本世紀中葉，在拉丁美洲興起了一股以「解放」為主題的思潮，這股思潮 是在基督宗教的脈絡中發展的，稱為「解放神學」(the theology of liberation)。拉丁美洲諸國在歷經歐洲霸權國家數世紀以來的殖民，已 感受到強烈的桎梏；加上二次大戰後美國強勢經濟的操控、國內政局的不 穩定、種族問題的嚴重，使拉丁美洲的處境如雪上加霜。基督宗教的神父 、牧師在實際的牧靈工作中看見了整個社會現象中最殘酷的一面：貧窮、 失業、疾病、死亡。上溯其原因，不外乎經濟資源的分配不當、政治的高 壓剝奪人民的參政權利、軍隊橫行致使政權不穩、社會動盪。於是，站在 基督宗教的立場、以聖經為依歸、以社會科學為分析工具，在對所在處境 做深度瞭解後，漸形成一套以「解放」為中心的情境化神學。從一九六八 年「解放神學」定名已來，其最為人注目的，即是馬克思主義的思想在其 理論中的醒目地位。神學家運用馬克思主義分析資本主義社會的方法，藉 以理解拉丁美洲的現況。因為，解放神學是從實踐中衍生的神學，強調「 正確實踐優先於正確理論」，故此，在運用馬克思主義思想的同時，亦傾 向社會主義的社會體制，甚至，較激進者更贊成以革命的手段來推翻現有 不公義的體制。本文基於以上的背景，即以「解放」為主題，以「人性與 社會」為主軸，探討解放神學與馬克思主義的解放觀、其解放方法，及二 者之間的種種關係。全文共一冊，分五章十五節，凡二十四萬字，各章內 容摘要如下：第一章：對拉丁美洲的處境作了一番介紹，以作為理論鋪陳 的基礎。 第二章：比較了馬克思主義與解放神學對於「解放」的概念及 範疇。 第三章：則比較二者對於邁向「解放」的方法論。第四章：則處 理二者之關聯性的問題，包括來源與運用，以及其批判。 第五章：從四 個方面對「解放」這個概念與行動提出哲學反省。

This dissertation has two main objectives. The first one is to construct historical macroeconomic series for Sweden using a consistent method throughout the relevant periods, and which rely on modern methods of national accounting. The second objective is to investigate patterns of economic growth, accumulation and crisis in Sweden 1800-2000, based on the constructed data series. New annual data series of Gross Domestic Product and its division into activities (type of production) and expenditures (consumption, investment and foreign trade), Net Domestic Product, stocks of produced assets and consumption of fixed assets are constructed for the period 1800-2000; series of employment, wages, imputed labour income of self employed and surplus for the period 1850-2000; and series of worked hours for the period 1950-2000. Summary tables of the main aggregate variables are presented at the end of the dissertation. The intent is to make the data material available online (also at a more disaggregated level) at: http://www.historia.se. Although the present study criticises the somewhat deterministic vision of many long cycle theories, it also demonstrates that the concept of long cycle can be applied when studying long-term fluctuations in GDP per capita, provided that the notion of a fixed periodicity of long cycles is abandoned. Long-term economic fluctuations are irregular, but so is also the short-term business cycle. Different historical tendencies and trends are investigated. The decline of the relative size of industrial activities in the last half of 20th century was not as dramatic, if unpaid household labour is considered and that many services are industry-related. The Marxist theory of a Tendency for the Rate of Profit to Fall is partly confirmed as a secular process up to the 1970s, but profitability has rebounded in the last two decades of the 20th century. During the 1990s, the investment ratio declined to historically low levels and the volume value of the net stock of buildings and structures fell for the first time since the 1830s. A comparison is also made of depressions in Sweden since 1850. During the 19th century, depressions were largely induced by the agricultural sector, and during the 20th century by industrial activities. However, the transition to the modern business cycle was not sudden but rather protracted. Another finding is that the 1990s depression was somewhat deeper than the 1930s depression in terms of GDP contraction.

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La problématique de ce mémoire a pour point d’ancrage la conception antipolitique de la culture en Allemagne présentée par le sociologue allemand Wolf Lepenies. L’appel à la culture au-delà de la politique en RDA aurait bien survécu chez les intellectuels « officiels » est-allemands, d’où la survivance d’une tradition humaniste ancrée dans l’idéalisme allemand du 18ième siècle. Ce mémoire défend à titre d’hypothèses que le primat de la culture sur la politique en RDA n’était pas aussi omniprésent que ne le croit Lepenies, d’une part, et qu’il y a eu d’autre part instrumentalisation de la culture par le parti au pouvoir (SED), qui donna lieu à une idéologisation de l’héritage humaniste des classiques allemands et à une moralisation de la politique. En prenant en compte les intellectuels « inofficiels » est-allemands que Lepenies laisse dans l’ombre et à partir de la confrontation des idéaux-types de l’humanisme politique des Lumières, représenté par les groupes d’opposition qui œuvrèrent de concert avec les Églises protestantes, et de l’humanisme réel, compris comme un prolongement de l’idéologie matérialiste du marxisme qui inspira les politiques du SED et qui concorda avec une ritualisation du travail en RDA, ce mémoire explore l’antithèse de la démocratie et du totalitarisme à la lumière de deux types opposés d’Aufklärung : l’Aufklärung du citoyen et l’Aufklärung de l’homme. / The focus of this study is based on the antipolitical conception of culture in Germany presented by the German sociologist Wolf Lepenies. The appeal to culture beyond politics would have well survived amongst “official” East-German intellectuals, hence the survival of a humanist tradition anchored in the German idealism of the 18th century. This study argues by means of hypotheses that the supremacy of culture over politics in the GDR is not as omnipresent as Lepenies believes it is, on the one hand, and that there is on the other hand an instrumentalization of culture by the party in power (SED), which gave way to an ideologization of the humanist heritage of the German classics and to a moralisation of politics. By considering “inofficial” East- German intellectuals left aside by Lepenies and starting from the confrontation of the ideal-types of political humanism of the Enlightenment, represented by opposition groups which worked along with the protestant Churches, and real humanism, understood as an extension of the materialist ideology stemming from Marxism, which inspired SED politics and which corresponded with a ritualization of labour in the GDR, this study explores the antithesis between democracy and totalitarianism under the light of two types of Aufklärung : the Aufklärung of citizen and the Aufklärung of man.

This essay aims to emphasize and clarify the positions that exist within the current globalization debate. The positions are the neo-liberal, the opponents, the pragmatists and the skeptics. The text presents and explains their ideological, moral and political positions and beliefs about the world, the nation state, the society and the individual; in light of Steven Lukes’ and Antonio Gramsci's theories regarding the interaction and the relationship between power and hegemony. The methodological starting point is the ideology-critical analysis; in which their arguments in the current globalization debate is highlighted and categorized. The neo-liberals consider globalization as a tool to legitimize the notion of the free, rational and autonomous individual – who in a free market chooses to contract, interact and relate to each other without facing any government intervention. Opponents see that globalization does not necessarily have to mean the spread of neoliberal economic doctrines – or government deregulation or privatization – but instead may represent a path towards a more just, democratic and inclusive world. Between these two diametrically opposed positions are the pragmatists; who argue that there must be a balance between political and economic freedom and government regulation and their institutional powers. Only then will globalization have the desired effects needed to be able to lift nations out of poverty, bring well being and evoke a greater temporal coherence at the global level. Finally, the skeptics’ viewpoint is that the concept of globalization is misleading and is used mainly as a diversion to hide the real interests – namely the U.S. ambitions to maintain its hegemonic position to continue to spread their neo-liberal ideology through the principles of free trade and democratization through the abolition of the welfare state. The analysis shows that the globalization debate is not primarily about what arguments are discussed at the present time, but instead deals with the political and ideological beliefs concerning how society should be designed and how the world should be comprehended and understood. The globalization debate is really about the individual and collective consciousness created by the liberal hegemonic exercise of power, and how this influence is manifested through the intellectual and moral leadership of the ruling class in the world today.

The method of my thesis is "historical document analysis" whose major line is dependency theory of Marxism which I will pick up famous scholar's books or journals within. Dependency theory of Marxism consists of underdevelopment school and dependent development school. The former has A. G. Frank, T. Dos Santos and Samir Amin etc.. The latter has F. H. Cardoso, E. Faletto, Peter B. Evans, J. A Caporaso and R. H. Chilcote etc.. Dependency theory of Structuralism which is a complement to dependency theory of Marxism has Raúl Prebisch, Celso Furtado and Osvaldo Sunkel. As to state development's research of dependency theory, it includes three parts: origins, schools and prospection. First part is origins. The academic thinking of dependency theory which is one of theories about researches of colonialism and imperialism in the 1960s follows Marxism's foundation¢w¢wi.e. productivity and productive relations. Though, dependency theory on the sphere of international relation belongs to a pan-Marxism family¢w¢was is neo-Marxism. However, Marx himself also ever declared that he wasn't a Marxist, namely, that researchers who follow Marx only take a part of Marx's intelligence, not all¢w¢weven distort that. So, the first step to understand economic asymmetry relations between peripheral and central state is back to the tradition of classical Marxism¢w¢wnamely, Marx's, Lenin's and Engel's intelligence¢w¢wand searches origins of dependency theory about peripherial state. Second part is schools which follow so-called "Two Stages" of Classical dependency and Dependent development theory. In first stage, it will begin to analyse United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA) school's views and turns to underdevelopment school's views. From this kind of analysis, we can understand underdevelopment school's critique of ECLA school and innovation. For these management, the thesis will be written with "inside" and "outside" relations. Before that, I will elaborate illumination of P. Baran, P. Sweezy and Prebisch on Frank's peripheral state. In second one, the thesis begines with Cardoso's, Faletto's, Caporaso's and Chilcote's views about historical-structural approach in order to emphasize methodical changes from Classical dependency theory to Dependent development theory, and show state's development problems affected by inner classes and transnational companies with Evans' "triple alliance". The last part is prospection. Dependency theory gets rise from 1950s. As time goes by, the methodology of dependency theory doesn't satisfy with academic researches in the age of globalization. So the thesis will dig out the value which is that dependency theory can countine to criticize the unfair structure of capitalism in the age of globalization from new researches of dependency theory's scholars which include dependency theory of Marxism and Structuralism.

盧那察爾斯基(Anatoly Lunacharsky, 1875-1933)於1917-1929年間擔任蘇聯教育人民委員部(Narkompros)首任委員，在任期間發表了大量關於藝術的文章及報告，其在蘇聯藝術發展史中扮演極為重要的角色，然而他以藝術達到社會主義理想的主張與正統馬克思主義的經濟決定論十分不同，他相信群眾意識才是推動革命的必要條件。而他從在俄國十月革命之前就抱持這種想法，因此曾一度主張將宗教與社會主義結合，使革命意識成為一種宗教情感而深植人心，而這種想法受到被極度反對宗教的列寧的嚴厲批評，隨後這種想法才轉向以藝術來實現。 在盧那察爾斯基思想中可見到實證主義(Positivism)、費爾巴哈(Ludwig Feuerbach)宗教哲學、尼采(Friedrich Nietzsche)哲學與華格納(Richard Wagner)的色彩，這使盧那察爾斯基的藝術理論在眾多馬克思主義美學家中顯得獨樹一格，本論文主要透過盧那察爾斯基的著作，並加上中西學者對於盧那察爾斯基的研究，不以馬克思主義為中心來理解盧那察爾斯基的藝術思想，探討盧那察爾斯基對於藝術與革命的認知與實踐。 / Anatoly Lunacharsky(1875-1933) was the first Commissar of The People's Commissariat for Education(Narkompros) from 1917-1929. During his tenure, he published many articles and reports about the arts and played a very important role in the history of artistic development in the Soviet Union. However, his proposal to achieve the ideal of Socialism through the arts was very different from the orthodox economic determinism of Marxism. He believed that mass consciousness was a must to promote the revolution. He already held this idea long before the October Revolution in Russia. Thus, he once advocated combining religion and Socialism, making revolutionary consciousness into a religion deeply rooted in everyone’s mind. Nevertheless, this idea was severely criticized by Lenin, who was very opposed to religion. Afterward, Lunacharsky’s thoughts changed, turning instead to realize ideals through art. The influences of Positivism, Feuerbach’s philosophy of religion, Nietzsche’s philosophy and Wagner’s concept of art can be seen in Lunacharsky’s thought, making his views on art unique among Marxist aestheticians. In this paper, instead of understanding Lunacharsky’s theory of art in the context of Marxism, discussion will focus on Lunacharsky’s works and Chinese/Western scholars’ studies on Lunacharsky in order to learn more about Lunacharsky’s thoughts and practice of art and revolution.

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To wield direct influence on the everyday lives of citizens, new political elites have often professed a profound interest in shaping the politics of dwelling. In the 1920s, Vienna’s Social Democrats built 400 communal housing blocks equipped with public gardens, theaters, libraries, kindergartens, and sports facilities, hoping that these facilities would serve as loci for “growing into socialism”. In the 1950s, housing construction in Berlin became a site of the Cold War. East Berlin’s social realist “workers palaces” on Stalinallee were meant to serve as an ideal flourishing ground for the “new socialist men and women”. In contrast, West Berlin's modernist Hansa-Viertel was designed to showcase an ideal dwelling culture and an urban environment that would cultivate individuality. This dissertation examines three historically situated and ideologically distinct responses to the housing question: social democracy in Red Vienna, state socialism in East Berlin, and liberal capitalism in West Berlin. It illuminates how political promises of a radical new beginning were translated into spatial arrangements—the private scale of the apartment and the urban scale of the city—as well as how citizens appropriated the social, political, and economic norms inherent to the new spaces they inhabited. More specifically, the following analyses demonstrate the fact that inherited social, technological, and economic practices have often subverted political visions of a radically different future. This was the case with pedagogy in Red Vienna’s municipal housing, instrumental reason in the form of Taylorism and Fordism in East and West Berlin’s mass housing, and gender relations in Red Vienna’s and East Berlin’s politics of dwelling. At the same time, this dissertation examines counter-spaces that emerged from the dialectics between political promises and actual socio-spatial realities, counter-spaces that both reflect critically on past hegemonic “politics of dwelling” and that foreshadow alternative political imaginations that are still relevant today. Of particular interest are counter-hegemonic practices of dwelling that embody possibilities of emancipation—of experiencing oneself as subject instead of object of social transformation, justice—of emphasizing considerations of equality and recognition, and radical democracy—of questioning power relations and of forming alliances among disadvantaged groups to transform everyday life.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal