This study aims to examine the health and care policies of the Moderates, the Christian Democrats, the Liberals and the Sweden Democrats, then compare each policy with the Tidö-agreement and analyze the parties' potential motives for cooperation. To help achieve the purpose of the study, following questions have been formulated: How did the care and care policies of the Moderates, Christian Democrats, Liberals and Sweden Democrats look before the elections in 2018 and 2022 respectively?, in what way, and to what extent, are care and care presented in the Tidö-agreement? and what political motives can explain the Moderates', Christian Democrats', Liberals' and Sweden Democrats' reasons for entering into cooperation with each other? The method is a motive analysis and to find out the possible motives of the parties, and the theory is Wolfgang C. Müller's and Kaare Strøm's theory regarding motives for the parties' actions where the parties are either most policy-seeking or office-seeking. The hypotheses are that the Moderates', Christian Democrats' and Liberals' mostly are office-seeking parties, while the Sweden Democrats' mostly is policy-seeking. However, the study results in only the hypothesis about the Liberals being strengthened, while the remaining hypotheses fall.

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The main goal of this disertation is to map American pespectives on the position of Central Europe in American foreign policy after the Cold War. Its ambition is to systematize the particular area of American foreign policy thought that deals with Central Europe and, more precisely, with U.S. relations with the region. The goal is to contribute to a better understanding of how have the individual camps and traditions represented in the American foreign policy debate approached this particular issue. To achieve these goals, this disertation employs two existing typologies of American foreign policy thought and, subsequently, attempts to create a new, original typology that would better suit the aim of mapping the whole spectrum of relevant American perspectives on Central Europe. This disertation does not describe what has really happened in Central European-American relations, but rather aims at understanding better the U.S. foreign policy thought or, better said, one specific part of it: Opinions on U.S.-Central European relations and the position of Central Erope in international politics. Analysing the American post-Cold War discourse on Central Europe is the instrument to achieve this goal. This disertation, however, does not pressupose a direct causal link between the discourse and the...

This paper examines how the eight parties in the Swedish parliament pit different social groups against each other, in the 2015 Almedalstal compared to the 2016 Almedalstal, when using the Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde’s definition of populism. The speeches are analysed using a qualitative content analysis. The results show that several parties are more populist in the 2016 speech than the 2015 speech and that the parties have shifted focus from solutions to blaming as well as elevating their own core electorate and their primary areas of confidence with the electorate. The analysis shows that some parties have tendencies to use some populist discourse. The paper identifies that the Swedish Democrats continues to use a populist discourse while the Left party has become more populist in their discourse in the 2016 speech. The Christian Democrats and the two major political parties, the Moderate party and the Social Democrats, tend to accentuate more of a populist discourse in the 2016 speeches but not to the extent to say that they use a populist discourse as defined by Mudde.

This study aims to provide answers to how the former Alliance parties relate to their basic ideologies today in comparison to the ideological anchoring during the time when the Alliance cooperation was still relevant in Swedish politics. The study also seeks to explain observed disparities based on previous political science research on Sweden's party system, the GAL-TAN scale and median voter theory. The investigation applies two dimensions to capture the ideologies in the materials; the view of human beings and social theory where an economic aspect is also included. The study examines how prevalent the parties ideologies are within the migration policies and school policies. These areas are perceived to cover the selected dimensions. The goal is for the study to increase political awareness among voters, provide increased knowledge of how Sweden's party system works and provide an explanation as to why the Alliance eventually split. The method used in the study is a qualitative ideology analysis of party programs and election manifestos based on two time periods; year 2004 and 2022. The results show that the parties follow their ideologies to a large extent based on the material. What deviated was that the Moderates' migration policy attitude has changed, whereby the party has moved more towards TAN on the GAL-TAN scale. However, the survey is not comprehensive in order to fully establish whether the parties' ideologies are followed, partly because only two policy areas are analyzed and partly because the actual and real policies were not examined.

La présente étude examine comment les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques que sont la Rainbow Push Coalition, la NAACP et la National Urban League ont contribué à l’élection du 44e président des États-Unis, Barack Obama. Elle établit dans un premier temps comment la participation du Révérend Jesse Jackson aux élections de 1984 et 1988 a contribué à l’émergence du processus démocratique à l’origine de l’élection de Barack Obama, premier président américain issu de la communauté africaine américaine. Dans un second temps, elle met en évidence comment l’action transformative du mouvement des droits civiques ayant conduit à la promulgation du Voting Rights Act de 1965 par le président Lyndon B. Johnson, sous l’impulsion du Dr Martin Luther King, mais aussi de Roy Wilkins et Whitney Young contribua à l’élection de Barack Obama en 2008. En analysant la participation de Jesse Jackson aux élections présidentielles américaines, notre objectif est de montrer comment il est parvenu à faire changer les règles de nomination des candidats issus des minorités au sein du parti démocrate. Elle a permis de montrer comment Obama en fut le bénéficiaire en devenant d’abord le nominé du parti démocrate, puis le président des États-Unis. D’où notre analyse du processus électoral de 2008. L’étude fait ainsi un tour d’horizon des désaccords qui ont surgi lors de l’élection présidentielle de 2008, entre Hillary Clinton et Barack Obama d’une part, puis entre ce dernier et John McCain d’autre part. Elle examine, par ailleurs, dans une perspective sociologique, les conflits qui se sont succédés au sein de la communauté africaine américaine, notamment entre certains dirigeants africains américains et Obama avant et pendant l’élection présidentielle de 2008, relatifs aux valeurs familiales, à l’incident racial des “Six de Jena” ou encore à la participation de Barack Obama à l’élection présidentielle. La question relative à la notion d’une Amérique post-raciale qui se présenta suite à l’élection d’Obama sera également abordée. Elle démontre comment son élection n’a malheureusement pas pu changer les mentalités des Américains au sujet de la question raciale de manière radicale et combien le racisme demeure une question fondamentale, majeure aux États-Unis au 21e siècle. Enfin, l’étude examine la collaboration post-électorale entre les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques et l’administration Obama. / This dissertation discusses how Black Civil Rights Organizations such as the NAACP, the National Urban League and the Rainbow Push Coalition paved the way for the election of the 44th US President, Barack Obama. It specifically establishes a direct link connecting the 1965 Voting Rights Act victory won under the leadership of Dr Martin Luther King, Roy Wilkins, and Whitney Young along with the Reverend Jesse Jackson’s 1984 and 1988 presidential bids, showing from a historical approach how the Civil Rights Movement contributed to the election of the first African-American US President. By examining Reverend Jesse Jackson’s two presidential bids, this dissertation aims at demonstrating how he made it easier and more accessible for Barack Obama to become the Democratic Party nominee ultimately elected to the US Presidency. The dissertation further examines the electoral process through which Obama ascended to the Land’s Highest Office. In that regard, it revisits crucial hostilities that occurred during the 2008 presidential election within the Democratic Party between Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama. By the same token, it looks back on upheavals that broke out between Obama and Senator John McCain during the general election. The dissertation discusses from a sociological viewpoint disputes over leadership within the black community among African-American leaders and Barack Obama prior to, and during the 2008 presidential election. These clashes were notably related to family values, Obama’s 2008 presidential bid, and the Jena Six racial incident. This dissertation, further, addresses issues of America being a post-racial nation pointing out how the election of the first African-American President failed in fundamentally shifting Americans’ view on race relations and how racism is still a relevant issue in twenty-first century America while examining from another standpoint the relationship between the Obama Administration and the aforementioned Black Civil Rights Organizations