This doctoral thesis analyze the process whereby Sweden gained access to American guided missiles during the late 1950s and early 1960s. It also tracks the Swedish efforts to develop guided missiles domestically. The concept of hegemony is used to interpret these processes, the dynamic in the Swedish-American relationship, and its consequences for the Swedish policy of neutrality. Sweden’s domestic guided missile development program, begun in the end of World War Two, met with great difficulties already by the end of the 1940s, and had entered a cul de sac by the early 1950s. The reason for this was a contunuous lack of funding and personnel, as well as a lack of foreign hardware and know-how. By 1947 the United States had largely established its hegemony in Western Europe, and the U.S. government then sought to gain the consent of the Swedish government as well. The U.S. government used its preponderant position, and pressured Sweden to adapt its policies by withholding vital technology from the Swedes. The U.S. refusal to deliver arms to a neutral Scandinavian Defense Union was significant in this respect. Sweden gradually gave its concurrence through a series of steps, most importantly the participation in the Marshall Plan in 1948, and COCOM in the summer of 1951. The confirmation of the U.S. government’s acceptance of Sweden came in the summer of 1952 when was made eligible to buy armaments in the United States under the Mutual Defense Assistance Act (MDAA). However, Sweden was not granted access to American guided missiles. This was an experience shared with most of the NATO countries (with the limited exception of Britain and Canada). During the course of the 1950s the United States was forced to change its position, due to prodding from the nato allies. The annual nato meetings were used as a platform by the nato countries in this endevour. The U.S. government reversed its non-disclosure policy in 1957 because of worries that its hegemonic position was threatened if it did not provide these weapons to its allies. Guided missile deliveries to Europe was used as a means to keep the alliance together, and to preserve U.S. hegemony in Western Europe. Because of its consent to U.S. hegemony Sweden gained access to U.S. missiles at the same time, and many times even before the NATO countries. Sweden was the first Western European country to purchase Sidewinder (1959) and Hawk (1962), and license manufactured two versions of the Falcon missile. Because of these deliveries the development of Swedish surface-to-air and air-to-air missiles was halted. Sweden was dependent upon the U.S. for deliveries of additional missiles in wartime, and this could have become a problem for Sweden’s ability to defend its territory against Western intrusions, since Sweden’s defense was based on help arriving from the West if Sweden was attacked by the USSR. The Swedish government, using the Royal Air Force Board as a proxy, signed a memorandum of Understanding in 1961 which gave the U.S. government the rigth to any improvements to the Falcon missiles, as well as the right to use them anywhere in the world. Sweden had thus de facto become a part of the U.S. military’s supply line. / QC 20100811

Uppsatsen är en induktiv studie med kvalitativa intervjuer, som undersöker gymnasielärare och historikers inställning till regeringens förslag om att historia A på gymnasiet ska fokusera på modern historia. Denna inställning ställer vi sedan i relation till begreppet historiemedvetande och får på detta sätt fram spännande resultat. Vi kunde se att åsikterna går isär, men att de alla i grund och botten har en gemensam tanke om vad som vore bäst för eleverna. Den stora skillnaden ligger i hur detta kan uppnås. Är det en fokusering på moderna tider, eller är det en lång tidsvandring som ger möjligheten att dra långa linjer som är det bästa? Vi kom fram till att en kurs på 100 poäng, som till största delen fokuserar på modern historia, och ger möjligheter att dra paralleller bakåt i tiden vore den bästa lösningen på problemet med dagens förslag. En nödvändighet är dock att samarbetet mellan skolstadierna fungerar. / This essay is an inductive study with qualitative interviews, which examines upper secondary school teachers’ and historians’ attitude to the government's proposal that History A in upper secondary school is to focus on modern history. We are discussing these attitudes in relation to the concept of History Awareness, which presented us with exciting results. Our study shows that there is a diversity of opinions on the topic, but that the interviewees in general have a common thought about what is best for the students. The big difference is in how this is supposed to be achieved. Is it a focus on modern history? Or is it long walks through time that gives the possibility to draw long lines that is the best? Our conclusion is that a class of 100 points, which mainly focuses on modern history, and presents possibilities to draw parallels to the past is the best solution to the problem with today's proposal. However, it is necessary that the cooperation between the different school stages is working.

<p>Uppsatsen är en induktiv studie med kvalitativa intervjuer, som undersöker gymnasielärare och historikers inställning till regeringens förslag om att historia A på gymnasiet ska fokusera på modern historia. Denna inställning ställer vi sedan i relation till begreppet historiemedvetande och får på detta sätt fram spännande resultat. Vi kunde se att åsikterna går isär, men att de alla i grund och botten har en gemensam tanke om vad som vore bäst för eleverna. Den stora skillnaden ligger i hur detta kan uppnås. Är det en fokusering på moderna tider, eller är det en lång tidsvandring som ger möjligheten att dra långa linjer som är det bästa? Vi kom fram till att en kurs på 100 poäng, som till största delen fokuserar på modern historia, och ger möjligheter att dra paralleller bakåt i tiden vore den bästa lösningen på problemet med dagens förslag. En nödvändighet är dock att samarbetet mellan skolstadierna fungerar.</p> / <p>This essay is an inductive study with qualitative interviews, which examines upper secondary school teachers’ and historians’ attitude to the government's proposal that History A in upper secondary school is to focus on modern history. We are discussing these attitudes in relation to the concept of History Awareness, which presented us with exciting results. Our study shows that there is a diversity of opinions on the topic, but that the interviewees in general have a common thought about what is best for the students. The big difference is in how this is supposed to be achieved. Is it a focus on modern history? Or is it long walks through time that gives the possibility to draw long lines that is the best? Our conclusion is that a class of 100 points, which mainly focuses on modern history, and presents possibilities to draw parallels to the past is the best solution to the problem with today's proposal. However, it is necessary that the cooperation between the different school stages is working.</p>

Uppsatsen handlar om undervisning om kriget i forna Jugoslavien 1991-1995. Vår avsikt var att ta reda på i vilken omfattning det undervisas om kriget, i vilka årskurser det undervisas om det, vilka läromedel som lärare använder sig av, samt om det uppkommer konflikter i samband med undervisningen då det finns elever med ursprung i forna Jugoslavien i klassrummet. I vår undersökning använder vi oss av ett sociokulturellt perspektiv för att se om lärare tar hänsyn till och anpassar undervisningen till elevernas skilda bakgrunder, vi har även valt att analysera resultaten med hjälp av ett interkulturellt förhållningssätt.

The aim of this study is to investigate history teachers’ various approaches towards the wars in former Yugoslavia during the 90s, in their history teaching in upper secondary school. Furthermore, another aspect to the study is to investigate how the history teachers approach potential students that might have roots from the former Yugoslavia. Since the Swedish society is multicultural with immigrants from former Yugoslavia, the topic could be viewed as sensitive. However, previous studies show that students with a multicultural background such as former Yugoslavia want to take part of their history in the history classroom. This leads to the next question, whether teachers fulfill their students’ needs when it comes to history. Furthermore, another aim of the study is to also investigate what possibilities and difficulties the teachers might experience with teaching about the wars in former Yugoslavia.  Five history teachers with experience from history teaching in upper secondary school were interviewed. The result is thenceforth analyzed with the following theoretical framework: Kitson’s and McCully’s (2005) model of sensitive topics in the history classroom, multicultural classroom, and historical empathy. The findings of the study are that only two out of five history teachers included the wars in former Yugoslavia continuously in their history teaching. The third teacher included the topic if the students were interested, and the fourth teacher taught the students about some events occasionally in relation to other topics, such as use of history. The last teacher did not include the wars in former Yugoslavia at all. Four out of five teachers wanted the students to contribute with their own history culture and family history. The possibilities and the difficulties were intertwined, according to the teachers. The students could contribute and thusly offer perspective on the topic. However, it could also mean that the teachers had to be careful with their words since they could not fully know what experiences the students have. The teachers’ answers were analyzed in accordance with Kitsons and McCullys model, together with the concepts ‘multicultural classroom’ and historical empathy. The conclusion of the research is that the majority of the history teachers used historical empathy in connection with the wars in former Yugoslavia. The teachers tried doing so by bringing the teaching to life with the help from, for instance, life stories and interviews. The teachers’ attitudes towards a multicultural classroom, which is enriched by students with different history cultures, were mostly positive.

In recent years, the existence of youth centers in Stockholm has been disputed and voices have been raised for their dissolvement. This highlights the question the relevance of youth centers today, and why they were introduced in the first place. Earlier statements have linked the establishment of youth centers due to demographic development during the 1950s. However, previous research has identified the Swedish government’s ambition to assert control over youth through discipline and restrictions in schools and other organizations. Yet, the topic of the city-funded youth centers tends to have been overlooked. Therefore, this thesis aims to study city-funded youth centers in Stockholm during 1947–1962. Moreover, socio-spatial theory has been used to analyze the youth centers as producers of social space. Additionally, the emphasis is on representing space and spatial practices as driving forces in developing a space designed for young people. The thesis concludes that the youth centers aimed to limit the movement of suburban youth into the city center of Stockholm. Furthermore, they acted as an educational tool to secure the future of democratic citizenship.

Efterkrigstidens Sverige och dess säkerhetspolitik har kommit att uppmärksammas allt mer, även de omedelbara efterkrigsåren som präglades av osäkerhet. Något som länge stått i centrum är alliansfriheten och neutralitetspolitiken. Frågan om deras innebörd och hur teori och praktik hängt samman har diskuterats livligt. Det diplomatiska och politiska spelet har behandlats utförligt. Mindre uppmärksamhet har dock ägnats hur försvarsfrågan hanterades och krigsmaterielförsörjningen utvecklades. Den svenska flygplansindustrin är en anmärkningsvärd företeelse. Inte minst i förhållande till landets begränsade storlek och relativt avskilda, ohotade läge. Industrins förmåga var vid krigsslutet 1945 begränsad; inte något enda fullt modernt flygplan hade tillverkats. Utvecklingen ledde emellertid till att flygplansindustrin kom att etableras och bli något av en hörnsten för det svenska försvarets struktur. Ett svenskt militärindustriellt komplex kring den svenska flygindustrin kom att anta fast form, ett komplex vi lever med än idag. Hur går det att förklara den här utvecklingen? Hur kunde Saab börja tillverka state-of-the-art stridsplan? I avhandlingen nystas gåtan rörande den svenska flygplansindustrins efterkrigstida överlevnad och framväxt upp. Ett antal sammanflätade processer följs där ekonomiska, tekniska, militära och politiska spörsmål relaterade till flygvapnets och flygindustrins utveckling behandlats. Genom processerna, som utspelas både på ett inrikes och på ett internationellt plan, och deras sammanlänkning, framträder multikausala förklaringsmönster till hur det var möjligt att bygga moderna stridsflygplan i Sverige och framför allt varför de beställdes. Likaså berörs flygets roll i den större försvarsfrågan och därmed också för säkerhetspolitiken. Boken är i mycket en historia över Svenska Aeroplan Aktiebolaget, Saab, men även över flygförvaltningen och flygvapnet. En historia inbäddad i ett vitt sammanhang där formativa moment granskas under några kritiska år. / <p>Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan, 2008</p>