Cette thèse de doctorat cherche à savoir s’il existe un modèle de développement alternatif inspiré par la Chine en Afrique, et dans l’affirmative, comment et pourquoi il est diffusé dans certains pays et moins dans d’autres. Cette recherche contribue à combler une lacune dans la littérature sur l’effet des engagements de la Chine en Afrique en matière de modèle de développement. Mon argument principal qu’un tel modèle a plus de chances d’émerger dans un État autoritaire disposant de la marge de manœuvre permettant de mettre un accent particulier sur les infrastructures et l’industrialisation. Je suppose que les pays avec un État développemental, des héritages marxistes et une influence coloniale relativement faible ont tendance à adopter davantage le modèle de développement alternatif, alors que les États neoliberaux sur lesquels l’ancienne puissance coloniale a toujours la mainmise est moins à même de prendre le modèle. J'élucide mes hypothèses à travers une comparaison entre l’Éthiopie et le Sénégal. L’Éthiopie est un pays qui produit ce modèle de développement de manière volontaire et globale, tandis que le Sénégal l’adopte de manière modérée, voire minimale. Les hypothèses sont finalement testées avec plusieurs autres cas de pays africains. Cette recherche est principalement basée sur la méthode comparative et le traçage des processus. Le premier chapitre comporte mon cadre théorique et ma méthodologie. Je présente les caractéristiques de ce modèle de développement alternatif sur la base de mes observations et la revue de littérature dans le deuxième chapitre. J'expose deux études de cas principales au chapitre trois, suivi de mes explications de leurs situations différentes au chapitre quatre. Le chapitre cinque propose brièvement plusieurs autres études de cas tests et finalement synthétise les résultats de mes recherches, tout en rappelant le contexte international et les contraintes de la diffusion du modèle en question. / This Ph.D. dissertation seeks to verify if an alternative development model inspired by China is emerging in Africa and if so, how and why it is diffused in some countries. This dissertation helps to fill a gap in the literature on the effect that China’s engagement in Africa has had regarding development model. I argue that countries with a developmental state, Marxist legacies and relatively weak colonial heritages tend to embrace more the alternative development model because the state, often authoritarian, is able to devise autonomous development, with special emphasis on infrastructure and industrialization. I theorize that the neoliberal state still under control of the former colonial master someway is less apt to take the model. I assess my arguments on the intrinsic and external conditions facilitating the diffusion of the alternative development model through a comparison of Ethiopia and Senegal. Ethiopia is a country on the path of this development model in a voluntary and comprehensive way while Senegal adopts it in a moderate, if not minimal way. Later, the hypotheses are tested with more cases of African countries. This research is mainly based on the comparative method and process-tracing. The first chapter is my theoretical framework and methodology. I present the alternative development model based on my observations and literature review in the second chapter. I expose two main case studies in chapter 3, followed by my explanation of the different situations of the two cases in chapter 4. In chapter 5, I make several more cases studies briefly with a regional vision and finally synthesize my research findings.

Orientador: Juliana Campregher Pasqualini / Resumo: A presente pesquisa promove o encontro de dois grandes autores, Heleieth Saffioti e Daniil Elkonin, uma socióloga brasileira e um psicólogo soviético, tecendo diálogos em torno da necessidade da incorporação da crítica feminista marxista pela psicologia histórico-cultural. Tal teoria psicológica desde sua origem se constituiu como uma ciência marxista – porque não desconsiderou as contradições das classes sociais e a exploração de uma sobre a outra no regime capitalista. Além disso, se propôs a análise materialista histórico e dialética dos indivíduos a fim de atingir o complexo fenômeno do desenvolvimento psicológico a partir da concreticidade da vida em sociedade. O mote desse estudo foi a perspectiva de que essa ciência explicitamente herdeira da tradição marxista possa também reivindicar-se – e constituir-se como – ciência feminista, abrangendo, em suas análises e formulações, a organização de gênero (e de raça) na sociedade patriarcal-capitalista, que descreve uma relação social concreta de dominaçãoexploração entre homens e mulheres. O objetivo geral que guiou a investigação foi explorar possibilidades de aproximação entre a psicologia histórico-cultural do desenvolvimento e o feminismo marxista de Heleieth Saffioti, focalizando a teorização de Daniil Elkonin sobre a idade pré-escolar. Para tanto, foram delineados como objetivos específicos: i) identificar implicações do feminismo marxista para o estudo do desenvolvimento infantil na idade préescolar; ii) identificar co... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This research promotes the meeting of two great authors, Heleieth Saffioti and Daniil Elkonin, a Brazilian sociologist and a Soviet psychologist, weaving dialogues around the need to incorporate Marxist feminist criticism into historical-cultural psychology. Such a psychological theory since its origin was constituted as a Marxist science – because it did not disregard the contradictions of the social classes and the exploitation of one over the other in the capitalist regime. In addition, a historical and dialectical materialistic analysis of individuals was proposed in order to achieve the complex phenomenon of psychological development based on the concreteness of life in society. The motto of this study was the perspective that this science explicitly heir to the Marxist tradition can also claim – and constitute itself – feminist science, encompassing, in its analyzes and formulations, the organization of gender (and race) in society patriarchal-capitalist, which describes a concrete social relationship of domination-exploitation between men and women. The general objective that guided the investigation was to explore possibilities of approximation between the historical-cultural developmental psychology and the Marxist feminism of Heleieth Saffioti, focusing on Daniil Elkonin's theorization about preschool age. Therefore, the following objectives were outlined: i) to identify implications of Marxist feminism for the study of child development in pre-school age; ii) to id... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Resumen: Esta investigación promueve el encuentro de dos grandes autores, Heleieth Saffioti y Daniil Elkonin, una socióloga brasileña y uno psicólogo soviético, tejiendo diálogos en torno a la necesidad de incorporar la crítica feminista marxista en la psicología histórico-cultural. Tal teoría psicológica desde su origen se constituyó como una ciencia marxista, porque no ignoraste las contradicciones de las clases sociales y la explotación de una sobre la otra en el régimen capitalista. Además, se propuso un análisis materialista histórico y dialéctico de los individuos para lograr el complejo fenómeno del desarrollo psicológico basado en la concreción de la vida en sociedad. El lema de este estudio fue la perspectiva de que esta ciencia explícitamente heredera de la tradición marxista también puede reclamar, y constituirse a sí misma, como ciencia feminista, que abarca, en sus análisis y formulaciones, la organización del género (y la raza) en la sociedad patriarcal-capitalista, que describe una relación social concreta de dominación-explotación entre hombres y mujeres. El objetivo general que guió la investigación fue explorar las posibilidades de aproximación entre la psicología del desarrollo históricocultural y el feminismo marxista de Heleieth Saffioti, centrándose en la teorización de Daniil Elkonin sobre la edad preescolar. Por lo tanto, se delinearon los siguientes objetivos: i) identificar las implicaciones del feminismo marxista para el estudio del desarrollo infantil en la... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo) / Mestre

Uppsatsen undersöker hur marxistiska och maskulinitetsteoretiska maktstrukturer påverkar relationerna mellan de fyra huvudkaraktärerna i Stig Dagermans dramatext Streber. Karaktärerna analyseras utifrån texten i Judasdramer från 1949. Analysen utgår ifrån repliker, karaktärsbeskrivningar och scenanvisningar. I uppsatsen analyseras hierarkiska positioner utifrån den marxistiska teorin med fokus på klasstillhörighet och socioekonomiska förutsättningar, följt av maskulinitetsteorin med fokus på maskulinitetstyper samt maskulinitetsnormer. De bägge analysperspektivens resultat sammanförs i ett intersektionellt perspektiv och används för att placera in karaktärerna i schematiska modeller. Dramat har inför analysen delats in i tre delar vilket innebär att man genom analysen följer karaktärernas utveckling genom tre olika schematiska modeller. De schematiska modellerna och analyserade exemplen visar slutligen hur olika ekonomiska, sociala och könsrelaterade maktfaktorer påverkar relationerna mellan dramats huvudkaraktärer samt deras relationer till övriga av dramats karaktärer.

Several theorists, including the Marxist theorists Trevor Ross, Walter Benjamin, and M.H. Abrams, have proposed theories to explain the eighteenth-century shift from functional to aesthetic conceptions of literature. Their explanations attribute the change to an increasingly consumer-based society (and the resulting commoditization of books), the development of the press, the rise of the middle class, and increased access to books. When we apply the cause-effect relationships which these theorists propose to the contexts of nineteenth-century America, Communist East Germany, WWII America, and 9/11 America, however, the causes don't correlate with the effects they theoretically predict. This disjunction suggests a re-examination of these three theories and possibly the Marxist basis which they share. I suggest that by triangulating rhetorical theory with Marxist theory we will gain a more comprehensive understanding of society's valuation of literature.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This study utilizes an ideological rhetorical analysis, applying Marxist and Feminist lenses, to artifacts from Kiwanis International, a prominent global service organization. These artifacts are: "The Permanent Objects of Kiwanis," guiding principles that were codified in 1924; "The Man Who Was God": a brief story about transforming from Kiwanis member to "Kiwanian," published in 1935 and 1985, respectively; and the 2012 "Join the Club" Membership Brochure. The rhetoric of discursive materials is one of the most salient representations of group ideology. In turn, ideology, particularly when it reflects and perpetuates social hegemony, has a normalizing effect on itself. Ideology shapes identity; identity shapes strategies to set process norms that create social cohesion. Norms of social cohesion become culture; culture reinforces ideology. When these components mirror social hegemony and replicate hegemonic power, they create institutions, like service organizations; these institutions then legitimate and normalize positions of social privilege. Ultimately, ideology and social hegemony reveal themselves through organizational and member practices and organizationally-produced discursive material. The purpose of this study is to analyze the historical, socio-political, and socio-cultural roots of Kiwanis International in order to draw logical conclusions about the organization's ideology for the purposes of understanding how that ideology contributes to, justifies, and perpetuates an unconscious, neo-colonial view of philanthropy. Kiwanis International, on an organizational (macro) level and at the club/member (micro) level, is structured around positions of racial, ethnic, socio-economic, linguistic, gender, and religious privilege, and so mimics the hegemonic power centers and dominant ideologies of society at large. In turn, the products and practices of the organization reflect these positions of privilege and inhibits the organization's ability to attract traditionally excluded, disenfranchised, or under-represented groups. Understanding that it is a contentious and futile to simply point where power relations exist and assert themselves, this study emphasizes where "othering" occurs in hopes of mitigating relations of domination and oppression between Kiwanis members and perspective members, and of moving forward the interests of those who have not traditionally been counted among Kiwanis' members but whose presence could save the organization.

This dissertation is a critique of Marx's theory of alienation with emphasis on how Marx constructed his definition of man and consciousness. The main premise of the theory is that private property caused alienation but the hypothesis of this dissertation is that because the theory defined man and consciousness in an erroneous manner alienation was not possible, and that the conditions observed by Marx were exacerbated by landlessness. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Politics)

This dissertation is mainly on Wole Soyinka as a dramatist. It aims to show that Soyinka, far from being an irrelevant artist as some of his fiercest critics have alleged, is a deeply committed writer whose works are characterised by a strong sense of concern with basic human values of right and wrong, good and evil. Furthermore, the dissertation shows that although Soyinka is not an admirer of Marxist aesthetics, he is certainly not in the art-for-art's-sake camp either, I because he is fully aware of the utilitarian value of literature. Soyinka's works are much influenced by his social and historical background, and the dissertation shows that Soyinka's socio-political awareness pervades all these works, although it will be seen that in the later plays there is a sharpened political awareness. Although largely concerned with his own country's issues, Soyinka also emerges as a keen observer of humanity universally / English Studies / M.A. (English)

This thesis examines the relationship between the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front Government and the media in the provincial state of West Bengal, India, during the thirty four years (1977-2011) period when the party was in government. The main aim of the thesis is to investigate the relation between the CPI (M) led Left Front Government and the media in West Bengal (1977-2011), the role of the media in stabilising or destabilising the Left Front Government, the impact of neoliberalism on the Left Front Government and their relation with the media, the role of the media in communicating developmental policies of the LFG to the public and finally the role which the mainstream and the party controlled media played in the public sphere. These questions are addressed through document research of CPI (M)’s congress and conference reports, manifestos, press releases, pamphlets, leaflets, booklets; and interviews with the CPI (M) leadership and the Editors and Bureau Chiefs of the key newspapers and television channels in West Bengal. The findings are contextualised within a broader discussion of the political and historical transitions India and West Bengal have gone through in this period (chapter 4). This is the first study looking at the relationship between the media and the CPI (M) led Left Front Government over a period of thirty four years (1977-2011). The thesis finds that neoliberalism in India had considerable effects on the CPI (M), the media and their relationship. The research finds a continuous effort from the mainstream and the party-controlled media to dominate the public sphere leading debates in order to seek some form of political consensus in order to govern. The media in West Bengal were politically divided between the left and the opposition. The research finds that this generated a market for political advertisements and political news contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal that assisted in generating revenue for the media. The findings also suggest that the media contributed to rather than played a determining role in destabilising the Left Front Government. Finally the research finds that the CPI (M) had an arduous relation with the media since 1977 when the party decided to participate in the parliamentary democracy. The LFG and the mainstream media entered into an antagonistic relationship post 1991 contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal.

Cette thèse commence par souligner les contextes et les difficultés d'analyse de l'économie chinoise : la première difficulté est la particularité de la Chine qui est également référencée comme «socialisme avec des caractéristiques chinoises», qui comprend le contexte culturel unique et la langue, la nature de l'économie, le manque de données, et les changements institutionnels fréquents. La deuxième difficulté est l'insuffisance des modèles de croissance économique modernes. En outre, les chercheurs souffrent également des problèmes économétriques généraux de la modélisation macroéconomique, par exemple le problème de petit échantillon, la faible identification et l'estimation sensible pour la stationnarité des séries et paramètres tronqués. Par conséquent, nous devons trouver et travailler dans un cadre approprié. Cette thèse montrera l'insuffisance des modèles de croissance économique dominante pour expliquer la croissance économique de la Chine et la nécessité de sortir du cadre néoclassique. L'analyse se tourne progressivement vers les approches marxistes et se concentre sur l'analyse des taux de profit. [...]Cette thèse propose quelques éléments de réflexion méthodologique sur le thème de la croissance de l’économie chinoise dans la longue période. À partir de données statistiques officielles chinoises retravaillées, nous reconstruisons des séries temporelles de stocks de capital physique les plus longues possibles, soit de 1952 à 2014, de façon à remonter au plus près de la date de formation de la République populaire et étendre cette base de données jusqu’au présent, pour tenir compte des derniers annuaires statistiques publiés en 2016. Nous testons ces nouvelles données afin d’estimer les contributions des facteurs de production à la croissance dans un cadre théorique néoclassique, en soulignant les limites de tels modèles – problématiques, car selon nous indépassables. [...] L'auteur a prédit les valeurs de certaines variables économiques de 2015. L'auteur prédit que le taux de profit continuera à baisser même s'il est déjà faible dans 2014. Si le taux de profit continue à baisser, les marxistes pourraient soutenir qu'une crise se produira à l'avenir. Toutefois, l'argument est cohérent avec les faits qu'une crise financière sur le marché boursier se produira en 2015 et 2016. La prévision pour la croissance économique est également très réussie. En outre, l'auteur a également étendu la décomposition économique des taux de profit. L'auteur a proposé trois décompositions différentes puis appliqué un filtre à ces composants. Les cycles économiques et les crises ont été confirmés avec une perspective marxiste revisée. / The rise of emerging economies and their increasing contributions to the world’s economy has led to the development of the science of economics. China is a typical representative of emerging market economies. This economic phenomenon pushes the development of economic growth theory, and the problems in empirical analyses also promote econometric techniques. Though China is still a developing country, China has successfully dragged itself out of absolute poverty. Is the technique of China’s economic development an alternative method for the struggle against the poverty of other poor countries? With the lack of modern international standard data, the empirical analyses of modern economic growth theories in the literature are generally focused on the period after the opening-up reform in 1978 or the period after the fiscal reform in 1993. In this thesis, the author attempts to extend the vision, by further analyzing China’s economy using modern economic approaches since the foundation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. Alongside the wave of privatization, marketization, and liberalization in the countries of the former Soviet Union, socialist countries, and developing countries, China has also begun its economic reform since 1978 in which it has achieved great economic success. Chinese policymakers themselves contribute the rapid economic growth to the success of the institutional choice. For instance, Hu Jintao’s report at the 17th Party Congress (2007) has the following assertion: “To sum up, the fundamental reason behind all our achievements and progress since the reform and opening up policy was introduced is that we have blazed a path of socialism with Chinese characteristics and established a system of theories of socialism with Chinese characteristics.” However, what does the so-called “socialism with Chinese characteristics” really mean? How does it work on the path of economic growth? All those interesting questions incite this thesis to explore the answers. [...]

Este trabalho analisa a trajetória da classe trabalhadora venezuelana como parte do Proceso Bolivariano, sendo este entendido como um conjunto de acontecimentos de caráter político e social inaugurado na Venezuela pela crise pré-revolucionária do Sacudón (27 de Fevereiro de 1989 – 27F) e que se desenvolve como resultado de diferentes correlações de forças sociais até os dias atuais, sob o governo dirigido pelo Presidente Hugo Chávez. A tese volta-se para o estudo de dois sujeitos fundamentais do Processo Bolivariano que se encontram muitas vezes preteridos nos estudos sobre a Venezuela atual, cuja ênfase orienta-se para a análise da liderança chavista e seu governo. São eles, a classe operária industrial e os trabalhadores precarizados moradores dos barrios ─ espaço de segregação social que ocupa parte significativa da paisagem urbana venezuelana. Para compreender e explicar a emergência desses sujeitos no cenário nacional são buscadas suas raízes econômico-sociais nos elementos próprios da estrutura do capitalismo dependente petroleiro-rentista. Partindo de uma história econômica da Venezuela desde os anos 1920, identificamos a constituição de um Exército Industrial de Reserva de proporções inauditas. Com base na experiência de mais de três gerações vivendo nos barrios, os trabalhadores precarizados ingressaram no cenário político nacional venezuelano como um movimento de massas particular, com demandas e modos de luta específicos. Inspiradas em práticas insurgentes que remanescem da experiência guerrilheira dos anos 1960, essas lutas ganham forma nas mobilizações callejeras das décadas de 1980 e 1990. A intensa atividade política desse setor, em aliança com setores reformistas das Forças Armadas Nacionais venezuelanas que se arremetem na busca pelo controle do aparato estatal em 4 de fevereiro de 1992, os militares bolivarianos, constitui-se um movimiento bolivariano radical de masas, de caráter policlassista. Depois de abandonar a estratégia insurrecional de acesso ao poder em prol da via institucional, a chegada de Hugo Chávez na Presidência inaugurará uma nova fase do Proceso. Ocupando posição nada desprezível no aparato estatal, a aliança policlassista consubstanciada no governo bolivariano enfrentará o acirramento da luta de classes no interior da qual se recolocará a centralidade do operariado industrial como sujeito central da mudança estrutural. Assim, se o 27F marcou a crise pré-revolucionária e o 4F uma situação revolucionária, o governo bolivariano vem revelando-se mais recentemente como um instrumento de contenção das demandas sociais. Ao mesmo tempo, a exacerbação da luta de classes abriu caminhos para o comparecimento da classe operária industrial na luta pelo poder com experiências significativas de controle da produção em importantes atividades econômicas do país, como são as indústrias do petróleo (PDVSA), alumínio (CVG-ALCASA) e siderúrgica (SIDOR). Baseado em fontes quantitativas e qualitativas, com uso de séries estatísticas históricas e coleta de testemunhos de História Oral, este trabalho procura oferecer uma interpretação rigorosa, ainda que provisória, da história recente venezuelana a partir da perspectiva da luta de classes. / The present thesis annalyses the trajectory of Venezuelan working class within the Proceso Bolivariano, which is understood as a compound of political and social events in this country inaugurated by the pre revolutionary crisis driven by the Sacudón (February the 27th, 1989 – 27F) and since then has evolved as a result of varying correlation of the social forces up to the present. Stemming from an economic history of Venezuela since the 1920s, the thesis presents evidence on the upsurging of precarious urban workers as the main actors of the Proceso Bolivariano. The relevance assumed by this working class sector is discussed as resulting from the very constitution of the Venezuelan oil dependent capitalism and its rentier bias. The thesis remarks that this particular form of capitalism reproduced throughout the twentieth century an Industrial Reserve Army of incomparable dimensions. In this process, the precarious urban workers have been socially segregated in the barrios (shantty towns) and had their identity forged on day-to-day struggles experience for survival. In this sense, it is argued that this working class sector emerged at the national political escenario in Venezuela as a particular mass movement, carrying out its claims and specific ways of struggles. The political actions sustained by those social subjects, in an alliance with reformer military from the Venezuelan National Armed Forces – the Bolivarian Military – crafted what we named the Bolivarian radical mass movement, inaugurating a new historical bloc which accessed Venezuela’s state apparatus departing from 1999. Using insurgent methods derived both from the 1960s guerrilla experience and the popular extraction within the Venezuelan Army, this historical bloc unfolded a strategy to control State’s apparatus evoking a political discourse advocating for a revolutionary transformation. Regarding the former elements, the thesis discusses how the pre revolutionary crisis of the 27F moved towards a revolutionary situation, when dominant classe’s difficulties for unity opposed them in a stalemate with the military, on February the 4th, 1992 (4 F), and, finally, how this situation evolved to an institutional outcome with ex-Liutenenent Colonel Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías candidature and election for Presidency in 1999. In this sense, the Bolivarian Government is depicted as a new phase of the Proceso. The thesis contends this new phase has sharpen the class struggles and put the industrial working class into centrality, as it will reemerge as main protagonist for social structural change. In conclusion, if the 27F stressed a pre revolutionary crisis and the 4F remarked a revolutionary situation, the thesis contends that multiclassis Bolivarian government turned out to be an instrument for countering radical social demands of the industrial working class and the precarious workers, while at the same time sharpening the class struggles, unfolding a new path for the working class to fight for an alternative power. Using quantitative and qualitative methods and different sorts of research sources, such as historical statistics and Oral History records, this thesis aims at offering a yet provisional contribution to the field of the Venezuelan recent history, considering the class struggles theoretical perspective.