalist production in agriculture, as well as the distinctions of each politician in territorialization processes of the monopolies and monopolization of the territories. The conclusion is that, although they are politicians, most of them act directly in the field. A Cartography of the rural land concentration was prepared in order to display that the parliamentarians have concentrated most part of their lands in the non productive large properties, but they have also accumulated the medium, small ones and minifundios. This complex dynamics involves the performance of agribusiness companies, kinship relationships and inter regional transactions among the politicians. It ends up resulting in conflicts with the peasantry class, the indigenous peoples, the maroon communities and ownership of lands, especially in the expansion areas of agribusiness.

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-14T11:18:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Janaina Tude Sev?.pdf: 5629678 bytes, checksum: bfe4b951f0e6e08d13264d60c5f6cf64 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-14T11:18:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Janaina Tude Sev?.pdf: 5629678 bytes, checksum: bfe4b951f0e6e08d13264d60c5f6cf64 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-10 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico - CNPq / This doctoral thesis deals with the ruling classes, private ownership of land and the nature and political representation in Brazil Republican. Situated in the field of study of the agrarian question, focuses on the role of agrarian elites in the drafting and revision of legal texts on environmental preservation and ownership of natural resources, pointing to the processes and relationships that permeates and dialectically structured the State . It assumes that private property is one of the structural elements of inequality between classes and, consequently, is instituted and instituting policies representations that make up the state in general, and especially Brazil. Addressing the process of formation of laws, while playing field, aims to understand the power relations between classes as has been legitimized in the Brazilian agrarian reality. For such analyzes the action of Agriculture of the Parliamentary Front (APF), also known as caucus, in the face of environmental and land legislation. More specifically rescues the Brazilian Forest Code (Decree n. 23,793 / 34 /, Law no. 4,771 / 65 and Law no. 12,651 / 12), with an emphasis on recent process 1965 Code reform, to identify as political representation ruralistas of interests is organized, clear and positions in political institutional process. This study identifies that, despite the economic dominance and privileged status in the social hierarchy represented by the power of large farmers in our society, rural employers classes and agroindustrial not give up take and act on institutional policy, be present in the democratic and interfere with its rules. Acting in state spheres and with civil society producing consensus and weaving alliances are complementary actions and integrate the building strategies of its hegemony. Thus the research has focused on the narratives and discourses of legislative documents relating to the Forest Code, the parliamentary speeches in the course of the Brazilian Forest Code reform bill of 1965 in the House of Representatives, as well as in street mobilizations - hearts and minds - promoted by the caucus in partnership with trade unions and non-unions of rural employer representation. It was possible that, through legal reform, the ruling classes in the field is expanding and diversifying its spaces, forms and political action strategies to legitimize their structural interests as the owner class that is the absolute right of private property and the monopoly on their instruments of economic, environmental and social regulation. / Esta tese de doutorado versa sobre as classes dominantes, a propriedade privada sobre a terra e a natureza e a representa??o pol?tica no Brasil republicano. Situada no campo de estudos da quest?o agr?ria, foca a atua??o das elites agr?rias no processo de elabora??o e revis?o dos textos legais sobre a preserva??o ambiental e a apropria??o dos recursos naturais, apontando para os processos e rela??es que permeia e, dialeticamente, estruturam o Estado. Parte do pressuposto que a propriedade privada ? um dos elementos estruturantes da desigualdade entre as classes e que, consequentemente, ? institu?da e instituinte das representa??es pol?ticas que comp?em o Estado em geral, e o brasileiro especialmente. Ao abordar o processo de forma??o das leis, enquanto campo de disputa, visa compreender as rela??es de poder entre as classes tal como vem sendo legitimadas na realidade agr?ria brasileira. Para tal analisa a a??o da Frente Parlamentar da Agropecu?ria (FPA), tamb?m conhecida como bancada ruralista, frente ?s legisla??es ambiental e agr?ria. Mais especificamente resgata os C?digos Florestais brasileiros (Dec. n. 23.793/34/, Lei n. 4.771/65 e Lei n. 12.651/12), com ?nfase no processo recente de reforma do C?digo de 1965, visando identificar como a representa??o pol?tica dos interesses ruralistas se organiza, manifesta e posiciona no processo pol?tico institucional. O presente estudo identifica que, a despeito da domina??o econ?mica e do status privilegiado na hierarquia social representadas pelo poder dos ruralistas em nossa sociedade, as classes patronais rurais e agroindustriais n?o abrem m?o de ocupar e atuar na pol?tica institucional, se fazer presente no jogo democr?tico e interferir em suas regras. Atuar nas esferas estatais e junto ? sociedade civil produzindo consensos e tecendo alian?as s?o a??es complementares e integram as estrat?gias de constru??o de sua hegemonia. Deste modo a pesquisa se debru?ou sobre as narrativas e discursos dos documentos legislativos relativos aos C?digos Florestais, dos discursos parlamentares durante a tramita??o do projeto de reforma do C?digo Florestal Brasileiro de 1965 na C?mara dos Deputados, bem como nas mobiliza??es de rua ? cora??es e mentes ? promovidas pela bancada ruralista em parceria com organiza??es sindicais e n?o sindicais de representa??o patronal rural. Foi poss?vel identificar que, atrav?s da reforma legal, as classes dominantes no campo vem ampliando e diversificando seus espa?os, formas e estrat?gias de a??o pol?tica, para legitimar um de seus interesses estruturantes enquanto classe propriet?ria que ? o direito absoluto da propriedade privada e o monop?lio sobre seus instrumentos de regula??o econ?mica, ambiental e social.

The history of now-developed countries implies a common transformation path of economic development. That is, within an economy, as wage grows in non-farm sectors, labour migrates out of agriculture. With fewer workers, agricultural land resources may concentrate into the hands of fewer but larger farm operations (agricultural land consolidation), with more investment and higher production specification. However, the development process of China is less likely to trace the same path as it does in these countries, given its distinctive institutions. To examine the development process in the unique context of China, this dissertation focuses on two questions: (1) how do China’s rural workers self-select into off-farm employment (OFE)? (2) How does agricultural land consolidation occur in China? In addressing the first question, I use Roy’s self-section model to analyze the following three occupational choices of China’s rural residents: farming only, local OFE, and migratory OFE. Based on household survey data from 101 communities in rural China in 2004 and 2007, the empirical results show that individual and household characteristics are important self-selecting factors for OFE participation. More importantly, I find that the increase of OFE in China is largely consistent with market-driven expectations. In addressing the question of whether and why the consolidation of farm operations develops in China’s agriculture, I assess the divergence between the size of farm operations from equal entitlements. The theoretical model predicts that a higher opportunity cost of farm labour, in the form of the urban wage, exerts a positive influence on consolidation of farm operations through rental arrangements. A Gini index is used to measure the inequality of farmland operations relative to equal farmland entitlements, with greater inequality being consist with higher consolidation of farm operations. Empirical results support the theoretical prediction, specifically, a 1000-yuan increase in the annual urban wage, holding all other influences constant, increases the Gini index by 0.012 (mean=0.26) over the 2004-2007 period.