The international arms trade is of strategic and economic importance for the sending and receiving state. Due to the violent nature of arms however, the rhetoric of ethical considerations has become more profound in Western democracies following the end of the cold war. Despite this, previous research has shown that there is a discrepancy between words and actions. This phenomenon is captured in the term organized hypocrisy. No similar study on the case of Sweden has been done however, which I deem best suited for a least likely case study. Using quantitative methods to estimate the effect of variables on the probability of Sweden exporting arms, I find a positive correlation between the potential recipient’s democratic situation and the probability of exporting arms. These results contradict the theory of organized hypocrisy, hopefully contributing to the field and the debate on contemporary arms trade.

Localized crime exists all over the world; however there are certain crimes that have effects globally. These crimes are committed by organizations with worldwide networks, posing a unique problem for law enforcement. Police agencies must coordinate their international efforts with many different nations that utilize disparate legal systems in order to suppress these criminal operations. The objective of this thesis is to provide information on some of the various topics related to the issue of transnational organized crime and law enforcement's response. Literature on various areas of organized crime such as drug and human trafficking, money laundering, and corruption is presented to further understanding of these topics. Additionally, literature discussing responses to international organized crime will also be included. Two case studies are presented and analyzed to help illustrate the information found in the literature. As criminal organizations become more global, law enforcement has to respond accordingly. This thesis provides an amalgamation of scholarly research to present a broad overview of the issues related to this topic.

Thesis (M.B.A.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 2999-01-01

The research was conducted as a result of the researcher‟s concern that the possibility exists that members of the different law enforcement agencies in South Africa might have a misconception about the mandate and functions of the Financial Intelligence Centre. If such a misconception in fact exists, it poses a huge challenge towards fruitful co-operation among the Centre and the different law enforcement agencies. The researcher identified certain practical problems, namely, that investigators are not aware of the types of intelligence that the Centre could provide them with, and that investigators might not be informed about the specific procedures to follow when they need to request intelligence from the Centre. The research has shown that, in the past, the Centre has been a useful source of crime intelligence concerning a range of predicate offences including narcotics, fraud and tax related crimes. The research has further found that, although the majority of participants gained a lot of experience in law enforcement and investigations, they had limited awareness about the Financial Intelligence Centre and its functions. This research project studied the utilisation of the Financial Intelligence Centre as a crime intelligence source. / Police Practice / M. Tech. (Forensic Investigation)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research study aims to analyze the illicit arms trade in states in transition. While both the study of the illicit arms trade and the study of states in transition per se, are characterized by a variety of concepts and debates within academia, this study attempts to establish a coherent and concise connection between the two. Therefore, the main research question is: How do the capacity gaps of social control, social welfare, border control and legitimacy contribute to the proliferation of the illicit arms trade in states in transition? For the purpose of this study, the researcher uses the theoretical framework based on capacity gaps and functional holes as outlined by Phil Williams (2002). Williams (2002) states that organized crime and transnational organized crime (TOC), which the illicit arms trade is a part of, flourish in states that are weakened by capacity gaps and where the accompanying functional holes open up the way for organized crime and TOC to work with impunity. The seven capacity gaps that Williams (2002) outlines are: social control, social welfare, business regulation, oversight and accountability, border control, legitimacy and electoral norms and patterns. However, this thesis does not focus on all seven capacity gaps; instead, only the capacity gaps of social control, social welfare, border control and legitimacy are analysed. This decision has been based on the literature by Williams (2002), Migdal (1988), Beck and Laeven (2006), who suggest that a state in transition cannot complete its transitional period and become a consolidated democracy if high levels of social control, social welfare, respect for the rule of law and legitimacy are not obtained. Moreover, this research study conducts a comparative analysis of two states in transition, South Africa and Croatia, which have both been experiencing difficulties with TOC and the illicit arms trade, and where both states still have not completed their transitional period, and are thus not consolidated democracies. This research does not imply that the findings of this study are applicable to all states in transition; the focus is rather on how the four capacity gaps and functional holes that this research focused on contribute to the proliferation of the illicit arms trade in South Africa and Croatia. The findings indicate that due to high levels of corruption within the judicial system and police, the citizens of South Africa and Croatia lack trust in the states’ capacity to impose social control, which in turn opens the way for organized criminal groups to work with impunity. Furthermore, the social welfare capacity gap contributes to the rise in levels of organized crime and the illicit arms trade due to the fact that levels of inequality and unemployment force the citizens of South Africa and Croatia to look for alternative survival strategies, usually those that organized criminal groups can provide them with. Moreover, the lack of resources and corruption among custom officials and police staff, serve as opportunities for organized criminal groups to traffic illicit goods over South Africa and Croatia’s borders; thus indicating a functional hole in the states interdictory capacity and an overall gap in the states capacity to control its borders. Lastly, due to the South African and Croatian citizens’ lack of trust in the institutions and the state apparatus in general, the capacity gap of legitimacy is visible. This in turn opens the way for organized criminal groups to use patron-client relationships with the citizens of South Africa and Croatia, in order to build and sustain a level of popular legitimacy that the state is lacking. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsprojek streef daarna om die onwettige handel in wapens as deel van transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad binne state in transisie te analiseer. Alhoewel navorsing in die onwettige handel van wapens, asook die studie van state in transisie gekenmerk word deur vele konsepte en debatte binne die velde; poog hierdie studie om die twee konsepte in ʼn duidelike en presiese manier te verbind. In die lig hiervan is die navorsings vraag: Hoe dra die kapasiteitsgapings van sosiale beheer, sosiale welvaart, grens kontrole en legitimiteit by tot die volhoubaarheid van die onwettige handel in wapens in state in transisie? Vir die doel van hierdie studie het die navorser besluit om gebruik te maak van die teoretiese raamwerk gebaseer op kapasiteitsgapings en funksionele-openinge soos beskryf deur Phil Williams (2002). Wiliams (2002) voer aan dat georganiseerde misdaad en transnasionale misdaad, waarvan die onwettige handel in wapens ʼn deel uitmaak, floreer in state wat verswak is deur kapasitietsgapings; en waar bygaande funksionele-openinge die weg baan vir transnasionale misdaad om te floreer. Die sewe kapasiteitsgapings soos deur Williams (2002) beskryf is: sosiale beheer, sosiale welvaart, besigheid-regulering, oorsig en aanspreeklikheid, grens kontrole, legitimiteit en verkiesings norme en patrone. Hierdie tesis fokus egter nie op al sewe kapasiteitsgapings nie. Daar word slegs gefokus op die kapasiteitsgapings van sosiale beheer, sosiale welvaart, grens kontrole en legitimiteit. Hierdie besluit is gebaseer op literatuur deur William (2002), Joel S. Migdal (1988), Thorsten Beck en Luc Laeven (2006) en dies meer wat voorstel dat ʼn staat in transisie nie die transisie periode kan voltooi en ʼn vaste demokrasie kan raak indien hoe vlakke van sosiale beheer, sosiale welvaart, respek vir wet en orde en legitimiteit nie verkry word nie. Verder maak hierdie navorsing gebruik van ʼn vergelykende analise tussen twee state in transisie: Suid Afrika en Kroasië. Beide hierdie state ervaar probleme met trans-nasionale misdaad en die onwettige handel in wapens. Beide het ook nog nie hul transisie periode voltooi nie en is dus nie vaste of gekonsolideerde demokrasieë nie. Hoewel die navorser nie aanvoer dat die bevindinge van hierdie studie van toepassing is op alle state in transisie nie, probeer die navorser vasstel hoe die vier kapasiteitsgapings en funksionele-openinge bydrae tot die volhoubaarheid van die onwettige handel in wapens in Suid Afrika en Kroasië. Die bevindinge dui daarop dat as gevolg van hoë vlakke van korrupsie binne die regstelsel en polisie, die bevolking van Suid Afrika en Kroasië nie die staat se kapasiteit om sosiale beheer te handhaaf, vertrou nie. Dit maak die gaping oop vir georganiseerde misdaad om sonder teenkant te handel. Verder, die sosiale welvaart gaping, dra by tot die toename in die vlakke van georganiseerde misdaad en die onwettige handel in wapens as gevolg van hoë vlakke van ongelykheid en armoede, wat die bevolking van Suid Afrika en Kroasië dwing tot alternatiewe metodes van oorlewing wat gewoonlik deur georganiseerde misdaad groepe verskaf word. Verder, die gebrek aan toerusting en ook korrupsie binne grensbeheer en polisie lede, verskaf die geleentheid vir georganiseerde misdaad groepe om in onwettige goedere te handel. Dit dui op die funksionele gaping in die staat se beheersmeganismes en oor die algemeen ʼn gaping in die staat se kapasiteit om grense te beheer. Ten laaste, as gevolg van die gebrek aan vertroue van die bevolking in die strukture van die staat Suid Afrika en Kroasië is die kapasitietsgaping van legitimiteit duidelik teenwoordig. Dit open die weg vir georganiseerde misdaad groepe om populêre gesag op te bou, wat daar nie is by die regering van die lande nie.

Les sciences criminelles ont mis en lumière le développement contemporain des infractions commises en groupe. Leur domaine recouvre des activités criminelles variées, du trafic de stupéfiants à la traite des êtres humains, en passant par la piraterie ou le terrorisme. La complexité et la gravité des crimes commis par ces groupes, ainsi que la capacité d'organisation qu'ils révèlent, constituent aujourd'hui une menace pour l'État de droit et pour la démocratie. Les groupes criminels prennent des formes diverses, depuis le regroupement ponctuel d'amateurs jusqu'aux réseaux organisés de professionnels aguerris et socialement implantés (bandes, mafias, sectes, milices...). Aussi le droit pénal doit-il s'adapter à cette délinquance collective et concertée. Cela pose la question des modalités de répression en cas de division des tâches et de pluralité d'agents, quand le droit pénal est traditionnellement soumis au principe de personnalité de la responsabilité. Cette recherche se propose donc de réaliser une étude comparative des dispositions adoptées en droit français et libanais, qui permettent d'appréhender les infractions commises en groupe en mettant l'accent sur la légitimité et sur l'efficacité des différentes techniques pénales introduites ces dernières années. / Criminal sciences have highlighted the recent rise of group crime. This cover term refers to a variety of criminal activities, from drug smuggling to piracy and terrorism to human trafficking. The complexity and seriousness of the crimes committed by these groups, as well as the organizational capacity they reveal, constitute a threat for the rule of law and democracy today. Criminal groups take various forms, from informal, random petty thief bands to organized networks of hardened and socially embedded professionals (gangs, mafias, cults, militias). In response to this collective, well-planned crime, criminal law has to adapt itself. This raises the issue of how to tackle this problem in a context of division of labor and multiple agents, when criminal law traditionally applies the principle of personal liability. This piece of research therefore aims to make a comparative study of the measures taken by the French and Lebanese law to deal with group crime, focusing on the legitimacy and effectiveness of various criminal techniques introduced in recent years.

Le pluralisme juridique relativise le monopole étatique dans la production normative, en laissant aux autres groupes sociaux la possibilité de créer du droit. La mafia en tant qu’organisation soumise à des règles qui lui sont propres représente un véritable ordre juridique qui entre en contradiction avec la légalité et la structure de tout l’ordre juridique étatique. Il paraît difficile, au premier abord, de considérer la mafia comme un ordre juridique, car elle s’oppose aux critères étatiques et juridiques traditionnels. En effet, les analyses en matière de pluralisme font rarement le lien entre le pluralisme juridique et les systèmes violents, arbitraires et illégaux. Cependant, d’un point de vue sociojuridique, il est possible d’envisager le pluralisme juridique à partir de l’analyse du phénomène mafieux. Cette hypothèse explore la relation entre divers ordres (étatique, mafieux et communautaire) de nature contradictoire et dans un contexte violent.L’organisation criminelle du trafic de drogue en Colombie durant les années 1980 et 1990 sert de base à la réflexion. Cet exemple est riche d’enseignements du fait de l’imbrication des intérêts des narcotrafiquants, de l’État et des classes sociales. Ce travail de recherche explore ainsi la mafia pensée et vécue comme un ordre juridique sui generis à caractère contre-étatique, possédant une force normative sans limites. / The legal pluralism relativises the state’s monopoly to create norms by taking into consideration the possibility that different social groups contribute to the production of law. The mafia and its rules can form a legal order in contradiction with the legality and the structure of the state legal order. It seems difficult to consider the mafia as a legal order because it is in contradiction with the traditional legal and state criteria. Indeed, the analysis of legal pluralism rarely does this link between legal pluralism and violent, arbitrary and illegal systems. However, from a socio-legal perspective, it is absolutely possible to affirm a sort of legal pluralism issued from the mafia phenomenon. This hypothesis explores, in a violent context, the contradictory relation between different kinds of orders, such as State, mafia and community order.In order to analyse this issue, the Colombian drugs traffic between the 80’s and 90’s shows a specific legal culture and legal consciousness, which in a specific context reveals interesting characteristics for a socio-legal study. The mafia and its multiple networks can infiltrate the legal culture of the regions where it acts, and sometimes, its actions and operations may be intertwined with the State and other legal actors. In this sense, it is appropriate to consider a mixed legal system, where the legal and illegal co-exist; and where the mafia, popular and state law became a "mélange" as a product of the interaction between the different legal systems as well as a product of the porosity existing between all the legal systems. This research explores the mafia, in real life and in theory, as a sui generis legal order that has a normative force without limits.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:29:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Roberto Ungaretti de Godoy.pdf: 1031128 bytes, checksum: 4a19828b9eaf2df445514cefb358c4a3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-27 / This study is devoted to the elaboration of the evolution of Organized Crime in the national and international scenery and its main reflexes in our Country, based not only on the Brazilian Law, but also in the Foreign Law the Judicial Precedent, as well as the undoubtedly relevance of Treaties and Conventions linked to the subject. The Brazilian legislation does not consider the typical profile of a criminal organization, though the Brazilian Judicial ordainment has already consolidated in several laws which discipline, directly or indirectly the Organized Crime, once it is extremely important we should highlight the reception of the Brazilian Legal System of the Palermo Convention (United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime).Which has adapted a definition for the transnational Criminal Organization. In the course this study we would try to perform an analysis of several organizations, associations, mafias, gangs, among others identified in the word scenery with a focus in the Organized Crime in Brazil. It s important to highlight that each of the criminal groups has its own characteristics taking on account its constitution and its peculates in the modus operandi, making it impossible to draw a draw a hermetic profile of each one. This way the target of the present study is not a search for a typical definition of a would be criminal organization, but to show the main characteristics of Organized Crime in the current scenery, based on the history of development and in the act themselves performed by these groups. At last we haven t left aside the great discussion which involves the subject which are the reflexes of the actions performed by the criminal transnational organizations, as well as the question of which criminal law to use once the groups mentioned act simultaneously in several different countries / Este estudo dedica-se à elaboração da evolução do crime organizado no cenário nacional e internacional e seus principais reflexos no nosso País, amparado não só na legislação brasileira e comparada, na casuística, como também na indubitável relevância dos tratados e convenções pertinentes à matéria. A legislação Pátria não contempla a figura típica da organização criminosa, contudo, o ordenamento jurídico brasileiro consolidou-a em diversas leis que disciplinam direta ou indiretamente o crime organizado. Por ser de relevante importância, merece destaque a recepção pelo ordenamento jurídico brasileiro da Convenção de Palermo, (Convenção das Nações Unidas contra o Crime Organizado Transnacional), a qual adotou uma definição para a organização criminosa transnacional. No transcorrer desse estudo, será realizada uma análise comparativa entre as diversas organizações, associações, quadrilhas, máfias e outros grupos identificados no cenário mundial, com evidência à criminalidade organizada brasileira. Convém ressaltar que cada um dos grupos criminosos possui características próprias, levando-se em conta sua constituição e peculiaridades no modus operandi; dessa forma, torna-se impossível traçar um perfil hermético sobre cada um deles. O objetivo do presente estudo não se dirige à busca de uma definição típica do que seria organização criminosa, mas sim demonstrar suas principais características no cenário contemporâneo, com base no histórico, na evolução e nas próprias condutas praticadas por esses grupos. Não se pode desconsiderar a seriedade da matéria, diante dos reflexos das ações praticadas pelas organizações criminosas transnacionais, bem como a aplicação da Lei Penal, uma vez que muitos atuam, simultaneamente, em diferentes países

La ricerca fornisce una valutazione del livello di armonizzazione e di ravvicinamento della legislazione in materia di criminalità organizzata tra gli stati membri dell'Unione Europea. La valutazione è realizzata mediante due set di indicatori e si basa su diverse fonti di dati. La valutazione dell'armonizzazione individua somiglianze e differenze tra la norme nazionali degli stati membri su specifici aspetti della legislazione penale in materia di criminalità organizzata. La valutazione del ravvicinamento individua il livello di conformità con i requisiti prescritti dalla Decisione quadro 2008/841/GAI relativa alla lotta alla criminalità organizzata / The research provides an assessment of the level of harmonization and approximation of organized crime legislation among EU MS.The assessment is made through two sets of indicators and is based on multiple sources of data. The assessment of harmonization identifies similarities and differences among Member States national norms on specific issues of criminal legislation in the sector of organized crime. The assesssment of approximation identifies the level of compliance with the requirements set by the Framework Decision 2008/841/GAI on the Fight against Organized Crime

Depuis plusieurs années déjà, un phénomène particulièrement dangereux se répand et s’étend désormais partout, suscitant des inquiétudes au sein de la société : la criminalité organisée. Pour l’endiguer et pour garantir la protection des personnes, on a essayé d’employer une politique de prévention des crimes. A cette fin, de nombreux procédés législatifs ont été adoptés au niveau national et international. La communauté européenne et internationale est intervenue plusieurs fois dans la lutte contre la criminalité organisée, à partir du Traité de Maastricht, d’Amsterdam, du Conseil de Tampere jusqu’au récent Traité de Lisbonne. Ces traités ont permis l’adoption d’importantes mesures pour lutter contre la criminalité organisée. Il est également possible de relever que la Convention des Nations Unies contre la criminalité transnationale organisée et la Convention du 29 mai 2000 ont eu un apport non négligeable. Des accords bilatéraux ont été adoptés par la France et l’Italie pour combattre plus efficacement ce péril et cette plaie qui infecte des points vitaux de la société (par exemple l’Administration Publique et les banques, dont le contrôle est nécessaire pour le blanchiment). La France, avec l’adoption de la loi Perben II du 9 mars 2004 portant adaptation de la justice aux évolutions de la criminalité et l’Italie avec les « paquets sécurité » de 2009 et 2010, ont employé beaucoup de moyens pour réduire et limiter le champ d’action de ces criminels. Un rôle fondamental a été celui des collaborateurs de justice que avec leurs aveux, en échange de réductions de peine, ont dévoilé la structure et la hiérarchie des associations criminelles permettant aux autorités compétentes de mieux les comprendre, de repérer les associés, et en nombreux cas de les détruire. Il faut souligner qu’une mesure efficace a été la confiscation des biens cumulés par les malfaiteurs (bien meubles et immeubles, c’est-à dire des dépôts bancaires, investissements financiers, propriétés, terrains, maisons) et leur utilisation de la part de l’administration publique à des fins sociales à l’avantage de toute la communauté (écoles, édifices publics et hôpitaux). La confiscation du bien, en fait, empêche la criminalité organisée d’en disposer et d’en tirer des revenus, mine sa structure et son pouvoir. Parallèlement, elle donne confiance aux populations souvent tourmentées et effrayées (pensons par exemple au racket imposé aux commerçants et aux entreprises de constructions, d’exploitation agricole), et alimente l’espoir d’une possible libération. La lutte contre les organisations criminelles est longue et difficile, mais si elle est mené avec détermination sur plusieurs fronts, avec la collaboration et la coordination des moyens répressifs des États et de leurs gouvernements, les succès ne pourront pas manquer / For quite a few years now, a particularly dangerous and unsettling phenomenon has been spreading and extending in various degrees throughout all the regions, and that phenomenon is organized crime. In order to check (limit) its spread and guarantee the protection of the population, a crime prevention policy has been imposed. To such an end, numerous legislative provisions have been adopted on both the national and international level. The European and international community have repeatedly intervened in the last years to fight against organized crime, beginning with the Treaty of Maastricht, the Council of Tampere, up to the recent Essay in Lisbon. These treaties have allowed for the adoption of important measures to fight against organized crime, and one should not overlook the Convention of the United Nations and the Convention of May 29, 2000 (in doing the same). Bilateral accords have been stipulated from both France and Italy to more effectively oppose this danger and social evil that threatens with infecting, if it has not already done so, the organs of modern societies (for example; Public Administration, banks (the control of which is necessary in order to recycle dirty money). France, with the approval of the Perben II Law of March 9, 2004 intended to bring up to date the tools of justice in order to make them more incisive in relationship to the evolution of criminality. Italy has done the same thing with the “safety packets” of 2009 and 2010. Furthermore, these two countries have employed many resources in order to try to reduce and limit criminality’s field of action. A fundamental role was carried out by those who collaborated with the judicial system who, by their confessions in exchange for reduced punishment, have disclosed the structure and the hierarchy of criminal associations allowing the authorities involved to better understand, individualize their affiliates (i.e. members) and, in numerous cases, to dismantle them. By contrast, a very effective measure has been and still is the confiscation of goods accumulated by (those) in organized crime (real and financial goods, that is, banking deposits, financial investments, property, land, houses) and their re-use by Public Administration for the social well-being and to the advantage of the entire community (schools, public buildings, hospitals). The forfeiture of such goods, in fact, deprives the criminal underworld the lifeblood and profits that it draws from them; it mines the structure its power, contemporaneously providing safety to the people who are often oppressed and intimidated (one needs only to think about the extortions imposed on shopkeepers, construction and agricultural enterprises) and heightens their hope of a possible liberation from the above. The struggles against criminal organizations is long and difficult, but if it is conducted with determination on more fronts, with the collaboration and the coordination of the repressive apparatuses of nations and their governments, success cannot fail