This year the Institute of the Czech Language AS CR (Ustav pro jazyk cesky AV CR) is celebrating the 100th anniversary of foundation of its direct predecessor, the Office of the Dictionary of the Czech Language (Kancelar Slovniku jazyka ceskeho, KSJC) which provided the administrative background for an ambitious lexicographic project launched already in 1905 by the committee for lexicography and dialectology the Czech Academy of Emperor Franz Joseph for sciences, literature and art, to become the Czech Academy for Sciences and Art (CAVU) in 1918. Although much was done between the wars to establish a state-funded language institute, i.e. an institution which would unify the all-encompassing research of language and systematic work with the national language, for financial reasons the Czech Language Institute was established only in 1946. Six years later, the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences (CSAV) was founded and incorporated, among others, the Institute of the Czech Language. During the years, the structure of the Institute underwent various changes which were not merely a response to linguistic needs but also to the events of the time relating to the strengthening of the totalitarian communist power. Top Communist Party officials often interfered with personnel matters of the Institute and...

This thesis argues that a socially conservative tendency informed much of George Orwell's commentary between 1934 and 1943, and that the same tendency reflected a general European trend. The main sources of this thesis are a large selection of George Orwell's works and a smaller selection of works by Frantz Fanon, Jose Ortega y Gasset, and Antonio Gramsci. This thesis relies upon Orwell's involvement in the Spanish Civil War between 1936 and 1937 and his embrace of nationalism in 1940 as major organizational points of reference. This thesis concludes that Orwell's commentary was an example of a general European conservative reaction against Marxist-Leninist thought.

Neo-Marxism and neoliberal institutionalism are applied to investigate which factors determine the cooperation of emerging powers and what consequences it may have globally within the case of Russia-China relations in BRICS. To this end, congruence analysis is applied. Based on available data, comparison of predictions with observations reveals that the majority of evidences accord with neo-Marxism. Russia and China affirm their position against the predominance of one center in the international arena and emphasize common commitment to a more equitable multipolar world order that is permanently reflected in the statements of Russian and Chinese leadership. The trade war between the US and China since 2018 is one of the evidence of the growing disintegration of the existing world order. Building a new order is based on the creation of regional coalitions of the countries that share common views on specific issues. Within the framework of BRICS, Russia and China have already taken measures towards own financial institutions as an alternative source of funding. The leaderships of both countries believe that emerging economies should have a greater voice and representation in international financial institutions. Their primary interest is the reform of the International Monetary Fund so that it...

This essay applies a critical lens to Mrs. Dalloway (1925) by Virginia Woolf. The aim of this essay is to investigate if and how Mrs. Dalloway can be utilized for students to practice critical consciousness in the English as a Foreign Language (EFL) classroom. In Mrs. Dalloway, Woolf criticizes her own contemporary society by deliberately writing about the obnoxious social class system in London during the inter-war period. This deliberate social critique is analyzed by both looking into the author’s background and the historical time period the novel was written. The Marxist literary critic, Terry Eagleton argues that in order to fully understand literature, you must compare both the author and the author’s contemporary society to the novel itself. By analyzing these aspects, it is possible to understand any piece of literature from any given historical time period. Moreover, this essay desires to ascertain if canonical literature is relevant when teaching students about social class and inclusiveness. Furthermore, this essay argues that having a Marxist perspective can help students become critically conscious of both their environment and society. Also, it examines if the combination of Marxist theory together with critical pedagogy can create an educational situation that is equally fair for all students, regarding their socioeconomic status. The results of this essay concluded that applying either Marxist theory or critical literacy pedagogy to literature, could make students become more critically conscious about their environment, which could help to replicate the teaching philosophies of critical pedagogy by Paulo Freire.

This C-paper looks at Pierce Brown’s book Red Rising. The first book of a two trilogy series set in adystopian future where humankind has terraformed other planets and moons. The paper explains theways in which Red Rising handles class, and classism through a Marxist lens. Through this lens thispaper discusses how the society was due a revolution, and the factors that played a role in it. As Marxbelieves all lower classes will one day realize the oppression they are under and revolt against thebourgeoisie to create a classless system. The paper briefly looks at the societies from Plato’s TheRepublic as well as Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World.

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This essay sets out to examine my own practical knowledge as a socioculturally inspired preschool teacher conditioned by a capitalist ideology. Louis Althusser’s concept of ideology,as something reproduced by daily human actions, is used and the focus rests on language, or rather language use, especially in relation to the ‘autistic child’ as met in the preschool context. The analysis is supported by two specific traditions of thought: ordinary language philosophy – represented foremostly by Ludwig Wittgenstein, Stanley Cavell and Cora Diamond – and Marxist psychoanalysis, as particularly developed by Slavoj Žižek. The overall conclusion is that the preschool’s practical treatment of the autistic child can be read as a reaction to both ideological resistance and ideological disclosure. The autistic child is interpreted as representing a certain kind of imagination which is considered a threat in the capitalist/sociocultural preschool discourse. A discourse whose conditional criteria the essay also more thoroughly aims to uncover, using said traditions of thought.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / State social security transfers for families existed in South Africa only in the form of state maintenance grants, which paid up to R700 to single parents. The system was not appropriate in the South African context, being racially biased and financially unsustainable. The Department of Welfare - following in principle the recommendations of the "Lund report" - introduced with effect from 1 April 1998 a child support grant which is payable to the primary care-givers of children, regardless of their family status. The level of benefit was set at RIOOper month per child for children up to the age of six (incl.). The Department declared that 48% or 3 million children should be targeted. At the same time, the SMGs are to be phased out over a three year period. This research was conducted between November 1995 and March 1998. The analysis of the different suggestions during the policy process and the final policy is based on two pillars: • A situation analysis of the living conditions of South Africa's children on the basis of a composite index. • An evaluation of policy scenarios on the basis of a microsimulation model. The index tries to give a complex picture of the living conditions of children by looking at the financial situation, housing, health, and employment opportunities of the households the children are living in. The analysis reveals that nearly 70% of South Africa's children up to the age of six (incl.) live below the poverty line as defined. A further analysis of the household structure indicates that poorer children are likely to live in larger households. The overall policy shift from a support of single parent families to children in poverty regardless of their family status is espoused. However, the microsimulation model which analyses the impact of different factors like the 'level of benefit', the 'age-cohort', the 'means-test', and the 'administrative requirements', reveals that there are still serious flaws in the current policy. Due to the fact that the means-test is based on the total household income, nearly 40% of the children living below the poverty line are excluded. In addition, the administration needs urgent attention as its capacity is the decisive factor in the success of the programme. The thesis calculates that in the next five years up to R2 billion less will be spent on poor children and the goal of reaching 3 million children will not be achieved, if the problems identified are not addressed. The thesis develops an alternative suggestion to the current policy. While microsimulation has become quite a standard procedure in the analysis of social policies in industrialised countries, there is so far no application in developing countries. It is hoped that by taking this policy analysis as a case-study, this thesis is a step towards the introduction of this method here. Microsimulation models provide important information to enhance the transparency and accountability of policy processes. In this case, civil society was able to challenge Government's decision on a very informed basis, to put pressure on decision makers successfully, and to make workable alternative suggestions. Furthermore, the analysis reveals that against Government's promise redistribution does not take place. Instead a shift towards a more neo-liberal approach in social policy is observed.

[pt] A partir do questionamento de quem é a classe trabalhadora atual, esta pesquisa se propõe a compreender e analisar o trabalho informal sob a ótica das mulheres camelôs. Para isso, foram realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com quatro mulheres ambulantes da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, a fim de perceber as dinâmicas sociais entre elas e o espaço público. Assentando a discussão na necessidade de se atentar aos papéis de cuidado, impostos social e historicamente às mulheres, esta pesquisa atualiza as discussões a partir do contexto da pandemia de coronavírus. A região central do Rio de Janeiro, espaço delimitado para a pesquisa, ao mesmo tempo que é marcado por disputas entre a classe trabalhadora e o poder público, influenciado pelas elites dominantes, aparece, nesta pesquisa, como palco de construção de autonomia, liberdade e cidadania pelas camelôs, caracterizando-se também em campo político. Assim, esta pesquisa procura investigar as práticas coletivas, em um contexto individualizante, muitas vezes imposto pelo sistema neoliberal, percebendo exemplos de resistência coletivas e práticas que podem ser denominadas feministas. A pesquisa adotou como enquadramento teórico as teorias da reprodução social desenvolvidas pelos autores feministas-marxistas da chamada Teoria da Reprodução Social (TRS) e da intelectual negra Angela Davis, buscando realizar uma leitura sobre quem é classe trabalhadora atual, não deixando de fora uma investigação generificada e racializada, além de uma análise pautada na realidade concreta enfrentada pelas sujeitas desta pesquisa, não apartando teoria e prática. / [en] Based on the questioning of who is the current working class, this research aims to understand and analyze informal work from the perspective of women street vendors. For this, semi-structured interviews were carried out with four women street vendors in the city of Rio de Janeiro, to understand the social dynamics between them and the public space. Basing the discussion on the need to pay attention to the roles of care, socially and historically imposed on women, this research updates the discussions from the context of the coronavirus pandemic. The central region of Rio de Janeiro, the specific area of the research, concurrently marked by disputes between working classes and government, influenced by the ruling elites, appears in this research, as the setting of construction of autonomy, freedom and citizenship for the women vendors, featuring the region as well as a political field. Therefore, this research aims to investigate the collective practices, in an individualizing context, often imposed by the neoliberal system, noticing examples of collective resistance and practical actions that can be denominated feminists. This paper adopted as its theoretical framework the theories of social reproduction developed by feminist-marxists authors known as Social Reproduction Theory (SRT) and from the black intellectual Angela Davis, pircing an understanding about who comprises the current working class, not leaving out a gendered and racialized investigation, in addition to an analysis based on the concrete reality faced by the subjects of this research, not separating theory and practice.

This empirical research focuses on the subject of Hijab in Sweden. It demonstrates that Afghan (Muslim) women residing in Sweden do not consider the Hijab as an element of their culture/identity. Additionally, the empirical data gathered through interviews with twenty Afghans residing in Sweden reveals that Hijab is socially imposed on women, particularly by male relatives. Afghan women reveal verbal and physical violations exercised against women by male relatives in order to force them to veil. Therefore, if multiculturalism favors the Hijab as a human right and/or an identity/cultural element of these women, it neglects the violations implied by Hijab on women. By adopting a Marxist feminist lens, the research explains that although veiling and controlling women’s body existed for centuries before the birth of capitalism, controlling women’s body by forcing them to veil serves the capitalist project as well. The veil is one of the diverse ways of controlling women (‘s body) and is one of the ways to help the interests of capitalism since women are the source of reproduction of labor. Rejecting the position of both left-wing and right-wing parties (and specifically racists) in the political sphere in Sweden, it is suggested that the former (no matter intentionally or unintentionally) justifies and serves the preservation of the repressive Hijab and does not protect Muslim women and their human rights. And (far) right-wing actors, by pointing to the repressive Hijab, merely aim to cut the budget that is essential for protecting the fundamental human rights of immigrants and target the existence of immigrants per se to enable (further) development of capitalist (economic) policies. This research argues that discourse cannot make a substantial change in behaviors, and not only men should be considered as the responsible actor to diminish the violations. A third alternative/approach is instead suggested for the change in the material condition of such communities so as to diminish the violations. By reminding the responsibility of the Swedish government, it is suggested that the government should take responsibility for material provision regarding awareness, education, employment, and development of oppressed veiled women. This is how the government can protect human rights and actualize women’s capacity in order to combat the violations.