No description available.

The aim of this thesis is to investigate the highly moral ethic of social duty and responsibility which animates the work of Alejo Carpentier. In order to examine this theme, I have studied, in particular, the following six novels: ‘El reino de este mundo', Los pasos perdidos', ‘El acoso', El siglo de las luces', ‘El recurso del método', and ‘La consagración de la primavera'. In the Introduction, I have investigated the various philosophical questions raised by the concept of responsibility : the debate about freewill and determinism has been examined, and the Existentialist philosophy of Jean-Paul Sartre has been chosen as the most helpful in an investigation of Carpentier's theory of responsibility, due to a great coincidence of thought between the two writers. The protagonists of the novels in question have been grouped according to various distinguishing tendencies or characteristics, and have been analysed in the light of the Sartrian concepts of good and bad faith. These groupings are as follows: “the deluded intellectual”, “two tyrants”, “the lesson of experience”, and “the committed individual”. The success, or failure, of these characters, in matching up to the goals of self-transcendence and responsible commitment posed by Carpentier has been charted throughout Chapters One to Four, and deductions have been made about the various forms of bad faith in which the characters indulge. The conclusions that I have drawn from this detailed investigation of characters in good and bad faith are, firstly, that Carpentier sees man's goal in life as the attainment of self-knowledge and the honest acceptance of responsibility for the self : once this state of good faith has been achieved, man is able to commit himself to the never-ending struggle for the improvement of the social situation. Acceptance of responsibility for the self is vital, in Carpentier's canon, for without such acceptance, positive commitment is impossible. Secondly, I have concluded that, according to Carpentier, commitment is an inevitable part of life, and that Carpentier's goal, then, is that we should actively commit ourselves to a positive cause through recognition of our responsibility for ourselves and our society, rather than tacitly accept the status quo through a passive or deterministic attitude.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adalberto Oliveira da Silva.pdf: 367955 bytes, checksum: 0fa470462be5025a74fd9eb890155d3c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work aims to recover the contributions of Marxist theory of dependence in the 1960s and 1970s in order to understand the dynamics of peripheral capitalism in Latin America. Ruy Mauro Marini and Theotonio dos Santos, as the main authors of this line of studies of dependence, seek in the analysis of the contradictions of the capitalist system the explanation for the dependent status of Latin American countries. Thus, the dependence would be seen as a conditioning situation attributed to the development of the central economies due to the underdevelopment of peripheral economies. This is due to the transfer of values produced in the periphery toward the center economies, which would lead within the economies dependent on the formation of "deformations", both in its production process and the cycle of capital that it presents. Focussing on the region's economic integration can be evidenced the reasons for the condition of dependence on the movement of capital accumulation in Latin America, highlighting the relevant factors in this case the characterization and the basis for examining the state of dependence in its various manifestations . Thus, besides the presentation of this theory, the waves of criticism will that sought to refute the explanations constructed by Marxist dependency theory be highlighted and at the same time, accompanied by their replies, generating a debate that has enriches the dialectics of dependence and the conclusions moving towards the development alternatives for the countries of Latin America / Este trabalho tem o propósito de recuperar as contribuições da teoria marxista da dependência, na década de 1960 e 1970, para a compreensão da dinâmica do capitalismo periférico latino-americano. Ruy Mauro Marini e Theotônio dos Santos, como os principais autores desta vertente dos estudos da dependência, buscam na análise das contradições do sistema capitalista a explicação para a condição dependente dos países da América Latina. Assim, a dependência seria entendida como uma situação de condicionamento dada pelo desenvolvimento das economias centrais devido ao subdesenvolvimento das economias periféricas. Tal fato decorre da transferência de valores produzidos na periferia em direção as economias centrais, o que levaria no interior das economias dependentes a formação de deformações , tanto em seu processo produtivo quanto no ciclo do capital que apresenta. Tomando como foco a inserção econômica da região podem-se evidenciar as razões da condição de dependência no movimento da acumulação capitalista na América Latina, ressaltando neste processo os elementos pertinentes a sua caracterização e as bases para o exame da situação de dependência em suas diversas manifestações. Assim, além da apresentação desta teorização, serão evidenciadas as ondas críticas que buscaram refutar as explicações construídas pela vertente marxista da teoria da dependência e, ao mesmo tempo, acompanhadas por suas réplicas, gerando um debate que enriqueceu a dialética da dependência e as conclusões a que chega sobre as alternativas de desenvolvimento para os países da América Latina

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-12-13T11:44:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Mariana Morás dos Santos.pdf: 772797 bytes, checksum: f208607e7f3eb8f0dfb48315fcc25dee (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-12-13T11:44:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mariana Morás dos Santos.pdf: 772797 bytes, checksum: f208607e7f3eb8f0dfb48315fcc25dee (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-13 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This work aims to discuss the Politics and State categories and their limitations and possibilities in the direction of human emancipation, under the theoretical reference proposed by Jose Chasin, with a view mainly concerning the research by the German thinker Karl Marx and the contributions that followed his thoughts. As politics are historically established to mediate and respond to the contradictions associated with the exploitation of man by man, i.e., contradictions engendered by private property, they are not inherent qualities to the Social Being in its ontological status, and are, therefore, unnecessary for the full development of social relations. The State is analyzed as an institution that shapes and ensures social contradictions and, thus, cannot be seen as a possibility to overcome sociability condensed by private property, since it is in itself the expression of this sociability. It is necessary to point out that such sociability is founded, in the production and reproduction modes of life, through labor externalization, which will be expropriated from the producer. Thus, the fruits of labor appear as foreign and strange to those who produce them. This foreign and estrangement movement is elevated towards the producer relation with the world, to the other men and to himself, since human production is a generic form of production, outlining the being that is separated from the social community. Thus, the possibility of overcoming this kind of sociability, that forges a dehumanized being, is carried out by the radical revolution of the mode of production, and it is necessary to surpass the form of work configured as foreign, since such an overtaking is itself the key to raising man to his generic conscience and, thus, oppose in order to overcome the particular forms of estrangement of being in the world, that constitute themselves as a coagulation of the inhuman, such as religion and politics. Such radical revolution must engender a reappropriation of the social forces usurped by politics, as a way of overriding the State, leading to the dissolution of the political practice of dispute of the power of State / Este trabalho pretende discutir as categorias Política e Estado, suas limitações e possibilidades no rumo da emancipação humana, sob o referencial teórico proposto por José Chasin, com um olhar principalmente às obras do pensador alemão Karl Marx e às contribuições posteriores ao seu pensamento. Sendo a política constituída historicamente para mediar e responder as contradições ligadas à exploração do homem pelo homem, ou seja, contradições engendradas pela propriedade privada, ela não é predicado inerente ao Ser Social em seu estatuto ontológico, e, por isso, é desnecessária ao pleno desenvolvimento das relações sociais. O Estado é analisado enquanto instituição que plasma e assegura as contradições sociais, de onde não pode ser visto como possibilidade à ultrapassagem da sociabilidade condensada pela propriedade privada, pois é ele mesmo a expressão dessa sociabilidade. Faz-se necessário apontar que tal sociabilidade é composta no modo de produção e reprodução da vida, por meio da exteriorização do trabalho, que será expropriado do produtor. Sendo assim, o fruto do trabalho aparece como alheio e estranho a quem o produz. Tal movimento de alienação e estranhamento é elevado à relação do produtor com o mundo, com os outros homens e consigo mesmo, por ser a produção humana forma de produção genérica, delineando o ser que está apartado da comunidade social. Assim, constata-se que a possibilidade de ultrapassar tal tipo de sociabilidade que forja um ser desumanizado é pelo revolucionamento radical do modo de produção, sendo necessário ultrapassar a forma do trabalho que se configura como estranhado, pois tal ultrapassagem é ela mesma chave para elevar o homem à sua consciência genérica e, assim, combater com vistas à ultrapassagem das formas particulares de estranhamento do ser no mundo que se constituem como coagulação do inumano, como a religião e a política. Tal revolução radical deve engendrar uma reapropriação das forças sociais usurpadas pela política, como modo de suprassunção do Estado e, assim, a dissolução da prática política de disputa do poder de Estado

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-03-29T12:28:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Leon Santiago Mendes Suhett.pdf: 1120014 bytes, checksum: 56768b4d1a17546dab7d4c7a8dbd1c1b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-29T12:28:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leon Santiago Mendes Suhett.pdf: 1120014 bytes, checksum: 56768b4d1a17546dab7d4c7a8dbd1c1b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-20 / The present dissertation analyzes the evolution of the Latin American economic thought between the decades of the 1950s and 1970s. The starting point of the research takes the creation of the Economic Comission for Latin America (CEPAL) as its landmark in 1949. One considers its institutionalization led by Raúl Prebisch, as the opening process of a constructive authentic critical thought in the region. The theories developed by André Gunder Frank and Ruy Mauro Marini are analyzed within the scope of mesuring its advances as well as the shortcomings of these contributions. In this essay one approaches the main concepts and categories as given by each one of these authors. Therefore, by this token, one considers the André Gunder Frank theories as playing one intermediate role by providing elements for the rupture with the reformist trends of the CEPAL think tanks as well as establishing some pillars which will allow the construction of the Marxist Theory of Dependence / Esta dissertação analisa a evolução do pensamento econômico latino-americano entre as décadas de 1950 e 1970. O início da pesquisa possui como marco a criação da Comissão Econômica para América Latina, em 1949, pois entendemos que a institucionalização da Comissão, encabeçada por Raúl Prebisch, inaugura o processo de constituição de um pensamento crítico e autêntico na região. As obras de André Gunder Frank e Ruy Mauro Marini são analisadas sob o intuito de compreender os limites e avanços destas contribuições. Em nosso estudo, abordamos os aqui considerados principais conceitos e categorias ensejados por cada autor. Dessa maneira, imputamos à obra de André Gunder Frank um papel de intermediação, ao proporcionar elementos para o rompimento com os anseios reformistas dos intelectuais cepalinos e estabelecer alguns pilares que permitirão a construção da Teoria Marxista da Dependência

Critical Realism, the Capabilities Approach, and Marxism, all have underdeveloped theoretical problems. For Critical Realism, the ceteris paribus clause, which is used to asses an ideological critique, does not properly specify what other things warrant the dismissal or acceptance of said critique. For the Capabilities Approach, a proper ontology or metaphysics is missing, and the claim that the Capabilities Approach can be metaphysically neutral is false. Finally, Marxism is good at describing the more onerous aspects of capitalism (e.g., alienation, exploitation, crisis), but it does not provide normative force for seeing these descriptions as bad. I argue that these three schools of thought, when connected through the ontology of Critical Realism, can be rendered mutually inclusive, and each theory can help address the lacuna in its respective counterpart. Critical Realism gives to Marxism and the Capabilities Approach ontological justification, and the Capabilities Approach gives to Critical Realism and Marxism normative force. And finally, Marxism gives to the Capabilities Approach a more radical, but consistent twist that furthers the goal of realizing our shared human powers.

By 2019, the Syrian civil war has lasted for nearly eight years and it has created the largest humanitarian crisis since WWII (Achlume, 2015). Using the siege of Aleppo in 2016 as a case study, the author applied a Marxist-humanist theoretical framework and incorporated arts-based research methodology to examine how US news media supports capitalist social relations. The research question for this study was: how do the US media depictions of the siege of Aleppo, Syria in 2016 reflect capitalist social relations? There were three sub-questions that followed: (1) Which elements of the siege of Aleppo in 2016 get the most attention in the specific outlets examined? In what ways do these depictions support the US government and/or corporate interests? (2) What are some of the ways in which Syrian refugees are depicted in the various outlets examined? How and in what ways is US humanitarian policy reflected? How are Syrian’s racialized through these depictions? and (3) How are corporate and government interests tied to these media outlets? This study used narrative inquiry, visual analysis, and critical discourse analysis as research methods to discover five major themes found in US news media’s reporting on the siege of Aleppo in 2016. The author then examined these five main themes through a Marxist-humanist lens to discover how the US news media, the supposed “gatekeeper” for the public, establishes, maintains, and reinforces an ideology that supported hegemony for the dominant class.

This thesis tells the story of an historical tradition of radical literacy and literature that is defined as the British radical literary tradition. It takes the meaning of literature at its broadest understanding and identifies the literary and educational relations of what E.P. Thompson terms 'the making of the English working class' through its struggle for literacy and freedom. The study traces the developing dialectic of literary radicalism and the emergent hegemony of capitalism through the dissemination of radical ideas in literature and a groundswell of public literacy. The proposed radical tradition is defined by the oppositional stance of its participants, from the radical intellectual's critical texts to the striving for literacy and access to literature by working class people. This oppositional discourse emerged in the fourteenth century concomitant with nascent capitalism and has its literary origins in utopian vision. This nascent utopian imagination conceived a democratic socialism that underpinned the character of much of the following oppositional discourse. The thesis establishes the nexus of the oppositional discourse as a radical literary tradition and the earliest instances of adult education in autodidacticism and informal adult education. The ascent of middle class power through the industrial revolution is shadowed by the corresponding descent of the working class into poverty. Concomitant with this social polarisation is the phenomena of working class literary agency as the means to political and economic agency. While Protestant dissenting groups such as the Diggers and Levellers were revolutionary activists, it was Methodism that formed a bulwark against revolution. Yet it was their emphasis on self-improvement that contributed to an increasingly literate populace. Radical texts produced and disseminated by individuals and organisations and read by autodidactics and informal reading groups are seminal in the formation of a working class identity. Spearheaded by the Chartist movement, education became a central ethic of working class politics and the civil struggle for economic and political justice throughout the nineteenth and well into the twentieth centuries. The avant garde movements of the early twentieth century are analysed as a strand of this tradition. The narrative of the thesis then moves to the penal colony of Australia and explores the radical literary tradition's development there. Early colonial culture is seen as having a strong impetus towards a developing a native literary expression of the new land. Where conservative colonial literature struggled to differentiate itself from formal British literary models, the radical heritage and its utopian vision of a working man's paradise gave definitive expression to the Australian experience. This expression was strongly influenced by Chartist ideals. The British radical literary tradition is thus seen to have had a dominant influence in the development of a native radical literary tradition that strove to identify the national character. Socialist thought developed in Australia in concert with that in the parent culture, and anarchist and libertarian trends found a ready home amongst independent minded colonials. Yet, in preventing the formation of a native aristocracy the small radical population made a compromise with liberalism that saw a decidedly conservative streak develop in the early labour movement. There were little in the way of sophisticated radical literary offerings at first, but from the mid-nineteenth century a vanguard of radicals produced a thriving native press and other fugitive text forms. At the turn of the century the native radical literary tradition was vibrantly diverse, with a definitive style that claimed literary ownership of the Australian character. However, exhausted by the battles over WWI conscription and isolated by censorship, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was able to subsume the vanguard position from the socialists. The Party laid claim to the Australian radical literary tradition, at once both strengthening it with the discipline of a Marxist ideology and diminishing its independence and diversity. Party literary theory centred upon the issue of class, developing a doctrine of socialist realism that communist writers were expected to practice. How well a writer adhered to socialist realist principles became a measure of their class position and loyalty. Drawing more from primary sources, the thesis develops an analysis of the intellectual development of the Australian post-WWII writer Eric Lambert through his experience of class instability during Depression and war. The study examines Lambert's decision to join the Party and his literary response to his experiences of war, the Party, the turmoil of 1956 and life after the Party. Lambert's body of work is then analysed as the unintentional memoir of a writer working as an adult educator in the radical literary tradition. Lambert's struggles, for artistic independence within the narrow precepts of Party dogma and with class tensions, were common amongst intellectuals committed to the communist cause. Like many of his peers, Lambert resigned from the Party at the end of 1956 and suffered a period of ideological vacuum. However, he continued to write as a Marxian educator, seeking to reveal that which makes us human in the humanity of ordinary people. It is concluded that, while the Party did much to foster disciplined cohesion, the mutual distrust it generated amongst its intellectuals suppressed the independent thought that had kept the radical literary tradition alive. Although the Party developed an ideological strength within the radical literary tradition, its dominance over thirty years and subsequent fall from grace acted to fragment and discredit that centuries-old tradition which it subsumed. An argument is made for a reinvestment of the centrality of the radical literary tradition in the education of adults for the maintenance of social justice and the democratic project.

This thesis aims to provide a history of African American working class and Leftist activism in Atlanta, Georgia during the early 1970s. It places a series of wildcat strikes within the context of political and social transition, and charges unequal economic conditions and a racially charged discriminatory environment as primary causes. The legacies of both the Civil Rights Movement and the New Left are identified as key contributing factors to this wave of labor unrest. One path taken by former Civil Right activists was to focus on poor peoples’ movements, and one course taken by the 1960s-era New Left activists was to join forces with the working class in an attempt to build a New Communist movement. In Atlanta, these two forces converged and generated a notable force against some of city’s most prominent employers.

For those who have the courage to doubt, it can be said that the Bible which is highly regarded in Africa is not only an innocent book but also a guilty one because of the many social, political and religious evils that have bedevilled Africa from time to time and which it has condoned and has been used to sanction. Using postcolonial biblical criticism, and as a way of demonstrating that the entire Bible is another text of the empire, this thesis argues that imperial ideology promoted in Luke's socio-economic parables has contributed to another social evil i.e. the gap between the rich and the poor in Kenya. / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2008.