This thesis looks at the relevance of ideology to the emergence of capitalist social formation in Ruperts Land and the North West between 1852 and 1885 in two contexts: 1) as a mechanism of transforming the mercantilist social formation - the economy, state, and society - that arose to oversee the fur trade in Ruperts Land and the Indian Territory between 1670 and 1870; and 2) its role in establishing capitalist social formation in the North West up to 1885. I focus on the social processes by which ideology is transmitted and its significance to the emerging formation. I attempt to explain how a diverse group of politicians, bankers, investors, merchants, and industrialists took control of vast, resource-rich, and occupied territories like Ruperts Land and the North West and completely transformed the existing social arrangements according to their worldview. This thesis engages Marxist theory to examine the ideas of John A. Macdonald, Alexander Mackenzie, and Edward Blake as heads of the eastern polity, state, central government, and official opposition, and the representatives of commercial, financial, and industrial factions of the bourgeoisie. Over six hundred primary samples of their discourses in the form of political speeches, historical debates, and personal correspondence were reviewed in this research. The major themes emerging from the analysis pertain to the ideological underpinnings of a capitalist worldview in terms of the relevance of law and Christianity to the colonization and civilization of emigrant and indigenous peoples in the North West. It was also found that while politicians disseminate the worldview of their class and faction, they rely significantly on the support of capital and the producing classes to implement their ideas and establish, legitimize, and reproduce the conditions and relations of capitalism. When Macdonald and Mackenzie failed to rally consent for capitalism among local peoples in the North West, ideological coercion became the means of transforming the necessary social, economic, and political structures. I suggest that the use of force (rather than cooperation) to organize agricultural society in Saskatchewan has had long-term consequences for emigrant and indigenous peoples alike.

This thesis looks at the relevance of ideology to the emergence of capitalist social formation in Ruperts Land and the North West between 1852 and 1885 in two contexts: 1) as a mechanism of transforming the mercantilist social formation - the economy, state, and society - that arose to oversee the fur trade in Ruperts Land and the Indian Territory between 1670 and 1870; and 2) its role in establishing capitalist social formation in the North West up to 1885. I focus on the social processes by which ideology is transmitted and its significance to the emerging formation. I attempt to explain how a diverse group of politicians, bankers, investors, merchants, and industrialists took control of vast, resource-rich, and occupied territories like Ruperts Land and the North West and completely transformed the existing social arrangements according to their worldview. This thesis engages Marxist theory to examine the ideas of John A. Macdonald, Alexander Mackenzie, and Edward Blake as heads of the eastern polity, state, central government, and official opposition, and the representatives of commercial, financial, and industrial factions of the bourgeoisie. Over six hundred primary samples of their discourses in the form of political speeches, historical debates, and personal correspondence were reviewed in this research. The major themes emerging from the analysis pertain to the ideological underpinnings of a capitalist worldview in terms of the relevance of law and Christianity to the colonization and civilization of emigrant and indigenous peoples in the North West. It was also found that while politicians disseminate the worldview of their class and faction, they rely significantly on the support of capital and the producing classes to implement their ideas and establish, legitimize, and reproduce the conditions and relations of capitalism. When Macdonald and Mackenzie failed to rally consent for capitalism among local peoples in the North West, ideological coercion became the means of transforming the necessary social, economic, and political structures. I suggest that the use of force (rather than cooperation) to organize agricultural society in Saskatchewan has had long-term consequences for emigrant and indigenous peoples alike.

Social economy community development organizations (SECDOs) are social service organizations that provide poverty relief but do not necessarily inspire a counter-hegemonic antipoverty strategy against a neoliberal welfare state. Tension between providing human social services and engaging in advocacy is at the core of how SECDOs may be both complicit to as well as working against the neoliberalization of the welfare state. This study explores how SECDOs can nurture a new paradigm for community economic development organizations. Through a case study of a Canadian settlement house, the research demonstrates how transforming work may encourage a culture of organic intellectualism or, a culture of emancipatory consciousness-raising. By re-organizing workplace practices, such as working collaboratively, providing a hub for services and engaging in popular education, transformative SECDOs help provide the conditions for citizens to affect governance. The research theorizes how SECDOs may foster a culture of organic intellectualism to promote the transformative social economy.

Social economy community development organizations (SECDOs) are social service organizations that provide poverty relief but do not necessarily inspire a counter-hegemonic antipoverty strategy against a neoliberal welfare state. Tension between providing human social services and engaging in advocacy is at the core of how SECDOs may be both complicit to as well as working against the neoliberalization of the welfare state. This study explores how SECDOs can nurture a new paradigm for community economic development organizations. Through a case study of a Canadian settlement house, the research demonstrates how transforming work may encourage a culture of organic intellectualism or, a culture of emancipatory consciousness-raising. By re-organizing workplace practices, such as working collaboratively, providing a hub for services and engaging in popular education, transformative SECDOs help provide the conditions for citizens to affect governance. The research theorizes how SECDOs may foster a culture of organic intellectualism to promote the transformative social economy.

This dissertation is a critique of Marx's theory of alienation with emphasis on how Marx constructed his definition of man and consciousness. The main premise of the theory is that private property caused alienation but the hypothesis of this dissertation is that because the theory defined man and consciousness in an erroneous manner alienation was not possible, and that the conditions observed by Marx were exacerbated by landlessness. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Politics)

This dissertation is mainly on Wole Soyinka as a dramatist. It aims to show that Soyinka, far from being an irrelevant artist as some of his fiercest critics have alleged, is a deeply committed writer whose works are characterised by a strong sense of concern with basic human values of right and wrong, good and evil. Furthermore, the dissertation shows that although Soyinka is not an admirer of Marxist aesthetics, he is certainly not in the art-for-art's-sake camp either, I because he is fully aware of the utilitarian value of literature. Soyinka's works are much influenced by his social and historical background, and the dissertation shows that Soyinka's socio-political awareness pervades all these works, although it will be seen that in the later plays there is a sharpened political awareness. Although largely concerned with his own country's issues, Soyinka also emerges as a keen observer of humanity universally / English Studies / M.A. (English)

Este trabalho analisa a trajetória da classe trabalhadora venezuelana como parte do Proceso Bolivariano, sendo este entendido como um conjunto de acontecimentos de caráter político e social inaugurado na Venezuela pela crise pré-revolucionária do Sacudón (27 de Fevereiro de 1989 – 27F) e que se desenvolve como resultado de diferentes correlações de forças sociais até os dias atuais, sob o governo dirigido pelo Presidente Hugo Chávez. A tese volta-se para o estudo de dois sujeitos fundamentais do Processo Bolivariano que se encontram muitas vezes preteridos nos estudos sobre a Venezuela atual, cuja ênfase orienta-se para a análise da liderança chavista e seu governo. São eles, a classe operária industrial e os trabalhadores precarizados moradores dos barrios ─ espaço de segregação social que ocupa parte significativa da paisagem urbana venezuelana. Para compreender e explicar a emergência desses sujeitos no cenário nacional são buscadas suas raízes econômico-sociais nos elementos próprios da estrutura do capitalismo dependente petroleiro-rentista. Partindo de uma história econômica da Venezuela desde os anos 1920, identificamos a constituição de um Exército Industrial de Reserva de proporções inauditas. Com base na experiência de mais de três gerações vivendo nos barrios, os trabalhadores precarizados ingressaram no cenário político nacional venezuelano como um movimento de massas particular, com demandas e modos de luta específicos. Inspiradas em práticas insurgentes que remanescem da experiência guerrilheira dos anos 1960, essas lutas ganham forma nas mobilizações callejeras das décadas de 1980 e 1990. A intensa atividade política desse setor, em aliança com setores reformistas das Forças Armadas Nacionais venezuelanas que se arremetem na busca pelo controle do aparato estatal em 4 de fevereiro de 1992, os militares bolivarianos, constitui-se um movimiento bolivariano radical de masas, de caráter policlassista. Depois de abandonar a estratégia insurrecional de acesso ao poder em prol da via institucional, a chegada de Hugo Chávez na Presidência inaugurará uma nova fase do Proceso. Ocupando posição nada desprezível no aparato estatal, a aliança policlassista consubstanciada no governo bolivariano enfrentará o acirramento da luta de classes no interior da qual se recolocará a centralidade do operariado industrial como sujeito central da mudança estrutural. Assim, se o 27F marcou a crise pré-revolucionária e o 4F uma situação revolucionária, o governo bolivariano vem revelando-se mais recentemente como um instrumento de contenção das demandas sociais. Ao mesmo tempo, a exacerbação da luta de classes abriu caminhos para o comparecimento da classe operária industrial na luta pelo poder com experiências significativas de controle da produção em importantes atividades econômicas do país, como são as indústrias do petróleo (PDVSA), alumínio (CVG-ALCASA) e siderúrgica (SIDOR). Baseado em fontes quantitativas e qualitativas, com uso de séries estatísticas históricas e coleta de testemunhos de História Oral, este trabalho procura oferecer uma interpretação rigorosa, ainda que provisória, da história recente venezuelana a partir da perspectiva da luta de classes. / The present thesis annalyses the trajectory of Venezuelan working class within the Proceso Bolivariano, which is understood as a compound of political and social events in this country inaugurated by the pre revolutionary crisis driven by the Sacudón (February the 27th, 1989 – 27F) and since then has evolved as a result of varying correlation of the social forces up to the present. Stemming from an economic history of Venezuela since the 1920s, the thesis presents evidence on the upsurging of precarious urban workers as the main actors of the Proceso Bolivariano. The relevance assumed by this working class sector is discussed as resulting from the very constitution of the Venezuelan oil dependent capitalism and its rentier bias. The thesis remarks that this particular form of capitalism reproduced throughout the twentieth century an Industrial Reserve Army of incomparable dimensions. In this process, the precarious urban workers have been socially segregated in the barrios (shantty towns) and had their identity forged on day-to-day struggles experience for survival. In this sense, it is argued that this working class sector emerged at the national political escenario in Venezuela as a particular mass movement, carrying out its claims and specific ways of struggles. The political actions sustained by those social subjects, in an alliance with reformer military from the Venezuelan National Armed Forces – the Bolivarian Military – crafted what we named the Bolivarian radical mass movement, inaugurating a new historical bloc which accessed Venezuela’s state apparatus departing from 1999. Using insurgent methods derived both from the 1960s guerrilla experience and the popular extraction within the Venezuelan Army, this historical bloc unfolded a strategy to control State’s apparatus evoking a political discourse advocating for a revolutionary transformation. Regarding the former elements, the thesis discusses how the pre revolutionary crisis of the 27F moved towards a revolutionary situation, when dominant classe’s difficulties for unity opposed them in a stalemate with the military, on February the 4th, 1992 (4 F), and, finally, how this situation evolved to an institutional outcome with ex-Liutenenent Colonel Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías candidature and election for Presidency in 1999. In this sense, the Bolivarian Government is depicted as a new phase of the Proceso. The thesis contends this new phase has sharpen the class struggles and put the industrial working class into centrality, as it will reemerge as main protagonist for social structural change. In conclusion, if the 27F stressed a pre revolutionary crisis and the 4F remarked a revolutionary situation, the thesis contends that multiclassis Bolivarian government turned out to be an instrument for countering radical social demands of the industrial working class and the precarious workers, while at the same time sharpening the class struggles, unfolding a new path for the working class to fight for an alternative power. Using quantitative and qualitative methods and different sorts of research sources, such as historical statistics and Oral History records, this thesis aims at offering a yet provisional contribution to the field of the Venezuelan recent history, considering the class struggles theoretical perspective.

Este trabalho analisa a trajetória da classe trabalhadora venezuelana como parte do Proceso Bolivariano, sendo este entendido como um conjunto de acontecimentos de caráter político e social inaugurado na Venezuela pela crise pré-revolucionária do Sacudón (27 de Fevereiro de 1989 – 27F) e que se desenvolve como resultado de diferentes correlações de forças sociais até os dias atuais, sob o governo dirigido pelo Presidente Hugo Chávez. A tese volta-se para o estudo de dois sujeitos fundamentais do Processo Bolivariano que se encontram muitas vezes preteridos nos estudos sobre a Venezuela atual, cuja ênfase orienta-se para a análise da liderança chavista e seu governo. São eles, a classe operária industrial e os trabalhadores precarizados moradores dos barrios ─ espaço de segregação social que ocupa parte significativa da paisagem urbana venezuelana. Para compreender e explicar a emergência desses sujeitos no cenário nacional são buscadas suas raízes econômico-sociais nos elementos próprios da estrutura do capitalismo dependente petroleiro-rentista. Partindo de uma história econômica da Venezuela desde os anos 1920, identificamos a constituição de um Exército Industrial de Reserva de proporções inauditas. Com base na experiência de mais de três gerações vivendo nos barrios, os trabalhadores precarizados ingressaram no cenário político nacional venezuelano como um movimento de massas particular, com demandas e modos de luta específicos. Inspiradas em práticas insurgentes que remanescem da experiência guerrilheira dos anos 1960, essas lutas ganham forma nas mobilizações callejeras das décadas de 1980 e 1990. A intensa atividade política desse setor, em aliança com setores reformistas das Forças Armadas Nacionais venezuelanas que se arremetem na busca pelo controle do aparato estatal em 4 de fevereiro de 1992, os militares bolivarianos, constitui-se um movimiento bolivariano radical de masas, de caráter policlassista. Depois de abandonar a estratégia insurrecional de acesso ao poder em prol da via institucional, a chegada de Hugo Chávez na Presidência inaugurará uma nova fase do Proceso. Ocupando posição nada desprezível no aparato estatal, a aliança policlassista consubstanciada no governo bolivariano enfrentará o acirramento da luta de classes no interior da qual se recolocará a centralidade do operariado industrial como sujeito central da mudança estrutural. Assim, se o 27F marcou a crise pré-revolucionária e o 4F uma situação revolucionária, o governo bolivariano vem revelando-se mais recentemente como um instrumento de contenção das demandas sociais. Ao mesmo tempo, a exacerbação da luta de classes abriu caminhos para o comparecimento da classe operária industrial na luta pelo poder com experiências significativas de controle da produção em importantes atividades econômicas do país, como são as indústrias do petróleo (PDVSA), alumínio (CVG-ALCASA) e siderúrgica (SIDOR). Baseado em fontes quantitativas e qualitativas, com uso de séries estatísticas históricas e coleta de testemunhos de História Oral, este trabalho procura oferecer uma interpretação rigorosa, ainda que provisória, da história recente venezuelana a partir da perspectiva da luta de classes. / The present thesis annalyses the trajectory of Venezuelan working class within the Proceso Bolivariano, which is understood as a compound of political and social events in this country inaugurated by the pre revolutionary crisis driven by the Sacudón (February the 27th, 1989 – 27F) and since then has evolved as a result of varying correlation of the social forces up to the present. Stemming from an economic history of Venezuela since the 1920s, the thesis presents evidence on the upsurging of precarious urban workers as the main actors of the Proceso Bolivariano. The relevance assumed by this working class sector is discussed as resulting from the very constitution of the Venezuelan oil dependent capitalism and its rentier bias. The thesis remarks that this particular form of capitalism reproduced throughout the twentieth century an Industrial Reserve Army of incomparable dimensions. In this process, the precarious urban workers have been socially segregated in the barrios (shantty towns) and had their identity forged on day-to-day struggles experience for survival. In this sense, it is argued that this working class sector emerged at the national political escenario in Venezuela as a particular mass movement, carrying out its claims and specific ways of struggles. The political actions sustained by those social subjects, in an alliance with reformer military from the Venezuelan National Armed Forces – the Bolivarian Military – crafted what we named the Bolivarian radical mass movement, inaugurating a new historical bloc which accessed Venezuela’s state apparatus departing from 1999. Using insurgent methods derived both from the 1960s guerrilla experience and the popular extraction within the Venezuelan Army, this historical bloc unfolded a strategy to control State’s apparatus evoking a political discourse advocating for a revolutionary transformation. Regarding the former elements, the thesis discusses how the pre revolutionary crisis of the 27F moved towards a revolutionary situation, when dominant classe’s difficulties for unity opposed them in a stalemate with the military, on February the 4th, 1992 (4 F), and, finally, how this situation evolved to an institutional outcome with ex-Liutenenent Colonel Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías candidature and election for Presidency in 1999. In this sense, the Bolivarian Government is depicted as a new phase of the Proceso. The thesis contends this new phase has sharpen the class struggles and put the industrial working class into centrality, as it will reemerge as main protagonist for social structural change. In conclusion, if the 27F stressed a pre revolutionary crisis and the 4F remarked a revolutionary situation, the thesis contends that multiclassis Bolivarian government turned out to be an instrument for countering radical social demands of the industrial working class and the precarious workers, while at the same time sharpening the class struggles, unfolding a new path for the working class to fight for an alternative power. Using quantitative and qualitative methods and different sorts of research sources, such as historical statistics and Oral History records, this thesis aims at offering a yet provisional contribution to the field of the Venezuelan recent history, considering the class struggles theoretical perspective.

This thesis aims to open up the realm of what counts as political in the context of the Marikana strikes and subsequent massacre. It does primarily by taking into account the social, political and cultural context of Mpondo workers on the mines. Many narrow Marxist and liberal frameworks have circumscribed the conception of the ‘modern’ and the ‘political’ so much so that political organisation which falls outside of this conceptualisation is often regarded as ‘backward’ or ‘archaic’. It will provide an examination of the history, culture and custom of men, who have, for almost a hundred years migrated back and forth between South African mines and Mpondoland. This not only reveals differing modes of organising and engaging in political action, but also that the praxis of democracy takes many forms, some of which are different and opposed to what counts as democratic in Western liberal democracy. By considering what I argue, following some of the insights from the Subaltern Studies collective in India, to be a subaltern sphere of politics and history, it is possible to better understand the way workers organised and acted. The thesis also argues that most labour and nationalist historiography has been silent on the political contributions of women because of how Marxist/liberal analysis frames struggles through disciplined notions of work and resistance. Rather than objectifying workers as representatives of a homogenous and universal class of people devoid of context, the thesis has linked ‘the worker’ to the community from which s/he comes and community specific struggles, which are supported and sustained, often, by the parallel struggles of women in the community.

My paper examines how American authors of the South Asian Diaspora (Indian-American or South Asian American) can be read 1) as simply American and 2) without regard to ethnicity. I develop this argument using American authors Jhumpa Lahiri, a first generation American of Bengali-Indian descent, and Bharati Mukherjee, an American of Bengali-Indian origin. I borrow from Deepika Bahri's materialist aesthetics in postcolonialism (in turn borrowed from members of the Frankfurt School of Critical Theory) and include theoretical insights from Rey Chow, Graham Huggan, and R. Radhakrishnan regarding multiculturalism, identity politics, and diaspora studies. Huggan and Radhakrishnan's insights are especially useful because their work deals with the South Asian diaspora, in England and the United States, respectively. After setting up a theoretical framework, I critique reviews and essays that privilege hyphenated, "Indian," or "South Asian" identity, and the resultant reading paradigm that fixes these authors into an ethnic minority category. I then trace aesthetic and thematic content of short stories from both Lahiri's Interpreter of Maladies and Mukherjee's The Middleman and Other Stories to demonstrate how these stories resist this ethno-cultural pigeonholing. My analysis exposes how ethnic and multicultural identity politics supplant aesthetic criticism and transform ethno-cultural identity into an aesthetic object, even if done as a celebration of hybridity or liminality as a putatively liberating space (hyphenated identity as embodying that space). Though my purpose is not to undermine the meaningful artwork and criticism instantiated in or about the "in-between" spaces of American culture, I demonstrate that an over-emphasis on ethnicity and culture (culture "other" than the majority culture in the U.S.) in fact stifles the opening of the American literary canon. Ethnicity and culture become ways of limiting the hermeneutics available to literary criticism because they become the only ways of reading, instead of one lens through which American literature is read.