Esta tese tem dois objetivos. O primeiro deles é verificar se os membros do Poder Legislativo são apáticos em sua atuação no processo de internalização de tratados internacionais. A apreciação desta questão deu-se mediante o estudo da participação dos parlamentares no processo de internalização de tratados; das propostas para alterar as competências no que se refere às suas capacidades, atribuídas pela legislação constitucional e infraconstitucional brasileira, de atuar em temas afetos à política externa, e, consequentemente, no processo de internalização de tratados; e do uso de tratados como fonte de inspiração para a legislação interna. Para o estudo dos processos de internalização foram selecionados tratados multilaterais de Direitos Humanos celebrados internacionalmente após criação da Organização das Nações Unidas, marco temporal de extrema relevância para a formação do Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos. Essa análise demonstrou que os parlamentares não são apáticos em relação às suas atribuições nesses temas, ao contrário do que afirma parte da literatura. O segundo objetivo consistirá em verificar se o regime - democrático ou ditatorial, influencia os intervalos temporais de tramitação desses tratados no Brasil, o teor e a quantidade de argumentos proferidos, durante o processo, por membros dos Poderes Executivo e Legislativo brasileiros. Cada intervalo de tempo relativo ao processo de internalização desses instrumentos foi selecionado por ser relevante para a tramitação de tratados nos âmbitos nacional e internacional. A hipótese inicial, confirmada pelos dados da pesquisa, é a de que a quantidade de argumentos proferidos e os intervalos de tempo, durante a ditadura, seriam menores, se comparados aos da democracia. Isso porque, no período de exceção, haveria menos discussão entre os membros dos Poderes Executivo e Legislativo, e entre membros de um mesmo Poder. No regime democrático existiriam mais interesses discrepantes, o que ensejaria maiores discussões e, portanto, maior tempo de tramitação para cada fase analisada. Os argumentos proferidos durante a tramitação foram separados conforme seu teor, e divididos em argumentos de Política Externa, de Política Interna, de Direito Interno, de Direito Internacional, e de Direitos Humanos. Observou-se que membros do Poder Legislativo, particularmente da Câmara dos Deputados, tendem a tratar, primordialmente, de questões relacionadas às consequências internas do processo de internalização de tratados, particularmente da política e do direito nacionais, do que de questões externas. Os representantes do Poder Executivo, por sua vez, estariam mais focados em questões externas e internacionais. Ao analisar as convergências e as divergências entre os Poderes nos diferentes regimes, e estabelecer um padrão de comportamento, a autora verificou que os membros do Poder Legislativo não são apáticos nesse processo, o que pode ser comprovado, igualmente, pelas iniciativas institucionais de alteração de sua regulamentação, como a propositura de Emendas Constitucionais ou Regimentais por parlamentares brasileiros. A influência de instrumentos internacionais na legislação brasileira demonstra, ainda, a disposição de Deputados e de Senadores de utilizar o Direito Internacional como meio de aprimorar a legislação interna que protege os Direitos Humanos. Percebe-se, ademais, que existem nuances entre as diversas classes de direitos protegidos pelos tratados analisados, e que o Direito Internacional influencia o direito interno, justamente em virtude da atuação parlamentar nesse sentido. / This thesis has two objectives. The first one is to verify if the members of the Legislative branch are apathetic about their role in the process of internalization of international treaties. The consideration of this matter was made through the study of the participation of congressmen in the process of internalization of treaties; of the proposals to change the competences regarding their capacities, attributed by the Brazilian constitutional and infraconstitutional legislation, to act on issues related to foreign policy, and, consequently, in the process of internalization of treaties; and in the use of treaties as a source of inspiration for domestic legislation. For the study of the internalisation process, multilateral Human Rights treaties concluded internationally after the creation of the United Nations, a milestone for the formation of International Human Rights Law, were selected. This analysis showed that congressmen are not apathetic about their attributions in these subjects, which is contrary to what is stated in the literature. The second objective will be to verify if the regime - democratic or dictatorial, influences the temporal intervals of processing of these treaties in Brazil, the content and quantity of arguments made during the process by members of the Brazilian Executive and Legislative Branches. Each time interval related to the process of internalization of these instruments was selected because of its relevance for the processing of treaties at the national and international levels. The initial hypothesis, confirmed by the data obtained, is that the number of arguments would be smaller and the time intervals would be shorter during the dictatorship, if compared with those of the democratic period. This happens because, during a dictatorship, there would be less discussion between members of the Executive and Legislative Branch, and between members of the same Branch. In the democratic regime, there would be more conflicting interests, which would lead to greater discussions and, therefore, a longer processing time for each analyzed phase. The arguments put forward during the proceedings were separated according to their content, and divided into arguments of Foreign Policy, Domestic Policy, Domestic Law, International Law, and Human Rights. I observed that members of the Legislative Branch, particularly the Chamber of Deputies, tend to deal primarily with issues related to the internal consequences of the process of internalising treaties, particularly national policy and domestic law, rather than external issues. Representatives of the Executive Branch, on the other hand, would be more focused on external and international issues. Analyzing the convergences and divergences between the Branches in the different regimes, and establishing a pattern of behavior, the author verified that the members of the Legislative Branch are not apathetic in this process, which can also be proved by the institutional initiatives to change its regulation, such as the introduction of Constitutional or Regimental Amendments by Brazilian parliamentarians. The influence of international instruments in Brazilian legislation also demonstrates the willingness of Deputies and Senators to use International Law as a means of improving domestic legislation that protects Human Rights. There are nuances between the different classes of rights protected by the treaties analyzed, and that International Law influences domestic law, precisely because of the parliamentary action in this regard.

This diploma thesis looks at lobbying as one of the tools for shaping European legislation. Lobbyists are often perceived as carriers of valuable information that make it possible for decision-makers to get expert opinions and perspectives directly from the industry. Lobbyists can therefore make a significant contribution to policy making and to improving European legislation that meets the needs of stakeholders. The main objective of the thesis is to find out in what way and at what stages the interest groups participate and intervene in the EU decision-making process and identify the access points through which they can enter into the legislative process. For the sake of clarity, this research is applied to a particular case of lobbying in the field of animal testing of cosmetics, which has greatly influenced the legal regulation of the area.

The main goal of this thesis is to describe the use of obstruction mechanisms in the Czech legislative system, where in the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic, as key legislative institutions of the parliamentary system, has been making massive damages in the form of blocking the negotiation of draft laws for many years. The reasons that led to the Rules of Procedure of the Chamber of Deputies permitting the existence of this phenomenon are not quite obvious, but they are an integral part of the parliamentary culture of our country, which existence is mainly used by the legislative minority. Even though the Rules of Procedure have a clear wording, which allow the existence of obstructions, their use is often considered as unconstitutional, as their use often exceeds the affordable limit. The main objective of this theses is to introduce to the reader all the instruments that help to obstructions and subsequently to show their use in practice during the meetings of the Chamber of Deputies within the last three parliamentary term, including the period in progress.

The main purpose of my thesis entitled "The legislative process - the role of Members of Parliament" is to analyze the process of preparing, making and passing laws by the Parliament of the Czech Republic, focusing on the role of Members of Parliament in the legislative process (including comparisons between members of the coalition, opposition and non- attached) and provide a comparison theory, therefore, the possibility of the constitution and other laws and actual practice.

This thesis aims to monitor the influence of Sweden on the process of making immigration policy after 2000. In the first chapter the thesis outlines the initial effort to harmonize EU immigration policy before 2000 in order to build on the description of the current situation. In the second chapter the thesis describes the development of Swedish policy towards immigrants from third countries and proves that an open attitude towards immigrants comes from the Swedish experience during the World War II. In the third chapter two levels of legislative processes of the EU are monitored. First, it is described how the rules for the adoption of legislation on immigration are generated and second the process of adopting particular legislative proposals is described. These three chapters make theoretical background for the analysis the role of Sweden in adopting both types of legislation since 2000. Based on the analysis the author concludes that the influence of each Member State in the EU legislative process is very complicated, if not impossible, to study, mainly because of the lack of transparency in the whole process. One of the biggest shortcomings the author considers is the fact that Member States do not public their positions on particular issue when negotiating legislative proposals in the working groups...

The aim of this diploma thesis is to introduce the reader to the art-historical project Stolpersteine. Its author is the German Gunter Demnig, who first came up with the idea to honor the memory of Holocaust victims in 1992. The purpose of the project is to commemorate the victims of World War II and the Nazi regime, not only Jews but also Roma, homosexuals and Jehovah's Witnesses. Stolpersteine are in the form of paving stones with a brass surface, which are usually inserted into the sidewalk before the last known voluntary residence of the victim. The Stolpersteine project soon attracted the attention of experts and the general public throughout Europe. In the Czech Republic, the first memorial stone was laid in 2008 in Prague, then in Mikulov, and more are added to various parts of the country every year. Laying new stones is not a trivial matter and the legislative process, which begins with an application and ends with the issuance of a decision, involves a number of steps. The purpose of Stolpersteine is to get today's young generation to reflect on events that its representatives have not experienced, but whose legacy continues to shape political and social events not only in Germany but also in other European countries, including the Czech Republic. Due to their location by the ground, the...

台灣解嚴之後，社會運動團體除了抗爭行動外，漸漸以體制內的修訂法律為主要手段。婦女運動團體也不例外。婦運團體推動的婦女法案，立法過程大部分都需要花很長一段時間和政府機關周旋。家庭暴力防治法則是一個特殊的例子，因為它在立法院裡，從提案到通過只花費一年多的時間，而且相關行政單位並沒有提出相對版本一起競逐。 筆者從歷史制度主義切入，觀察家庭暴力防治法（包含其前身―婚姻暴力防治法）的立法過程。最開始婚姻暴力議題因為鄧如雯殺夫案而受到注目；之後婦女新知基金會接受內政部補助，著手研究婚姻暴力，但研究報告出來後卻完全停擺；半年後現代婦女基金會以高鳳仙法官翻譯的美國模範家庭暴力法為藍本，擬定家庭暴力防治法草案；最後家暴法在立法院內經過數次政黨協商後，三讀通過。這中間的四年，對於婚姻暴力議題的宣導而言，因為受制於新聞熱潮的快速消退，整個政治環境被修憲、選舉、反核四等議題綁住，以及傳統家庭倫理和兩性相處觀念，所以受到的注視和討論有限。法案擬定方面，則因為有大環境有彭婉如案和白曉燕案的刺激，國際社會的風潮，制度上則有趨於健全的政黨協商機制和現代婦女基金會的董事長潘維剛佔有有利的政治地位（即身為執政黨資深立委，政府單位願意與其合作），加上推法策略上刻意隱藏性別問題，因此法案可以快速通過。 本研究發現，整個家暴法的立法過程，因為整個社會環境對法案擬定的刺激，強於政治環境的影響，制度上有政黨協商機制可以暫時調解警察和司法兩機關的權力鬥爭，策略上避開父權體制忌諱的性別意識，因此家暴法才能夠異於其他婦女法案，在立法院內順利審查、快速通過。

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:27:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Roberta Gebrin Guimaraes.pdf: 513947 bytes, checksum: 98bf6e660b0c8f466ed1d45304f6a624 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-28 / The aim of this paper is to analyze an important subject of the Brazilian Constitutional Law which consists in a process of legal provisions elaboration. Therefore we have made an over view from the Brazilian Legislative Power and its functions that is to legislate. We have started from checking the principles as a kind of provision to exam the beginning of the power division and its role in the Brazilian and international democracy political scenery. It is essential to study such division due to this principle is a premise State function and it is in addition connected with the legislative obligation of the State. So to examine it is capital to understand the Legislative Power and the process of provisional elaborations in this research. We have done an historical background of the Legislative Power by analyzing the evolutions of the Brazilian Parliament from its foundation until nowadays. For a better understanding of the matter we have mentioned the parliamentarian functions as well as its composition of the legal departments. We have investigated the different Brazilian legislative process stage reporting each type of provision and analyzing the participation of the Executive Power in the legal provisions. We also researched the intention to start the legislative process and the possibility of a constitutional amendment in a legislative proposal and verifying how both can reflect in the principal of the power division in the Federal Constitution. To sum up we have done a short investigation of the legislative process in the States, municipalities and Federal District checking their symmetry as a federal model and their relation with the power division. This paper does not intend to finish the discussion nevertheless establishes the basis from the Brazilian legislative process after five years of professional experience in the subject / O objetivo do presente trabalho é analisar um importante tema do Direito Constitucional brasileiro, que é o processo de elaboração das normas jurídicas. Para tanto, traçamos um panorama do Poder Legislativo pátrio e de sua função até então considerada como precípua: a de legislar. Começamos pela análise dos princípios como espécies de normas, a fim de examinarmos o princípio da divisão do poder e seu papel democrático no cenário político brasileiro e internacional. Isso se fez necessário, uma vez que tal princípio é premissa básica da distribuição das funções estatais, estando amplamente ligado à função legislativa do Estado e à forma do seu exercício. Logo, sua análise se torna imprescindível à compreensão do Poder Legislativo e do processo de elaboração normativa, assuntos nucleares desta pesquisa. Em seguida, partimos ao estudo do Poder Legislativo, o que começa por uma retrospectiva histórica, com o levantamento da evolução do Parlamento brasileiro, desde sua origem até os dias atuais. Nesse contexto, abordamos as características e funções parlamentares, bem como sua composição, órgãos e funcionamento. A partir de então, dedicamo-nos a investigar as diversas faces do processo legislativo brasileiro, explorando cada uma das espécies normativas por ele abrangidas e analisando a participação do Poder Executivo na formação das normas jurídicas. Examinamos, também, o poder de deflagrar o processo legislativo e a questão da possibilidade do oferecimento de emendas às propostas legislativas, verificando que ambos refletem a concepção do princípio da divisão do poder, adotado pela Lei Maior. Para complementar o trabalho, realizamos uma análise sucinta do processo legislativo nos Estados, Municípios e Distrito Federal, verificando sua simetria com o modelo federal e sua relação com o princípio da divisão do poder. Sem a pretensão de esgotar o tema, nossa meta foi traçar as bases do processo legislativo brasileiro, após cinco anos de atuação profissional voltada ao assunto

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:22:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jorge Radi Junior.pdf: 2069309 bytes, checksum: 669346553d78c7f7c731b66d8abe7b89 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-11 / The present work is mainly aimed to demonstrate the existence of compulsory legislative initiatives at the federal level, which force state(s) entity(ies) legitimated to present it at a given time, under penalty of accountability. The study focuses on the analysis of present Federal Constitution and begins with the investigation of state models adopted by the Federative Republic of Brazil, which resumes in federative form of medium-grade, self-controlled state, presidential system, democracy variable popular influence regimen and liberal republican form of short term governance. Because they are fundamental principles of the Brazilian state, these models greatly influence the rules of legislative initiatives. It was found that the legislative function in the Federal Constitution, equates to the law production, in the formal sense, and that is performed by all the Powers, but in main way, only by the Legislature. The drafting of the law is made by process, which, for teaching purposes, can be divided into phases, with an inaugural phase, called the initiative, in which is practiced the initiative-act (bill) from the exercise of initiative-competence. The rules of initiative-competence are exclusively settled in the Constitution, in an expressly and exhaustively manner. Although it has a particular structure, the rule of initiative-competence brings an common element of other competences, it is the duty-faculty, for which converge simultaneously the mandatory implementation of the rule (duty) and discretionary judgment to exercise (faculty). The mandatory implementation is raised by the existence of primary and/or secondary public interest, and the discretionary judgment derives from the political function. The combination duty-faculty guides the legitimated to implement initiative-competence. However, there are three sets of rules that, exceptionally, induce the duty and inhibit the faculty, turning compulsory execution the effect of the initiative-act, at the right term. The non-implement of initiative-competence in this given period, imply an omission unlawful act, and the improper implement of the rule results a commissive unlawful act. By practicing both acts, the legitimated may be liable / A presente obra tem como proposta principal demonstrar a existência de iniciativas legiferantes compulsórias, na esfera federal, que obrigam o(s) ente(s) estatal(is) le-gitimado(s) a apresentá-la, em determinado período, sob pena de responsabilização. O estudo se concentra na análise da Constituição Federal vigente e inicia-se com a investigação dos modelos estatais adotados pela República Federativa do Brasil, que se resumem à forma federativo de grau médio, Estado autocontrolado, sistema pre-sidencialista, regime democrático misto de influência popular variável e forma re-publicana liberal de curta governança. Por serem princípios fundamentais do Es-tado brasileiro, esses modelos influenciam sobremaneira as regras de iniciativa le-giferante. Constatou-se que a função legiferante, na Constituição Federal, equivale à produção da lei, em sentido formal, e que é desempenhada por todos os Poderes, mas de forma precípua, apenas, pelo Poder Legislativo. A elaboração da lei se da mediante processo, que, para fins didáticos, pode ser dividido em fases, sendo a fase inaugural, denominada iniciativa, na qual é praticada a iniciativa-ato (proposição legiferante), a partir do exercício da iniciativa-competência. As regras de iniciativa-competência têm sede exclusivamente constitucional e são postas de maneira taxa-tiva e expressa na Constituição da República. Embora disponha de uma estrutura particular, a regra de iniciativa-competência traz um elemento comum a outras com-petências, que é o dever-poder, para o qual convergem, simultaneamente, a obriga-toriedade de execução da regra (dever) e a discricionariedade para o seu exercício (poder). A obrigatoriedade é suscitada pela existência do interesse público primário e/ou secundário. Já a discricionariedade decorre da função política. A combinação dever-poder orienta o legitimado a exercer a iniciativa-competência. Mas há três conjuntos de normas que, excepcionalmente, induzem o dever e inibem o poder, tornando a prática da inciativa-ato de execução compulsória, a termo certo. A não aplicação da iniciativa-competência compulsória nesse período determinado, impli-cará ato omissivo ilícito, e a aplicação indevida da regra resultará ato comissivo ilícito. Pela prática de ambos os atos, o legitimado poderá ser responsabilizado

O Legislativo é vital para o autogoverno coletivo e para a contenção do poder. Impõe-se revigorá-lo. Esta dissertação traz propostas para incrementar a legitimidade do Poder Legislativo que independem da reforma política. A primeira proposta consiste na correção de algumas práticas comprometedoras da atuação do Legislativo, quais sejam, a falta de apreciação do veto, a atual forma de elaboração e execução da lei orçamentária, o poder excessivo dos líderes e a tutela jurisdicional limitada do devido processo legislativo. A segunda proposta reside no fortalecimento das comissões temáticas, arenas mais adequadas do que o Plenário para desenvolver o potencial deliberativo do Parlamento. Esses órgãos fracionários podem empregar a avaliação de impacto, recurso que se destina a aprimorar a legislação. A terceira proposta corresponde à regulamentação do lobby. A institucionalização dessa atividade revela-se essencial para imprimir-lhe transparência, de modo a possibilitar o controle, e para minimizar o desequilíbrio no acesso aos tomadores de decisão. / The Legislative Branch is vital to collective self-government and to restrain power. It is necessary to reinvigorate it. This dissertation brings proposals to increase the legitimacy of the Legislative Branch that are independent from the political reform. The first proposal consists in correcting some practices that compromise the performance of the Legislative, which are, the lack of appreciation of veto, the current form of budget preparation and execution, the excessive power of the leaders and the limited jurisdictional review of the due process of law. The second proposal aims at the strengthening of the committees, which are arenas more adequate than the Plenary to develop the deliberative potential of the Parliament. These fractional organs can use the impact assessment, which is a tool intended to improve legislation. The third proposal corresponds to the regulation of lobbying. The institutionalization of this activity is essential to imprint transparency to the process so as to allow control and to minimize the imbalance in access to decision makers.