This master thesis deals with history of the city Domažlice in the times of Petr Hana. It means from 1861 to 1905 when he permanently resided there. The thesis is divided into two chapters. The first one is devoted to the period up to 1889 when Petr Hana became a burgomaster. The second one is devoted to the period when he became a mayor. Both parts deal with the political, economic, cultural and social events and point to connection with activities of Petr Hana. It shows importance of this man in their connection with a development of the city and his share on events which took place in the defined period. Specifically in both chapters, I examine elecetions, a governance and city management, unions and their activities, a development of education, an economy and an industry, city institutions and different projects. I try to reveal the character of this period from gathered information. The main sources are, in addition to archival resources available in the Archival of Muzeum of Chodsko and the State Regional Archive in Domažlice, period copies of the local newspaper "Posel od Čerchova" and "Domažlické listy" which enable to capture the atmosphere of the period in this thesis the best.

The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the People’s House in Bromölla as an arena for a plebeian public sphere. More specific, the analysis revolves around how the labour movement created a plebeian public sphere, the construction of the very arena and the activities there, including study circles, labour library, theatre plays, film showings, dance evenings and other amusements as parts of adult education among the working class people. It also comprises examinations of the labour movement’s acting in the local political arena, the labour movement’s connections with the local bourgeoisie on matters concerning politics and the People’s House. The main theoretical perspective is based on Jürgen Habermas’ theory of bourgeois public sphere, reformulated to a plebeian public sphere. The adult education in study circles mainly focused on subjects related to the work in the local politics and in the trade union, i.e. for the activities in the public sphere. These parts of the adult education were primarily a matter for the male part of the labour movement. This mirrors the situation in politics and in the trade union, where foremost men were engaged. Beside the trade union and political studies, subjects like Swedish, English, Esperanto, mathematics and literature were common. From time to time socialism and Marxism were studied. The women mainly studied humanistic subjects with individual development and hold thus the vision of the education ideologists within the labour movement. In the 1940’s the study circles decreased, and finally, in the end of the 1950’s almost ceased. Despite this the education did not cease, but were replaced by music, singing, dancing and machine sewing courses arranged by commercial companies and aesthetic associations. The People’s House was from the beginning open even for associations outside the labour movement. In the 1940’s and, in particularly, the 1950’s the People’s House became an assembly hall for a huge range of associations. Among the tenants were Free Church parishes, athletic associations, hobby associations, temperance societies, political parties from left to right, trade unions, authorities, companies, and the municipal of Bromölla. People’s house was also a place for wedding and birthday celebrations and other private parties. Among the more frequent tenants were Free Churches and music, singing and athletic associations, beside Bromölla municipal, which were a permanent tenant, for instance for the municipal library. The amount of associations from outside the labour movement among the tenants exceeded for some years in the end of 1950’s the labour movement’s meetings. This cross class policy was a conscious strategy by the People’s House association, in order to be a cultural institution for all inhabitants in Bromölla. The municipal council of Bromölla was even a part of this policy when subsidizing the People’s House association. It was in accordance with the cross class and consensus policy which the social democratic movement by this time was an exponent of. The People’s House in Bromölla was thus an arena not only for the labour movement, but also for the entire society.

This essay deals with the question of lines of development within the politics in the rural municipality of Nyed 1950-1962. The aim is to explore how local politics and policies were handled from two perspectives. Firstly the issue of conflict and consensus or majority rule and consensus. Here Arend Lijphard's theory of majority and consensus provides a theoretical base for the essay. Secondly the aim is to explore the actions of the local politicians with regards to leisure time policies to find out whether or not they ideologically belonged to the concept of ”folkhemmets kommun” by Ulla Ekström von Essen. The source material for this essay has been the minutes from the two major bodies of local politics in Nyed, kommunalfullmäktige and kommunalnämnden. The minutes from folkskolestyrelse has also been studied in specific policy cases. An interview with local ex-politician Sven Bjureld (c) has also been conducted to give a fuller view of the topic than the study of minutes can give. In the essay the conclusion is drawn that the politicians were part of the ideology of Folkhemmets kommun and that it was the social democrats that were the driving force in that development. It is furthermore concluded that the level of conflict was relatively low and that the municipality can be grouped as a consensus municipality according to Lijphard's theory. There were however three distinct areas of policy where there were more conflict that others: real estate policy, leisure time policy and education policy. The usage of motions as a political weapon was quite low during the period with 12 motions written. It was primarily the social democrats that used this weapon. The essay also points out the fact that there was a movement during the period with regards to how the task of the local politicians were viewed. In the beginning of the period the politicians primarily saw their role as a passive one whereas in the end they saw themselves as having an active role in making the municipality viewed in a positive way by the inhabitants and other members of the public. With regards to development over time it is concluded in the essay that there was a breach around 1955/1956. After that time politics in Nyeds rural municipality started to follow the lines of political parties.

Title Ethical Dilemmas in the Process of Selling the City's Housing Stock - a Systematic Analysis from the Perspective of Christian Social Ethics Abstract The aim of this work is to describe and analyse ethical dilemmas in decision-making in the management of the city and in one of the important segments of municipal politics - in the field of sales of the city's property to private owners. The focus of the thesis is to reflect on the ethical dilemmas that arise in the process of selling the city's property. The ethical reflection will be made from the perspective of theological ethics and Catholic social teaching. Ethical criteria for morally responsible political behaviour will be defined in the thesis in connection with selected principles of social teaching of the Church. Further, the conditions for the sale of the city's housing stock will be formulated, which would be in accordance with the principle of general good as the basic principle of Christian ethics implemented in municipal political practice so as to benefit the city management as an organizational unit and its citizens, the life of individuals and the city as a whole. In the format of one example of practical policy the contribution of Christian ethics to governance and management of the city will be examined. At the same time the criteria...

Le système politique canadien monogenre (Tremblay et Everitt, 2020) a créé une philosophie politique où les hommes sont perçus comment étant l'option par défaut et les femmes, exceptionnelles (Trimble, 2017). En effet, il existe toujours au Canada une croyance répandue selon laquelle les hommes seraient de meilleurs leaders politiques que les femmes (Chen et al., 2023). Ceci est un exemple parmi tant d’autres de l’existence de rôles genrés dans la société canadienne où la présence des femmes au sein d’institutions politiques demeure incongruente (Schneider et Bos, 2019). La science politique canadienne a également longtemps ignoré la participation politique des femmes, car Brodie (1977) et Vickers (1978) ont mené certaines des premières études empiriques sur la candidature et l'élection des femmes à divers paliers gouvernementaux. Depuis ces études, le genre est demeuré un concept complexe et peu étudié (Vickers, 2016), comme en témoigne le débat sur l’accessibilité de la politique municipale aux femmes. Afin de combler ces lacunes, cette thèse se concentre sur les maire.sse.s canadien.ne.s, avec un intérêt particulier pour le genre, autant au niveau de la variation dans l’utilisation active d’une page Facebook, d’un compte Twitter et d’un compte Instagram, de leurs motivations à utiliser ces plateformes, que de leur performance visuelle genrée numérique. Des données primaires révèlent un écart positif entre les maires et les mairesses au niveau de l’utilisation active des médias sociaux hors d’une campagne électorale. Des entretiens semi-dirigés auprès de maire.sse.s qui utilisent activement ces trois plateformes démontrent que le genre continue de jouer un rôle important en politique, notamment au niveau des motivations des maire.sse.s à utiliser les médias sociaux et des barrières genrées limitant la participation des femmes. Certaines mairesses ont partagé, lors de ces entrevues, avoir vécu du harcèlement en ligne, reçu des commentaires indésirés au sujet de leur apparence ou de leur mode de vie, ainsi que de devoir gérer une plus grande charge mentale. De plus, les résultats d’une analyse de contenu de leurs publications numériques visuelles suggèrent un plus haut niveau d’interactivité numérique chez les mairesses, et tandis qu’elles ont tendance à préférer une performance genrée congruente, mixte, voire d’évitement, les maires – qui démontrent également des performances mixtes – semblent pouvoir explorer des performances congruentes et incongruentes plus librement. À la lumière de ces résultats, il est recommandé que les praticien.ne.s, tels que les politicien.ne.s et les médias, adoptent un langage non genré, développent et intègrent une étiquette numérique pour réduire le gender trolling et visent à changer la philosophie politique, notamment par le biais d'opportunités de formation visant un accès égal et inclusif aux rôles politiques. Enfin, la science politique canadienne gagnerait à sortir des sentiers battus pour s'intéresser à la charge mentale vécue par les politiciennes, à la conception socialement construite et genrée d'une carrière politique et à s'efforcer de maintenir des données accessibles, fiables et à jour sur l'ensemble des acteurs politiques à l’échelle municipale. Pour faire suite aux propos de Collier (2022) sur l’absence de recherche sur la violence genrée en science politique canadienne, une discipline qui prétend se concentrer sur le pouvoir (780) se doit d’enfin confronter l’éléphant genré dans la pièce. / Canada’s mono-gendered political system (Tremblay and Everitt, 2020) has created a political ethos where men continue to be seen as the default option, and women as exceptional (Trimble, 2017). Indeed, there continues to be a widespread belief in Canada that men are “naturally better” leaders than women (Chen et al., 2023), which echoes constructed social roles which label women politicians as incongruent (Schneider and Bos, 2019). Canadian political science research itself has long ignored women’s political participation, as Brodie (1977) and Vickers (1978) conducted some of the first empirical studies on women’s candidacy and election in various levels of government. Since these seminal works, gender has remained a complex and under-researched concept (Vickers, 2016). Such gaps are evident in the existence of a debate on the accessibility of politics to women, especially regarding municipal politics. In order to fill these gaps, this dissertation focuses on Canadian mayors through a gender lens by examining the gendered variation in mayors’ active use of a Facebook page, Twitter account and Instagram account, their motivations to use social media and their digital political gender performance. Using primary data, results show a positive gender gap in mayors’ active use of social media outside of an electoral campaign. Semi-structured interviews with digitally active mayors demonstrate that gender continues to play an important role in politics, as much in relation to mayors’ motivations to use social media to gendered barriers limiting women’s participation. Women mayors shared experiences of gender trolling online, unsolicited comments on their appearance or lifestyle, as well as a greater mental load. A content analysis of their visual social media publications shows a greater level of digital interactivity among women mayors, and while women mayors tend to gravitate toward congruent, mixed gendered performances and avoidance strategies, men mayors – who also display mixed performances of their gender – more freely explore congruent and incongruent approaches to gendered stereotypes. In light of these findings, it is recommended that practitioners, such as legislatures and news media, adopt gender-neutral language, develop and integrate a digital etiquette to reduce gender-trolling and aim to change our political ethos, namely through political training opportunities aimed toward hegemonic men, rather than blame women for their underrepresentation. Finally, Canadian political science would gain to stray from the beaten path to focus on the mental load experienced by women politicians, the socially constructed and gendered conception of a political career and to strive to maintain accessible, reliable and current data on all Canadian local political actors. To echo Collier’s (2022) call to action on gender-based violence research in Canadian political science, for a discipline that claims to center itself on power (780), it has long skirted the gendered elephant in the room.

Det övergripande syftet med denna avhandling är att synliggöra formella och informella maktstrukturer i Norrköpings kommuns politiska ledning mellan åren 1970 och 2006 ur ett genusperspektiv. I inledningen ställs frågan om det är så att kvinnors inlemmande i kommunalpolitiken endast har lett till en jämn könsrepresentation i den politiska toppen, men inte medfört verklig politiskt makt. Utifrån ett samtidshistoriskt perspektiv undersöks den underliggande maktstruktur om den politiska makten i Norrköping kan sägas ha vilat på vid olika tidpunkter mellan 1970 och 2006. Den teoretiska ansatsen är inspirerad av ett feministiskt genusperspektiv och det empiriska materialet analyseras med hjälp av bl a begreppet genusregim. Detta begrepp utgör grunden i avhandlingens teoretiska ram. I den konkreta analysen används sedan begrepp som politisk fält och politiskt kapital, manlighet, manlig homosocialitet, hegemoni och diskursiv makt. Utgångspunkten i avhandlingen är att kvinnor och mäns olika tillgång till informell makt i politiken dels har att göra med makt som baseras på genus, dels har att göra med makt kopplat till relationerna mellan ledande politiker och ledande tjänstemän i kommunens administrativa ledning. Avhandlingen undersöker på vilket sätt kvinnliga och manliga politikers formella deltagande i kommunens nämnder, kommunstyrelsen och andra organ förändrades under perioden 1970–2006. Den belyser också hur politiker och tjänstemän har uppfattat den underliggande maktstruktur som underbygger verklig politisk makt, samt hur denna maktstruktur har förhållit sig till genus. Avhandlingen undersöker även huruvida manliga tjänstemän begränsat kvinnliga politikers maktutrymme. Avhandlingen visar att den makt som underbygger den politiska styrningen har vilat på två slags ordningsrelationer: den mellan kvinnor och män respektive den mellan den politiska ledningen och administrationen. Avhandlingen visar således att problemet med kvinnors brist på informell makt har varit inbyggt i det politiska systemet. / The aim of this dissertation is to examine women’s and men’s access to quantitative and qualitative political power in the municipality of Norrköping between 1970 and 2006. The method chosen is to analyze the substructure underlying political leaders’ ability to govern. The premise of this inquiry is that an unequal distribution of genuine power between women and men in politics depends on gender-based power structures as well as the relationship between politicians in leadership positions and male employees in leading positions in the municipal administration. There are three main questions of interest in this dissertation. Firstly, in what respects does the formal representation of women and man elected as representatives in the municipal council, the municipal executive board, and other boards change in the period 1970―2006? Secondly, how do politicians and employed municipal administrators describe the structures of power that grant genuine power, and how do informal power relations relate to the gender-based power structure? Thirdly, focusing on women’s increasing participation in governing processes I ask in what respects the male dominance in the administration circumscribes the possibilities of female politicians in leadership positions to exercise genuine power. With these questions as the starting point, I have studied political power structures in relation to women and men as well as in relation to actors in political and administrative leadership positions in the municipality of Norrköping. Relaying on the concept of gender regime I have developed an analytical framework to analyze the informal power structures. The concept of gender regime can be understood as the patterning of gender processes in particular social units at a particular historical time. In the theoretical approach of the dissertation, the concept of gender regime in combination with the concepts of manliness, male homosociality and the hegemony of men, offer a complex way of analyzing gender and power relations at a local level. One of the main conclusions is that despite a changing political gender regime in the 21st century, the power was still based on a patriarchal model.

Who runs the development? A comparative study of the construction of residential buildings in Nacka and Södertälje. The aim of this study is to identify actors involved in the initiation and implementation of residential house construction in two Swedish municipalities. This means who is taking initiative for new residential buildings, who affects the planning process, who finances these new buildings and who builds them. By exploring empiric material from the municipalities of Nacka and Södertälje, the above questions will be answered and by referring to pluralism, growth machine theory and regime theory a link to general theories of political science is made. The results found show that the analysed municipalities have quite different possibilities for acting and that these backgrounds are also important for which actors will take initiative for new residential buildings and which actors will be allowed to state their opinion during the planning process. Due to these differences I claim that the empirical material from the two municipalities are best described by two different theories from the above mentioned.

The way men and women into municipal politics of Kutna Hora. This work focuses on the motivation and the reasons why men and women to enter municipal politics a medium-sized cities such as Kutna Hora. I put emphasis on issues of participation in the political representation of both sexes. What are the obstacles to municipal politicians to meet at the entrance to the policies and the active participation in political office. I introduced myself to municipal politics in the Czech Republic looks like and what powers and responsibilities councilors city. In the empirical part, I introduced our own research and put a short excursion into the history of Kutna Hora. Obtained through interviews with municipal politicians and politicians were analyzed through three levels of coding. I started from the thesis of Marcela Adamusová, which dealt with master suppression techniques techniques and compared my results with her. Keywords: women, men, gender, municipal politics, local government of Kutná Hora, councilors, master suppression techniques, political reprezentation, barriers.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal