O termo bancada da bala descreve as bancadas suprapartidárias do Legislativo compostas majoritariamente por egressos das forças de segurança, cuja agenda se organiza em torno de temas da segurança pública. Seus membros são associados a uma visão autoritária e repressiva de controle social, aos interesses da indústria armamentista e a uma tensão constante com a política de Direitos Humanos. O sucesso e a articulação política de candidatos com esse perfil são retratados midiaticamente como expressão de uma onda conservadora no cenário político e social brasileiro. No entanto, a estruturação desses grupos não é um fenômeno recente, principalmente para o legislativo paulista que, desde 1987, apresenta grupos de deputados-policiais favoráveis a políticas de mano dura. Buscou-se compreender a estruturação desses grupos, com base em autores da Sociologia da Punição que identificam reconfigurações semelhantes no campo de controle do crime na maioria das democracias contemporâneas (como políticas de contenção contraditórias e ambivalentes, transformações nos discursos oficiais em relação ao crime no sentido de um populismo penal, crescimento dos sentimentos de insegurança e sua instrumentalização pela esfera política e eleitoreira). Investigou-se como essas questões se organizam nos discursos de deputadospoliciais da 18ª legislatura da Assembleia Legislativa de São Paulo, comparando-os aos discursos da chamada bancada da segurança, eleita pela primeira vez na 11ª legislatura. Realizou-se a pesquisa documental sobre as proposições legislativas, sessões e frentes parlamentares mediante a análise do discurso com base no instrumental analítico foucaultiano. Observou-se uma trajetória de continuidade entre os grupos em que a matriz da guerra estende-se para além dos objetos clássicos do penal e do trabalho policial, tornando-se um organizador de mundo pelo qual se definem as fronteiras entre o bem, a legitimidade, a ordem e suas respectivas oposições. O principal desdobramento observado é a maneira como os deputados da 18ª legislatura mobilizam um discurso gerencialista da cidade que se mostra estratégico para o discurso do populismo penal, em que o princípio de tolerância zero é agenciado sobre toda sorte de comportamentos, figuras e atividades presentes nos espaços de grande circulação de pessoas e mercadorias. Conclui-se que a estruturação desses grupos se realiza discursivamente e politicamente, não apenas em relação à identidade policial, pautas corporativas e bandeiras securitizadoras, mas também na forma como esses elementos geram identificação, conferem legitimidade, se combinam e atualizam sensibilidades e representações enraizadas socialmente. Esses elementos acrescem discursos sobre o fenômeno da punição, que, por sua vez, fala à sociedade muito mais do que em termos de crime e castigo: canaliza ansiedades e insatisfações, produz solidariedade, organiza o mundo conforme diferentes territórios morais. Assim, os discursos mobilizados por bancadas da bala possibilitam comunicações com públicos e grupos políticos diversos, reorganizando conservadorismos nos campos político e de controle do crime. / The expression bullet caucus describes supra-party organized groups of legislators composed mostly of former members of police and military forces, whose agenda is built around public security issues. Its members are associated with an authoritarian and repressive vision of social control, as with the interests of the arms industry, and constant tension over human rights policies. The media portrays the success and political articulation of candidates in this profile as an expression of a conservative rise in the Brazilian political and social scene. However, the emergence of these groups is not a recent phenomenon, especially for the São Paulo legislature, which since 1987 has had groups of police-officer-congressmen in favor of hard-hitting policies. We sought to understand the constitution of these groups, based on authors of Sociology of Punishment who identify similar reconfigurations in the field of crime control in most contemporary democracies (such as contradictory and ambivalent containment policies, changes in official discourses on crime towards criminal populism, growing feelings of insecurity, and their instrumentalization by the political and electoral spheres). We investigated how these issues appear in speeches of police-officercongressmen of the 18th legislature of the Legislative Assembly of São Paulo, comparing them to speeches of the so-called security caucus, elected for the first time in the 11th legislature. Documentary research on legislative propositions, legislative sessions, and congressional fronts was carried out using discourse analysis, based on Foucaultian analytical instruments. Continuity has been observed between the two groups, to which the image of war reaches far beyond the classic subjects of criminal law and law enforcement, becoming a world organizer that defines the boundaries between good, legitimacy, order, and their respective oppositions. The main development observed was the way in which congressmen of the 18th São Paulo state legislature resort to a managerial discourse about the city, strategically favoring tendencies of penal populism, which enforces principles of zero tolerance over all sorts of behaviors, figures and activities found in massive people and goods circulation areas. We concluded that the structuring of these groups takes place discursively and politically, referring to police identity, corporate topics and public security causes, and enabling these elements to generate identification, confer legitimacy, and combine and update firmly rooted social sensitivities and representations. These elements add discourses on the phenomenon of punishment, which, in turn, speaks to society much more than in terms of crime and punishment: it channels anxieties and dissatisfaction, produces solidarity, and organizes the world according to different moral territories. The discourses mobilized by bullet caucuses communicate with distinct publics and political groups, reorganizing conservatism in the political and crime control fields.

Com base no que Platão estabelece para a formação do guardião da cidade, neste trabalho, foi analisado o desenvolvimento da educação em direitos humanos, no Curso de Formação de Oficiais da Polícia Militar do Estado de São Paulo, seus reflexos na atividade policial e seus efeitos na sociedade. Tendo como referência documentos legais e exemplos práticos, foi proposta uma nova forma de educação em direitos humanos, através da criação, por lei, de uma comissão de monitoramento composta por membros da sociedade civil, cuja finalidade é assegurar a transparência e o efetivo controle social em tão importante tema, visando a supremacia da dignidade humana e do Estado de Direito / Taking into consideration what Plato establishes for the formation of the guardian of the city, this essay analyzed the development of education in human rights, in the Graduation Course for Officers of São Paulo State Military Police, its repercussions on police activity and its effects in society. Considering as reference legal documents and practical examples, it was proposed a new model of education in human rights, through the creation by law of a monitoring committee formed by members of the civil society, whose purpose is to ensure transparency and an effective social control in such an important issue aiming the supremacy of human dignity and the Rule-of-Law.

Durant la guerre d'Algérie, des officiers français ont pensé l'armée et son action comme révolutionnaire. Il s'agissait pour eux de réformer radicalement l'institution militaire, en l'adaptant à un conflit présenté comme une guerre révolutionnaire menée par le communisme dont l'enjeu est le contrôle politique de la population. Cette armée révolutionnaire se devait de participer à la modernisation de l'Algérie, intégrant les Algériens au corps social français, permettant l'émergence d'une «Algérie nouvelle». Afin de réaliser cet objectif, ces officiers prônaient un durcissement autoritaire de l'État à même de contrer la subversion communiste. Cette thèse explore cette armée révolutionnaire, dont elle s'attache à saisir les racines, le contenu et les conséquences, à travers l'étude des 5es bureaux, bureaux d'état-major chargés de mener l'action psychologique de 1955 à 1960, à la fois propagandistes, commissaires politiques et théoriciens de l'action politico-militaire. Elle se penche, à travers une approche prosopographique, sur les parcours individuels et collectifs de ses officiers. Elle analyse les logiques institutionnelles, les discours et les pratiques des 5es bureaux. Elle met en lumière l'action politique de l'armée lors de la crise de mai et juin 1958 à travers la mobilisation autoritaire des Algériens lors de manifestations de fraternisation mettant en scène l'adhésion des colonisés à un ordre coloniale rénové. Ce projet se heurte à l'opposition de plus en plus claire du pouvoir gaulliste qui dissout les 5es bureaux en février 1960, suite à la semaine des barricades, mais surtout à une mécompréhension systématique de la situation politique algérienne. / During the Algerian War, French officers considered the army and its action as revolutionary. They aimed to radically reform military institutions, adapting them to a conflict perceived as a revolutionary war led by communism whose goal was the political control of the population. This revolutionary army had to participate in the modernization of Algeria, integrating Algerians into the French social body, allowing the emergence of an "Algérie nouvelle". In order to achieve this goal, these officers advocated an authoritarian hardening of the state capable of countering communist subversion. This thesis explores the roots, content and consequences of this revolutionary army through the study of the 5th bureau : the staff officers responsible for conducting psychological action from 1955 to 1960, as well the propagandists, political commissars and theoreticians of politico-military action. It employs a prospography of the individual and collective career trajectories of these officers, and analyzes the institutional logics; discourses, and the practices of the 5th bureaus. Tt highlights the political action of the army during the crisis of May and June 1958 through the authoritarian mobilization of Algerians for fraternization demonstrations that aimed to evince Algerians' commitment to a renovated colonial order. This project was defeated by the cleat opposition of the Gaullist state, which dissolved the 5th Bureaus in February 1960 following the week of the barricades uprising, but particularly by its systematic misunderstanding of the Algerian political situation.

Cette thèse est une contribution aux études contemporaines sur les rapports entre savoirs et empires. Elleexamine les modalités de l’engagement des militaires dans la production de savoirs portant sur l’Empireottoman, au regard du projet impérialiste français. Cette étude se veut une histoire sociale et intellectuelle dessavoirs militaires français dans cette situation spécifique. Elle a pour objet les écrits des officiers de la IIIeRépublique portant sur l’Empire ottoman et la Turquie, du congrès de Berlin (1878) au déclenchement de laSeconde Guerre mondiale (1939). La production de ces écrits est appréhendée dans la période de passage del’Empire ottoman à la République de Turquie ; d’un Empire à un État-nation. L’analyse des carrières desofficiers permet de situer les terrains ottomans et post-ottomans dans un espace plus élargi, tenant compte descirculations entre la France métropolitaine et ses colonies. Elle permet aussi de situer ces savoirs vis-à-vis d’unterrain qui apparaît comme un lieu à la fois d’acquisition et de mise à l’épreuve. Ainsi, nous définissons deuxtypes de circulations : transcoloniales et transottomanes. Les officiers et les savoirs circulent au sein de cesespaces multiples et connectés. La construction et les usages de savoirs sont examinés d’abord depuis le centred’un Empire en situation de paix : à Istanbul durant le règne d’Abdülhamid II et pendant la période jeuneturque.Nous nous focalisons sur les formes d’interaction (collaborations et résistances) entre les officiersfrançais et leurs interlocuteurs privilégiés : les élites militaires jeunes-turques qui jouent un rôle central dansles évolutions politiques du pays, de la révolution de 1908 à la fondation de la République de Turquie (1923).Le choix de l’armée française en tant qu’objet d’étude fait apparaître des formes territorialisées de la présencefrançaise et des types de savoirs qui lui sont liés, notamment dans les provinces : dans le cadre des missionsmilitaires (Macédoine ottomane, 1904-1914), des guerres et des occupations (Dardanelles, 1915, Istanbul,1918-1923, Cilicie, 1919-1921). Dans ces configurations, la production des savoirs est mise au service del’action (conquête, administration, pacification). Nous nous sommes aussi interrogés sur la redéfinition du rôledes officiers et de leurs savoirs sous la République de Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1923-1939). La diversité dessupports de production des savoirs (production interne à l’armée, publications) et des discours (cohérences,discontinuités) des officiers français en situation impériale contredit ainsi l’idée d’une « Grande Muette », dontles agents seraient réduits à des rôles d’exécutants. / This dissertation is a contribution to the contemporary study of the relationship between knowledge and empire.It examines the modalities of the involvement of French officers in the production of knowledge on theOttoman Empire in the framework of French imperialism. In this regard, this study aspires to present a socialand intellectual history of French military knowledge. Its case study deals with the writings of officers of theThird Republic on the Ottoman Empire and Turkey, from the Congress of Berlin (1878) until the outbreak ofthe Second World War (1939). The production of these writings is considered within the framework of thetransition from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Turkey, i.e. from an empire to a nation state. Throughan analysis of the officers’ careers, the study situates the Ottoman and post-Ottoman spaces within a largerfield that takes into account the circulation between metropolitan France and its colonies. It also allows forsituating these forms of knowledge vis-a-vis the very field that functions as a space for both acquisition of andexperimentation with it. Thus, two kinds of circulations are defined: the trans-colonial and the trans-Ottoman.Both the officers and their forms of knowledge circulate within and between these multiple and connectedspaces. The construction and use of these forms of knowledge are examined first for an imperial center in timesof peace, i.e. Istanbul during the reign of Abdülhamid II, and second for the Young Turk period. The studyfocuses on the forms of interactions (collaboration and resistance) between the French officers and theirprivileged interlocutors, the Young-Turk military elites who play a central role in the political developmentsof the country from the revolution of 1908 to the foundation of the Republic of Turkey (1923). The choice ofthe French army as an object of study reveals the regionally specific forms of both the French presence and ofthe forms of knowledge intricately tied to it, particularly in the provinces during military missions (OttomanMacedonia, 1904-1914), wars and occupations (Dardanelles, 1915, Istanbul, 1918-1923, Cilicia, 1919-1921).In these contexts, the production of knowledge serves the course of action (conquest, administration,pacification). This study also questions the redefinition of the role of the officers and their knowledge duringthe Republic of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1923-1939). The diversity of the media of knowledge production(knowledge production internal to the army, publications) and of the discourses of French officers(consistencies, discontinuities) who are part of the imperial project contradicts the idea of a Grande Muette, a“Great Mute [army]” whose agents are conceptually reduced to the role of mere recipients of orders.

This thesis explores the existence and outlook of a European officer class in the mid- to later 18th century by studying the army officers of Britain and the Habsburg Monarchy from the War of the Austrian Succession to the eve of the French Revolutionary Wars. It illuminates the character of such an officer class of ‘Military Europe’ with its own cultural customs and practices. Furthermore, it details similarities, differences and peculiarities of both officer corps. This is achieved by analysing the social and national composition of both armies, with a focus here on the Habsburg Army due to the fact that it took in great numbers of foreigners and that the muster lists give an indication of how great the proportion of nobility was. A comparison with the British case shows striking similarities but also obvious differences. In a further step the ability of individuals for social advancement and national mobility is scrutinised on both sides. In this context, the state’s care for its officers and their social security is also taken into account. One possibility to acknowledge the officers’ service was to raise their status, either by ennoblement or through increasing the prestige of the uniform in court and society, its transformation into an ‘Ehrenkleid’ (garment of honour). As officers increasingly became servants to the state, rather than noble retainers and military enterprisers, they were also subject to professionalization efforts by the sovereigns. What becomes apparent, however, is that the officers did not only react to such measures but that at least a significant part of them actively worked on improving the service, thereby exhibiting a growing professionalism. In order to explore the coherence of the officer corps in those armies, with officers all following the same codes and accepting each other as equals, the thesis looks into core values (including honour, duty, courage and loyalty) binding them together and separating them from the enlisted men. The thesis will also offer a glimpse of their engagement with civilian society and culture as well as their role as ‘foot soldiers of Enlightenment’. On a European level, interaction between these officers proves their general acceptance of and respect for each other, while at the same time acting as state representatives in wartimes. Their interaction with non-European and non-state military forces and their leadership marks out the fluid boundaries of military Europe, but also exhibits the pervasiveness of European military culture.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-09-15T12:25:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Eliezer Pereira Martins.pdf: 1169765 bytes, checksum: 4a2c1326ce696daec14555b67969c712 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-15T12:25:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eliezer Pereira Martins.pdf: 1169765 bytes, checksum: 4a2c1326ce696daec14555b67969c712 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-06 / Life in the barracks is dictated by a multiplicity of normative commands that organic scan the behavior of the individual-military", particularly when it comes to functional routinization done by the military police. This is a process of interna corporis socialization that acts inside of the dynamics formation of military and police identity, and represents a traditional symbolic capital of institutional power of the military apparatus of the State. In fact, mark symbolically the individuals subject to the police culture, using specific features of "total institution" to the police rows. Thus, the profile of the identity of the military's civilian is gradually the mortification of mechanisms of the "I" conjured up by an instrumental logic of an axiological military discipline hermetically “closed” and distanced, from the point of view of politics, and the values of democracy, republic, and humanities. Given this, here it is claimed that the military "disciplines", in turn, establishes a general system of control and docilization of military conducts closely linked to the Panopticon system, which ensures an efficient and exemplary punishment of acts considered as deviants of military standards. Given this, here it is tried to identify that the hipercodification of the law system of the military police of São Paulo state, in Brazil, was inspired by the speech of the "military-moral". It constitutes the “I” mortification technique by docilization of the military bodies and the disciplinary panoptism. Finally, it is demonstrated here the need to reduce the field of completeness and disciplinary strategies of the legal system of the military police of São Paulo, which leads to the creation of a model of discipline aesthetically military aligned to the interests of society, justice system and the establishment of the fundamental rights of the military police. This kind of discipline needs to be aligned to the construction of a police identity in tune with humanistic values, what marks the originality of the thesis sustained in this work, marked mostly by philosophical musings of Michel Foucault / A vida na caserna é ditada por uma multiplicidade orgânica de comandos normativos que esquadrinham o comportamento do “indivíduo-militar”, particularmente no que toca à rotinização funcional exercida pelos policiais militares. Trata-se de um processo de socialização interna corporis que atua na dinâmica formativa da identidade policial militar e representa tradicionalmente um notável capital simbólico de poder institucional dos aparelhos militares do Estado brasileiro. Com efeito, marcam-se simbolicamente os indivíduos sujeitos à cultura policial, empregando-se caraterísticas próprias de “instituição total” às fileiras policiais. Assim, o perfil da identidade civil do militar é submetido gradualmente a mecanismos de mortificação do “eu” engendrados por uma lógica instrumental axiológica de disciplina militar hermeticamente “fechada” e distanciada, sob o ponto de vista político, de valores democráticos, republicanos e humanísticos. Diante disso, sustenta-se que as “disciplinas” militares, por sua vez, instauram um regime geral de controle e docilização das condutas militares intimamente ligadas ao sistema panóptico de vigilância, o que garante uma exemplar e eficiente punição de atos considerados desviantes dos padrões militares, inclusive. Diante disso, identifica-se que a hipercodificação do ordenamento jurídico disciplinar dos policiais militares do Estado de São Paulo, inspirada no discurso da “moral-militar”, constitui técnica de mortificação do “eu”, de docilização dos corpos militares e do panoptismo disciplinar. Por fim, demonstra-se a necessidade de redução do campo de estratégias totalizantes e disciplinares do ordenamento jurídico da policial militar paulista, o que leva à criação de um modelo de disciplina esteticamente militar que se alinhe aos interesses da sociedade, ao sistema de justiça e à efetivação dos direitos fundamentais do policial militar e à construção de uma identidade policial afinada com os valores humanísticos, o que marca o ineditismo da Tese sustentada neste trabalho, balizada, principalmente, pelas reflexões filosóficas de Michel Foucault

O termo bancada da bala descreve as bancadas suprapartidárias do Legislativo compostas majoritariamente por egressos das forças de segurança, cuja agenda se organiza em torno de temas da segurança pública. Seus membros são associados a uma visão autoritária e repressiva de controle social, aos interesses da indústria armamentista e a uma tensão constante com a política de Direitos Humanos. O sucesso e a articulação política de candidatos com esse perfil são retratados midiaticamente como expressão de uma onda conservadora no cenário político e social brasileiro. No entanto, a estruturação desses grupos não é um fenômeno recente, principalmente para o legislativo paulista que, desde 1987, apresenta grupos de deputados-policiais favoráveis a políticas de mano dura. Buscou-se compreender a estruturação desses grupos, com base em autores da Sociologia da Punição que identificam reconfigurações semelhantes no campo de controle do crime na maioria das democracias contemporâneas (como políticas de contenção contraditórias e ambivalentes, transformações nos discursos oficiais em relação ao crime no sentido de um populismo penal, crescimento dos sentimentos de insegurança e sua instrumentalização pela esfera política e eleitoreira). Investigou-se como essas questões se organizam nos discursos de deputadospoliciais da 18ª legislatura da Assembleia Legislativa de São Paulo, comparando-os aos discursos da chamada bancada da segurança, eleita pela primeira vez na 11ª legislatura. Realizou-se a pesquisa documental sobre as proposições legislativas, sessões e frentes parlamentares mediante a análise do discurso com base no instrumental analítico foucaultiano. Observou-se uma trajetória de continuidade entre os grupos em que a matriz da guerra estende-se para além dos objetos clássicos do penal e do trabalho policial, tornando-se um organizador de mundo pelo qual se definem as fronteiras entre o bem, a legitimidade, a ordem e suas respectivas oposições. O principal desdobramento observado é a maneira como os deputados da 18ª legislatura mobilizam um discurso gerencialista da cidade que se mostra estratégico para o discurso do populismo penal, em que o princípio de tolerância zero é agenciado sobre toda sorte de comportamentos, figuras e atividades presentes nos espaços de grande circulação de pessoas e mercadorias. Conclui-se que a estruturação desses grupos se realiza discursivamente e politicamente, não apenas em relação à identidade policial, pautas corporativas e bandeiras securitizadoras, mas também na forma como esses elementos geram identificação, conferem legitimidade, se combinam e atualizam sensibilidades e representações enraizadas socialmente. Esses elementos acrescem discursos sobre o fenômeno da punição, que, por sua vez, fala à sociedade muito mais do que em termos de crime e castigo: canaliza ansiedades e insatisfações, produz solidariedade, organiza o mundo conforme diferentes territórios morais. Assim, os discursos mobilizados por bancadas da bala possibilitam comunicações com públicos e grupos políticos diversos, reorganizando conservadorismos nos campos político e de controle do crime. / The expression bullet caucus describes supra-party organized groups of legislators composed mostly of former members of police and military forces, whose agenda is built around public security issues. Its members are associated with an authoritarian and repressive vision of social control, as with the interests of the arms industry, and constant tension over human rights policies. The media portrays the success and political articulation of candidates in this profile as an expression of a conservative rise in the Brazilian political and social scene. However, the emergence of these groups is not a recent phenomenon, especially for the São Paulo legislature, which since 1987 has had groups of police-officer-congressmen in favor of hard-hitting policies. We sought to understand the constitution of these groups, based on authors of Sociology of Punishment who identify similar reconfigurations in the field of crime control in most contemporary democracies (such as contradictory and ambivalent containment policies, changes in official discourses on crime towards criminal populism, growing feelings of insecurity, and their instrumentalization by the political and electoral spheres). We investigated how these issues appear in speeches of police-officercongressmen of the 18th legislature of the Legislative Assembly of São Paulo, comparing them to speeches of the so-called security caucus, elected for the first time in the 11th legislature. Documentary research on legislative propositions, legislative sessions, and congressional fronts was carried out using discourse analysis, based on Foucaultian analytical instruments. Continuity has been observed between the two groups, to which the image of war reaches far beyond the classic subjects of criminal law and law enforcement, becoming a world organizer that defines the boundaries between good, legitimacy, order, and their respective oppositions. The main development observed was the way in which congressmen of the 18th São Paulo state legislature resort to a managerial discourse about the city, strategically favoring tendencies of penal populism, which enforces principles of zero tolerance over all sorts of behaviors, figures and activities found in massive people and goods circulation areas. We concluded that the structuring of these groups takes place discursively and politically, referring to police identity, corporate topics and public security causes, and enabling these elements to generate identification, confer legitimacy, and combine and update firmly rooted social sensitivities and representations. These elements add discourses on the phenomenon of punishment, which, in turn, speaks to society much more than in terms of crime and punishment: it channels anxieties and dissatisfaction, produces solidarity, and organizes the world according to different moral territories. The discourses mobilized by bullet caucuses communicate with distinct publics and political groups, reorganizing conservatism in the political and crime control fields.

La garde républicaine, entre 1871 et 1914, corps de gendarmerie atypique, constitue une unité militaire mixte, regroupant des formations à cheval et d’autres à pied, dont le service essentiel est municipal. Les objectifs de cette thèse sont de préciser sa filiation avec les unités qui l’ont précédée, de définir ses spécificités en terme d’organisation, de fonctionnement et d’infrastructures, de décrypter et de disséquer son service intérieur et municipal afin de le confronter à celui des autres régiments de l’armée et légions de gendarmerie, de situer la place de ces « gardiens de la cité » au sein de la gendarmerie de l’époque et de la comparer à celle tenue par notre actuelle garde républicaine.En trois parties, cette thèse détaille successivement :- les composantes de la garde, infanterie et cavalerie, son organisation régimentaire et son administration, ses différents rouages et sa composition, son recrutement, sa symbolique et ses uniformes ;- sa vie quotidienne, sa formation militaire et municipale, ses casernes, sa discipline ;- la police de la voie publique à Paris et les forces qui l’assurent, l’influence du préfet de police sur la garde, ses différents services, son utilisation au maintien et au rétablissement de l’ordre.L’hypothèse de travail est de constater à quel point la garde républicaine de la Belle Époque diffère de l’actuelle garde, si proche d’elle par ses silhouettes, ses représentations, ses traditions, son implantation, si éloignée par son unique vocation de garde présidentielle, protectrice des institutions de la République. / The Republican Guard, between 1871 and 1914, an atypical unit of the French Gendarmerie (military police), is comprised of joint military forces, combining horseback and foot patrols, which is mainly on duty in the city of Paris. The goals of this thesis are to specify its connection to the previously existing units, describe its specific character in terms of organization, operations and infrastructures, to decipher and dissect its domestic and municipal service in order to compare it with that of other French military regiments and Gendarmerie legions, to define the role of these “guardians of the city” within the Gendarmerie of this period and compare it with that of our current Republican Guard.Divided into three parts, this thesis consecutively examines :- the components of the Guard’s infantry and cavalry, its regimental organization and administration, its various inner mechanisms and composition, its recruitment, symbolism and uniforms;- its daily life, military and municipal training, barracks and discipline;- the public roadway police in Paris and the forces which ensure it, the influence of police headquarters on the Guard, its role in maintaining and reestablishing order.The working hypothesis is to show how different the Republican Guard of the Belle Epoque is compared to the current Guard, so similar to it in its shape, performances, traditions, and establishment, so far-removed in its sole purpose of presidential guard, guardian of the French Republic’s establishments.

Com base no que Platão estabelece para a formação do guardião da cidade, neste trabalho, foi analisado o desenvolvimento da educação em direitos humanos, no Curso de Formação de Oficiais da Polícia Militar do Estado de São Paulo, seus reflexos na atividade policial e seus efeitos na sociedade. Tendo como referência documentos legais e exemplos práticos, foi proposta uma nova forma de educação em direitos humanos, através da criação, por lei, de uma comissão de monitoramento composta por membros da sociedade civil, cuja finalidade é assegurar a transparência e o efetivo controle social em tão importante tema, visando a supremacia da dignidade humana e do Estado de Direito / Taking into consideration what Plato establishes for the formation of the guardian of the city, this essay analyzed the development of education in human rights, in the Graduation Course for Officers of São Paulo State Military Police, its repercussions on police activity and its effects in society. Considering as reference legal documents and practical examples, it was proposed a new model of education in human rights, through the creation by law of a monitoring committee formed by members of the civil society, whose purpose is to ensure transparency and an effective social control in such an important issue aiming the supremacy of human dignity and the Rule-of-Law.

Submitted by Elba Lopes (elba.lopes@fecap.br) on 2018-01-16T15:55:23Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Adolpho Cyriaco Nunes de Souza Neto.pdf: 806566 bytes, checksum: 3ab6b4aea584e8eb38a7bd6f6199c151 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-16T15:55:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Adolpho Cyriaco Nunes de Souza Neto.pdf: 806566 bytes, checksum: 3ab6b4aea584e8eb38a7bd6f6199c151 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-20 / This study intends to verify the presence of earnings management (EM) in the periods surrounding CEO changes in Brazil. Earnings management can be defined as the use of managerial discretion when making accounting choices, within the limits of the standards, with the intention of producing a skewed view of the entity???s earnings to obtain gains. The work is classified as an explanatory research, with a quantitative and empirical approach, and uses the financial results of 227 companies listed on the BM&FBOVESPA between 2010 and 2016. For the CEO who is leaving the company, the reasons for undertaking earnings management include, among others, the possible need to hide a poor performance, obtain financial advantages, and build a successful professional image. In the case of the CEO who enters the company, the EM can be used to establish a depressed earnings base in the year of his/her entry, improving the conditions to present an evolution of earnings in later years. In order to verify these hypotheses, two EM detection models based on accruals were used, the modified Jones and the modified Jones with ROA. The results of the study demonstrate that, although there is no evidence that the average EM level is influenced by the CEO being in his/her last year in office, there was a statistically significant presence of earnings management in the first year of the incoming CEO with the intention of reducing reported profits, confirming the hypothesis of creating a depressed comparison basis so that the earnings of subsequent years are analyzed more favorably. / Esse estudo busca averiguar a presen??a do gerenciamento de resultados (GR) nos per??odos afetados pela substitui????o de CEOs no Brasil. O gerenciamento de resultados pode ser definido pelo uso da discricionariedade gerencial na realiza????o de escolhas cont??beis, dentro dos limites da norma, com a inten????o de produzir um resultado enviesado da entidade, buscando a obten????o de benef??cios. O trabalho classifica-se como uma pesquisa explicativa, com abordagem quantitativa e g??nero emp??rico, e utiliza os resultados financeiros de 227 companhias listadas na BM&FBOVESPA entre os anos de 2010 a 2016. Para o CEO que est?? deixando a empresa, as raz??es para realizar o gerenciamento de resultados incluem, entre outras, a poss??vel necessidade de ocultar uma performance ruim, obten????o de vantagens financeiras e a constru????o de imagem de profissional bem-sucedido. No caso do CEO que ingressa na empresa, o GR pode ser utilizado para estabelecer uma base de resultados deprimida no ano de sua entrada, visando melhorar as condi????es para apresentar uma evolu????o dos resultados nos anos posteriores. Para a verifica????o dessas hip??teses foram utilizados dois modelos de detec????o do GR baseados em accruals, o Jones Modificado e o Jones Modificado com ROA. Os resultados demonstram que, apesar de n??o haverem evid??ncias que o n??vel m??dio de GR ?? influenciado pelo CEO em seu ??ltimo ano no cargo, detectou-se a presen??a, estatisticamente significante, do gerenciamento de resultados no primeiro ano do CEO entrante com a inten????o de redu????o do lucro corrente reportado, confirmando a hip??tese de criar uma base de compara????o deprimida para que os resultados dos anos subsequentes sejam analisados de maneira mais favor??vel.