A la suite de la stipulation des capitula de 1447, Bologne assume une forme de gouvernement « mixte » basée sur la collaboration entre un conseil local, centré sur l’oligarchie associée à la para-seigneurie de la famille Bentivoglio, et un représentant de l’autorité pontificale, détentrice de la souveraineté sur la ville. La recherche vise à approfondir la nature du rapport entre les deux composantes du gouvernement bolognais à la lumière de l’étude du domaine criminel, moins clairement réglementé par les capitula. L’analyse des sources législatives à partir du texte statutaire de 1454, qui symbolise l’entente entre la ville et la papauté nous fournit la base pour la détermination du modèle d’action de la cour podestatale. L’enquête relative aux actes judicaires et aux actes de gouvernement nous permet de déterminer les formes d’ingérence des autorités politiques. Un regard plus approfondi sur les crimes politiques nous révèle enfin la division des sphères de pouvoir entre la domination locale et la papauté. L’étude ainsi effectuée nous transmet l’idée d’une mutation dans un sens « hégémonique » de la justice publique, exploitée par la domination locale pour renforcer sa position devant le pouvoir pontifical. Les limites que la soumission pontificale imposait au développement politique des autorités locales deviennent pourtant évidentes lors de périodes de crise intérieure ou de pressions extérieures : dans ces circonstances, les moyens déployés par les autorités locales pour leur renforcement autoritaire deviennent inutilisables car leur légitimité se pose en conflit avec le respect des prérogatives souveraines pontificales. / After the stipulation of the capitula of 1447, the government of Bologna turns into a collaboration between a local council, centered on the seigniory of the Bentivoglio family and the oligarchy supporting them, and a delegate of the papal sovereignty. The dissertation has the purpose of study in depth the nature of the relationship between the two souls of the “mixed” government ruling Bologna during second half of 15th century by the light of the study of criminal justice, which the capitula do not clearly regulate. The analysis of the legislative sources, starting from the statutory law of 1454, symbol of the mutual agreement between the town and the papacy, gives us the base to clarify the model of action of the podestà court at this time. The investigation of judicial sources and government acts allows us to determine the interferences of the political authorities in the judicial administration and the actual judicial practice. The consideration of the approach to political crimes contributes to elucidate the vision local ruling classes had of the shared governance with the papacy. The study so carried-out provides us the evidence of a mutation of the judicial system, becoming “hegemonic”. The local domination uses this hegemonic system to strengthen her political position in front of the papal sovereignty. The limitation that this one imposes to the local domination gets clear only during domestic political crisis or foreign pressures: through these circumstances, the exploitation of the judicial system in a political way is inapplicable, as the legitimacy of these means clashes with the respect of sovereign prerogatives of the papal power.

La thèse étudie les répercussions de l’unification italienne sur le catholicisme français de 1856 à 1871. Alors que les catholiques avaient été jusque-là un des piliers du régime impérial, l’appui donné par Napoléon III au mouvement national italien mit un terme à cette situation. Parce qu’ils remettaient en cause le pouvoir temporel du pape, les événements italiens donnèrent lieu à une vaste mobilisation des fidèles. Tandis que cette mobilisation a longtemps été analysée par les historiens comme un mouvement ayant surtout impliqué le clergé et les notables légitimistes, ce travail montre qu’il s’agit en réalité d’un mouvement de masse. La thèse met en évidence les conséquences d’une telle mobilisation dans le domaine politique et dans le domaine religieux. Elle montre l’assimilation par les catholiques des formes classiques de la lutte politique moderne, utilisées à gauche comme à droite, et l’élaboration de moyens d’action plus originaux, fondés sur la politisation de la parole et de la pratique religieuses. Elle replace la mobilisation dans le cadre de la stratégie diplomatique du Saint-Siège, visant à s’appuyer sur les fidèles, en analysant les engagements dans l’armée pontificale et la mobilisation financière des catholiques. Enfin, l’étude met en évidence l’influence de la question romaine sur plusieurs mutations touchant le catholicisme depuis le début du siècle, qu’il s’agisse du mouvement vers Rome, de l’affirmation du catholicisme intransigeant ou de la place nouvelle des laïcs au sein de l’Église. C’est, en somme, une voie de modernisation alternative, construite en opposition aux principes de la modernité libérale, que cette étude entend mettre en évidence. / This dissertation examines the impacts of Italian unification on French Catholicism from 1856 to 1871. Whilst Catholics had until then been one of the imperial regime pillars, the support given by Napoleon III to the Italian national movement put an end to this situation. Because they were challenging the Pope's temporal power, the Italian events gave rise to a vast mobilisation of the faithful. Whilst this mobilisation has long been analysed by historians as a movement that mainly involved the clergy and the legitimist notables, this work shows it was actually a mass movement. This dissertation highlights the consequences of such involvement in political as well as religious matters. It shows the assimilation by Catholics of the classical means of modern political fight, used by the left as well as the right wing, and the elaboration of more original means, based on the politicisation of religious speech and practice. It replaces the mobilisation in the context of the Holy See’s diplomatic strategy, aimed at relying on the faithful. To do so, the dissertation analyses the enlistments in the pontifical army and the financial support provided by Catholics. Finally, the study shows the influence of the Roman question on several changes affecting Catholicism since the beginning of the century: the movement towards Rome, the affirmation of uncompromising Catholicism as well as the new status of the laity in the Church. It is, in short, a way of alternative modernisation, built in opposition to the principles of liberal modernity, that this study intends to bring to light.

A querela entre o papa e o imperador ao longo dos séculos XIII e XIV propiciou o surgimento de inúmeras teorias a respeito do poder em defesa de uma ou outra instituição. Marsílio de Pádua (1280-1343) foi um dos mais importantes pensadores a apresentar argumentos para essas discussões no século XIV. Ao denunciar os desmandos do papa e do seu Colégio de Cardeais viu-se obrigado a refugiar-se na corte do imperador Luís IV. A principal obra do paduano foi o Defensor da Paz (1324) na qual expôs elementos fundamentais para o debate em questão. Esta tese teve como objetivo discutir a doutrina política desenvolvida por Marsílio de Pádua a partir do seu próprio contexto. Para isso, foi necessário compreender seus conflitos e influências a fim de analisar os conceitos políticos apresentados em sua obra maior. Apoiado em Aristóteles, escreveu um plano prático para a intervenção política do imperador no Regnum Italicum. Marsílio adquiriu importância fundamental por sua formulação da noção de poder restrita à esfera temporal, delineando uma primeira ideia de autonomia do poder civil, dotado de atribuições específicas e independentes da esfera eclesiástica. / The quarell between the pope and the emperor during the XIII and XIV centuries has given rise to numerous theories about the power in defense of one or another institution. Marsilius of Padua (1280 1343) was one of the most important thinkers to present arguments for these discussions in the XIV century. Informing against the excesses of the pope and his Cardinal´s College, he was forced to take refuge at the court of emperor Ludwig IV. The main paduans work was the Defensor Pacis (1324) in which he exposed fundamental elements to the debate in question. This thesis aimed to discuss the political doctrine developed by Marsilius of Padua from his own context. For this, it was necessary understand their conflicts and influences in order to analyze the political concepts presented in his major work. Supported by Aristotle, he wrote a practical plan for policy intervention of the emperor at Regnum Italicum. Marsilius got fundamental importance by his formulation of the notion of power restricted to the temporal sphere, outlining a first idea of autonomy of civil power, endowed with independent and specific assignments of the ecclesiastical sphere.

A querela entre o papa e o imperador ao longo dos séculos XIII e XIV propiciou o surgimento de inúmeras teorias a respeito do poder em defesa de uma ou outra instituição. Marsílio de Pádua (1280-1343) foi um dos mais importantes pensadores a apresentar argumentos para essas discussões no século XIV. Ao denunciar os desmandos do papa e do seu Colégio de Cardeais viu-se obrigado a refugiar-se na corte do imperador Luís IV. A principal obra do paduano foi o Defensor da Paz (1324) na qual expôs elementos fundamentais para o debate em questão. Esta tese teve como objetivo discutir a doutrina política desenvolvida por Marsílio de Pádua a partir do seu próprio contexto. Para isso, foi necessário compreender seus conflitos e influências a fim de analisar os conceitos políticos apresentados em sua obra maior. Apoiado em Aristóteles, escreveu um plano prático para a intervenção política do imperador no Regnum Italicum. Marsílio adquiriu importância fundamental por sua formulação da noção de poder restrita à esfera temporal, delineando uma primeira ideia de autonomia do poder civil, dotado de atribuições específicas e independentes da esfera eclesiástica. / The quarell between the pope and the emperor during the XIII and XIV centuries has given rise to numerous theories about the power in defense of one or another institution. Marsilius of Padua (1280 1343) was one of the most important thinkers to present arguments for these discussions in the XIV century. Informing against the excesses of the pope and his Cardinal´s College, he was forced to take refuge at the court of emperor Ludwig IV. The main paduans work was the Defensor Pacis (1324) in which he exposed fundamental elements to the debate in question. This thesis aimed to discuss the political doctrine developed by Marsilius of Padua from his own context. For this, it was necessary understand their conflicts and influences in order to analyze the political concepts presented in his major work. Supported by Aristotle, he wrote a practical plan for policy intervention of the emperor at Regnum Italicum. Marsilius got fundamental importance by his formulation of the notion of power restricted to the temporal sphere, outlining a first idea of autonomy of civil power, endowed with independent and specific assignments of the ecclesiastical sphere.

Entre 1378 et 1417, l’Église est d’abord divisée entre deux, puis entre trois papes concurrents. Alors qu’Urbain VI et ses successeurs s’installent à Rome, Clément VII et son successeur rentrent en Avignon. Cette thèse répertorie et analyse les différentes expériences normandes en réponse au Grand Schisme d’Occident. Les engagements normands pour résoudre le schisme sont pluriels et s’expriment différemment selon les milieux. S’appuyant sur des sources diverses telles que le Registre des suppliques des archives du Vatican, les archives de l’Université de Paris et les archives locales, elle met en évidence les différents courants qui ont coexisté en Normandie en réaction au Grand Schisme d’Occident. Alors que la noblesse normande était généralement favorable aux papes d’Avignon, reconnus officiellement par le roi de France, d’importants courants de résistance envers cette papauté se sont aussi manifestés dans les milieux universitaires et au sein du clergé normand, poussant même certains à choisir l’exil en terre urbaniste. Ces exilés normands, bien que peu nombreux, ont exercé une influence considérable et ont été peu étudiés en tant que groupe auparavant. Parmi l’importante majorité de ceux qui restèrent dans l’obédience avignonnaise, plusieurs intellectuels normands furent pourtant reconnus comme étant d’acerbes critiques, voire des ennemis de Clément VII et de Benoît XIII. Les liens qu’ont maintenus les exilés normands avec leurs collègues restés en terre clémentiste ont joué un rôle appréciable dans le rapprochement des obédiences opposées au début du XVe siècle. La présente thèse permet de mettre en lumière les multiples attitudes normandes en réponse au schisme, d’approfondir la connaissance portant sur les milieux normands touchés par la crise, ainsi que sur les débats qui l’ont entourée, et de poursuivre la réflexion sur la question de l’obéissance et des réseaux normands à l’œuvre pendant cette période. / Between 1378 and 1417, the Catholic Church was divided between two, and then three contending popes. While Urban VI and his successors settled in Rome, Clement VII and his successor, Benedict XIII, returned to Avignon. This dissertation documents and analyses the multiple experiences known in Normandy in reaction to the Great Western Schism. Norman commitments to resolve this division were plural and they were expressed in numerous manners. Relying on Vatican archives, University of Paris and local archives, this study demonstrates the different reactions that coexisted in Normandy in response to the Great Western Schism. Although the Norman nobility was generally favourable to the Avignon popes, officially recognized by the King of France, important waves of resistance to that papacy were also expressed amongst Norman clergymen, prelates, as well as university students and professors. This resistance led some to choose exile, in order to recognize the Roman popes. Those Norman exilees, although they formed a modest community, had considerable influence in the Roman obedience, and they have been the object of very little scholarly attention. Amongst the vast majority of those who remained in the obedience of Clement VII, many Norman intellectuals were known for being very critical, even being enemies of the Avignon popes. The relationships that exiled Normans maintained with their colleagues who remained in Clément VII’s obedience played a very important role in the dialogue between obediences that led to the council of Pisa in 1409. This dissertation highlights the multiplicity of Norman attitudes in response to the Great Western Schism, it deepens our knowledge of the various Norman groups touched by the division and it improves our understanding of the different debates that surrounded the crisis. It also allows to further the reflection on the questions of how the schism affected the notion of obedience, and of the Norman networks at work during that period.

1 Summary The medieval period characterized by tough struggle between the secular and ecclesiastical powers. Both may be trying to get as many resources to control the medieval community. Although they were constantly in dispute, they also collaborate together. We see that, for example, in connection with the Inquisition. In order to be executed ecclesiastical judgment must be convicted passed secular power. Only that could have done the maximum penalty, execution. In the High Middle Ages, there was a decline of the Church. That's why there was a new wave of heresy. It was more organized than in the past. The new movement, especially the Cathars, got the high-quality background facilities in the south of France, Languedoc. Here they had the support of the local nobility and burgess. It was a beneficial cooperation on both sides. Church did not like this cooperation. And soon this place of resistance was attacked the Church and the government of the country. The rebellion was suppressed. The Inquisition worked in this area after that. Must add that was very successful work. Soon Inquisition completely wiped out local heretic. Single human had in the Middle Ages difficult position. He had unconditionally belong to the Church and had to live according to its dogma. This meant that he had to renounce pleasures...

Cette thèse porte sur la prérogative la plus importante du pape durant la première modernité, c’est-à-dire le pouvoir que lui donnaient les clefs du royaume des cieux. Cette faculté de lier et de délier tous les hommes dans l’économie du salut fut contestée au XVIe siècle par la Réforme protestante et par les monarchies européennes. L’enjeu est de comprendre comment la papauté affirma la nature spirituelle de sa suprématie tout en prétendant donner à celle-ci des effets politiques. Une première partie est consacrée aux controverses sur le pouvoir ecclésiastique du concile de Pise à la Réforme luthérienne. Une seconde partie examine les relations entre la papauté et les États à travers l’exercice du pouvoir de déposition. En raison de la richesse de la documentation conservée à l’Archivio Segreto Vaticano, une enquête approfondie est menée sur le cas de l’excommunication et de l’absolution d’Henri IV. Ce travail explique ainsi comment la politique romaine permit à la papauté de rester un acteur politique majeur dans l’Europe du XVIe siècle. / This PhD thesis deals with the most important prerogative of the pope during the early modern period, i. e. the power that the keys of the kingdom of heaven gave to him. This power to bind and to loose all men in the economy of Salvation was contested during the Sixteenth Century by the Protestant Reformation and by the european monarchies. What is at stake is to understand how the papacy asserted the spiritual value of the papal supremacy while asserting its political effects. A first part turns on the controversies about ecclesiastical power from the council of Pisa to the Lutheran Reformation. A second part deals with the relationship between the papacy and the states through the use of the deposing power. Owing to the richness of the documentation conserved in the Archivio Segreto Vaticano, a thorough inquiry is conducted on the case of the excommunication and of the absolution of Henry IV. This work explains thus how the roman policy enabled the papacy to remain a political actor of first importance in the Europe of the Sixteenth Century.

Marsílio de Pádua (1280-1343), um importante pensador político medieval, escreveu o Defensor pacis, sua obra principal, em 1324. Nela, discutiu os principais conflitos de sua época e tentou assegurar a supremacia de poder do imperador, ameaçada naquele momento, ao menos no plano teórico, pelo papado que pretendia que o império proviesse do papa e arrogava-se o direito de designar, controlar e julgar o imperador. Para fazer tal análise, o paduano afirmou que se serviria de métodos corretos elaborados pela razão e apoiados em proposições bem estabelecidas e evidentes por si mesmas. Este trabalho de mestrado discutiu a ascensão histórica do papado, bem como as alternativas encontradas por Marsílio para constituir poder civil laico. Para isso, analisamos sua teoria conciliar e sua idéia de delegação e representação do poder. / Marsilius of Padua (1280-1343), an important political thinker of de Middle Ages, wrote the Defensor pacis, his most important work, in 1324. In there, he discussed the main conflicts of the period, and tried to assure the supremacy for the power of the emperor, menaced, at that moment, at least in theoretical level, by the papacy, who pretended that the empire came from the pope, and took itself the right to chose, control, and judge the emperor. In order to do such analysis the thinker said that he would be served by correct methods founded in reason and supported by solid and evident propositions. This work discussed the historical rise of papacy, as well as the alternatives found by Marsilius in order to build the laic civil government. For, well do an analysis of his counciliar theory, and his idea of delegation and power representation.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:27:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Renato Arnellas Coelho.pdf: 10673774 bytes, checksum: cd0418e71accd898361c839fe693b4b4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-11 / After the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965), some people start to follow positions known as sedevacantists, denying the existence of a pope in the Church after that period. Sedevacantism is more present in the United States and in Europe, but also, gradually, some people in Brazil adhere to this position. Among the many branches of sedevacantism, the Cassiciacum Thesis is noteworthy, formulated by the Dominican Michel Guérard des Lauriers (1898-1988). This paper will examine the importance of the life and work of the author of the Cassiciacum Thesis, in order to understand what sedevacantism is, as well as compare this Thesis with favorable and unfavorable scholars. One will see that this Thesis approaches the subject of papacy in a creative way, unlike other approaches done so far. Nevertheless, one can conclude that the Thesis is limited both intrinsically, due to its arguments, and extrinsically, by relying on a subjective analysis restricted to a particular and fleeting papacy / Após o Concílio Vaticano II (1962-1965), começam a aparecer pessoas com posições denominadas sedevacantistas, negando a existência de um papa na Igreja depois desse período. A presença do sedevacantismo é mais acentuada nos Estados Unidos e na Europa, mas também no Brasil, aos poucos, surgem pessoas que aderem a essa posição. Dentre os diversos ramos do sedevacantismo, destaca-se o sedevacantismo ligado à Tese de Cassicíaco, formulada pelo dominicano Michel Guérard des Lauriers (1898-1988). O presente trabalho irá analisar a importância da vida e da obra do autor da Tese de Cassicíaco, para bem entender o sedevacantismo, bem como comparar essa Tese tanto com estudiosos favoráveis, como desfavoráveis, a essa posição. Ver-se-á que a dita Tese aborda o tema do papado de modo criativo, diferente de outros modos apresentados até então. Todavia, conclui-se que a Tese é limitada intrinsicamente, quanto aos seus argumentos, e extrinsecamente, por depender de uma análise subjetiva e restrita a um papado determinado e passageiro

Marsílio de Pádua (1280-1343), um importante pensador político medieval, escreveu o Defensor pacis, sua obra principal, em 1324. Nela, discutiu os principais conflitos de sua época e tentou assegurar a supremacia de poder do imperador, ameaçada naquele momento, ao menos no plano teórico, pelo papado que pretendia que o império proviesse do papa e arrogava-se o direito de designar, controlar e julgar o imperador. Para fazer tal análise, o paduano afirmou que se serviria de métodos corretos elaborados pela razão e apoiados em proposições bem estabelecidas e evidentes por si mesmas. Este trabalho de mestrado discutiu a ascensão histórica do papado, bem como as alternativas encontradas por Marsílio para constituir poder civil laico. Para isso, analisamos sua teoria conciliar e sua idéia de delegação e representação do poder. / Marsilius of Padua (1280-1343), an important political thinker of de Middle Ages, wrote the Defensor pacis, his most important work, in 1324. In there, he discussed the main conflicts of the period, and tried to assure the supremacy for the power of the emperor, menaced, at that moment, at least in theoretical level, by the papacy, who pretended that the empire came from the pope, and took itself the right to chose, control, and judge the emperor. In order to do such analysis the thinker said that he would be served by correct methods founded in reason and supported by solid and evident propositions. This work discussed the historical rise of papacy, as well as the alternatives found by Marsilius in order to build the laic civil government. For, well do an analysis of his counciliar theory, and his idea of delegation and power representation.