The foreign policy decisions of small, weak states often go overlooked in the international system. Most understandings of small states emphasize their limited foreign policy choices under the influence of larger, global powers. Yet, there are numerous examples of small states selecting their own foreign policies unencumbered by the international system. This study seeks out those examples and argues that weak states often have the freedom to form their own policies and positions uninfluenced by global powers. To explain the foreign policy decision-making process of small, weak states and explore the relationship between small and large powers, this paper asks when and how do small, weak client states choose to not comply with the demands of large patron states in patron-client relationships? The use of the patron-client framework is a valuable tool for analyzing the foreign policy selection process of small and large states interacting in dyadic relationships. To answer the question, the study examines three separate cases involving patron-client relationships. In each case, the United States serves as the patron state while El Salvador, Pakistan, and Thailand represent the separate client states. The case studies examine moments of client-driven noncompliance to reveal how small states form foreign policy decisions. Ultimately, small states not only wield significant control of their own foreign policy decisions, choosing not to comply with the demands of a stronger patron state, but they also form policy based off diverse considerations—including domestic factors, self-interest, and capacity to comply. Findings suggest that clients in international patron-client relationship have more influence over stronger states than current theories would suggest.

This thesis seeks to uncover the ways in which China has seized political control of the HKSAR with the use of patron-client politics, before ultimately examining the growth of democracy within this patron-client system of governance. This goal was pursued with the intention of shedding light on the legitimacy of Chinese rule in HK and in order to consider the extent to which the HKSAR can really be called a democracy. In answering these questions, we consider both Chinese and HK history, as to understand how each region's political history has influenced governance in modern HK. We then move on to an in-depth analysis of what pro-Beijing and pro-democracy forces have each done to further their own agendas –what political and institutional successes and failures have each had, and to what degree of significance? We ultimately conclude that although Beijing governance, and consequently patrimonialism, is here to stay, democracy certainly has room for growth –In an attempt to balance electoral competitiveness and the patrimonialism, the HKSAR will continue to grow in unique ways that perhaps the world has not yet seen before. HK's political growth should matter not only to Hong Kongers, as it represents China’s first genuine attempt at experimenting with democracy, albeit in perhaps reserved ways. Furthermore, China's operations within Hong Kong’s more democratic arena have brought to light parts of its own character that otherwise may have remained shrouded in shadows. If China is ever to follow global trends towards democracy and perhaps pave the road for more to follow, we will certainly be able to trace the roots of change back to HK.

This dissertation proposes a new interpretative approach to the theatrical material in Horace’s Sermones and Epistles. In particular, it focuses on a selection of poems in which Horace employs a wide array of dramatic devices to depict and discuss the patron-client relationship (Sermones 1.9, 2.5, 2.7 and Epistles 1.17 and 1.18). These devices include dialogue, stage directions, stock characters, expressly theatrical metaphors, and diction echoing playwrights such as Plautus and Terence. I argue that Horace intentionally activates the language of the stage in order to spotlight the theatricality involved in performing the role of a client. In so doing, the poet characterizes the client as an actor and underlines the scripted nature of the words and gestures that he directs toward his patron. In each of these poems, Horace employs a variety of negative stereotypes in order to associate the client with different kinds of performers (e.g., the parasitus, captator, servus, scurra, and planus). In the process, he confronts criticism that he himself likely received in the extrapoetic world impugning his amicitia with his own patron, Maecenas. Horace defends himself against charges of acting and sycophancy by demonstrating that an element of performance is endemic to the patron-client relationship itself. The dissertation is organized as a series of close readings of the five poems that best illustrate Horace’s correlation between dramatic and social performance. For each poem, I identify and interpret the dramatic elements and illustrate how they complement and enhance the dramatic subtext. Chapter 1 concentrates on Sermones 1.9, in which Horace encounters a pest seeking an introduction to Maecenas. Chapter 2 deals with Sermones 2.5, the dialogue between Tiresias and Ulysses on the subject of inheritance-hunting (captatio). Chapter 3 explores Sermones 2.7, in which Horace’s slave Davus accuses him of proteanism when it comes to Maecenas. Chapter 4 presents comparanda from Horace’s Epistles 1.17 and 1.18, in which Horace utilizes the same dramatic devices to shape his advice to two prospective clients. Taken together, these analyses uncover new layers in Horace’s multifaceted depiction of the patron-client relationship, and provide additional insight into his poetic personae and poetic program.

This paper investigates why patron states choose to adopt a passive strategy in relation to de facto states. Pål Kolstø from the University of Oslo has claimed that this strategy is based on the assumption that de facto states have nowhere else to turn. In this thesis, role theory is used to expand this claim. The paper argues that patron states can adopt a passive strategy in relation to their clients when they expect role coherence. This occurs when the perceptions of both actors of the patron’s role are in alignment. Role theory places emphasis on both leaders and followers in bilateral relations, which enables a deeper exploration of the perspectives of both actors. The selected case study focuses on the relationship between Russia and the de facto state Abkhazia, acknowledged by previous research as a client characterised by a high degree of defiance. Thematic analysis by Braun and Clarke was used to identify roles on which the study was based. The material encompasses 25 articles each from the Abkhaz newspaper Respublika Abkhaziya and Russian newspaper Izvestiya during the years 2019 and 2020.  The thesis concludes that role coherence was present in this relationship. Despite diverging attitudes and interests, the perception of Russia’s role was clearly reflected in Abkhaz media. The results indicate that role theory can be used to explore how patron states conduct foreign policy and enables a more comprehensive study of patron-client relationships.

This thesis is an ethnography of a community of professional thieves called the Kanjar-a 'caste of thieves' by practice, public perception and self-designation-in the northern Indian province of Rajasthan. It is also an argument that spells out the broader logic of rank in local society. Insofar as it offers the first ethnography of the Kanjar community- and of caste-based, professional, hereditary theft-this study is new. My analytical concern with hierarchy and rank, however, is old, engaging in the once central, and now largely out-fashioned, discussion in the sociology of South Asia. My project began with a narrow set of concerns with the place of thieving and thieves in local society. In the course of my fieldwork, however, it became apparent that the received wisdom of South Asian sociology regarding the principles of rank did not offer useful explanatory tools and that a different conception of rank was necessary to make sense of what I observed, both about the social position of Kanjars and the hierarchical social formation at large. As is so often the case, what began as a study of historically and sociologically particular circumstances became an inquiry into the pervasive regnant aspects of the local order of things.

Šio darbo objektas yra Lucko (1507-1536 m.) ir Vilniaus (1536-1555 m.) vyskupo, kunigaikščio Pauliaus Alšėniškio dvaras ir klientūra. Šio darbo tikslas yra nustatyti Pauliaus Alšėniškio klientų ir dvariškių vietą XVI a. I pusės Lietuvos Didžiosios kunigaikštystės visuomeninėje struktūroje. Naudodamiesi istoriografija apsibrėžėme keturias skirtingas patronato formas, atsispindėjusias Pauliaus Alšėniškio aplinkoje: asmeninį patronatą, regioninį patronatą, politinė klientūra bei bažnytinė klientūra. Darbo struktūrą parėmėme šiuo skirstymu. Šio darbo įžanginę dalį sudaro, įvadas, šaltinių ir literatūros apžvalga, teorinių patronato ir klientūros klausimų aptarimas. Darbo dėstomąją dalį sudaro penki skyriai. Pirmasis skyrius yra skirtas Pauliaus Alšėniškio dvaro problemoms: dvaro pareigūnų ir dvariškių identifikavimui bei kasdienio veikimo problemoms. Antrasis dėstymo dalies skyrius skirtas „regioniniam“ patronatui. Jame nagrinėjame pagrindinių Pauliaus Alšėniškio valdų – Alšėnų, Volpos ir Punios bajorų santykius su Pauliumi Alšėniškiu bei jų statusą valstybėje. Trečiasis dėstomosios dalies skyrius skirtas klientūrai siaurąja – politinio patronato prasme. Šiame skyriuje mes aptariame Pauliaus Alšėniškio klientus LDK didžiojo kunigaikščio dvare bei jų socialinio mobilumo klausimus. Ketvirtasis dėstomosios dalies skyrius skirtas Pauliaus Alšėniškio klientūra jo pagrindinėje veiklos sferoje – katalikų bažnyčioje. Šiame skyriuje mes identifikavome jo klientus dvasininkus Lucko ir... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The research object of this thesis is the court ant the clientage (client system) of duke, bishop of Lutsk (1507-1536) and Vilnius (1536-1555) Paul of Holshany. The aim of this research is to identify the status of courtiers and clients of Paulo f Holshany in the context of social structure of Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL). After reviewing newest historiographical positions on the subject of social structure of 16th century GDL, we have identified 4 different spheres of patronage (personal patronage, regional patronage, political patronage (clientage proper), and institutional patronage), which have been researched by other historians and therefore we have divided our work accordingly. This thesis begins with (review of sources and theoretical framework of patron-client relations). Main body of this work is divided into five chapters. The first chapter is dedicated to identifying the courtiers and members of the court of Paul of Holshany and the problems of the everyday existence of this institution. The second chapter is dedicated to the problems of regional patronage in the main landholdings of the duke-bishop – Volpa, Holshany and Punia. Third chapter is dedicated to the clientage proper – political clients of Paul of Holshany and the political influence he had in the GDL. The Fourth chapter explores the system of clientage that Paul of Holshany created in his main sphere of work – the Catholic Church. We dedicate this chapter to identify the church – clients in the... [to full text]

La thèse a pour objet les liens entre l'élite municipale de Rome et les classes " populaires " au cours des XVIe et XVIIe siècle. On se propose de montrer que les liens qui unissaient l'élite à la population des quartiers ont joué un rôle fondamental dans le processus de construction du pouvoir local et d'accès au pouvoir politique municipal. Le travail s'attache à démontrer que la base locale du pouvoir municipal était constituée par les élites à la faveur des transactions tant économiques que sociales qu'elles passaient avec la population des quartiers : locations, échanges commerciaux, services domestiques, embauches de salariés, etc. Ces relations se développaient autour du patrimoine immobilier et foncier, et particulièrement autour du complexe résidentiel des familles de l'élite. Dans la Rome des siècles XVIe et XVIIe, la classe nobiliaire municipale était caractérisée par une forte mobilité sociale ainsi que par son ouverture à de nouveaux arrivants ; d'où l'absence d'une définition univoque et explicite du " gentilhomme ", ainsi que d'une liste d'inscription des membres de l'élite (le livre d'or de la noblesse romaine ne fut établi qu'en 1746). Pour obtenir un office municipal, le candidat était censé être un " homme illustre " du quartier où il résidait : mais par qui la qualité d'illustre était-elle conférée ? Auprès de qui le candidat devait-il être connu, et reconnu, en tant que gentilhomme ? Ce travail voudrait mettre en évidence le rôle joué par les échanges entre le " haut " et le " bas " du monde social urbain dans le processus de construction du pouvoir local et donc, en dernière analyse, dans la formation des élites : les charges politiques du Capitole ne seraient que la formalisation d'une autorité effective qui se construisait et s'exerçait tout d'abord dans le territoire. Une formalisation certainement importante si l'on considère que l'obtention d'un office municipal se voyait retenue comme une preuve de noblesse. On voit donc très clairement l'intérêt que les candidats au Capitole avaient à se construire une base de pouvoir local. Ce travail s'insère dans le contexte historiographique de la micro-histoire. Il met en oeuvre un cadre interprétatif qui se nourrit de concepts et modèles empruntés à l'anthropologie politique, et notamment ceux qui décrivent le pourvoir comme une construction relationnelle. La nature relationnelle du pouvoir est le point de départ des études qui ont identifié des modèles de gestion du pouvoir centrés sur les individus, dont l'autorité est construite et reconnue tout d'abord au sein d'un réseau social particulier. Trois modèles ont été particulièrement utiles pour étudier les élites de la Rome moderne : en ordre croissant d'importance, la relation patron-client, l'entrepreneur et le big-man. Plan de la thèse : Une première partie présente certains des éléments-clés de la recherche, ainsi que les débats historiographiques dont ils font l'objet : le patriciat urbain (chapitre I), le fonctionnement du gouvernement municipal (chapitre II) et les modèles de carrières municipales (chapitre III). Cette partie a semblé nécessaire afin d'introduire des concepts et des catégories - telles que l'élite municipale, le Capitole et les carrières politiques - qui sont centrales dans l'ensemble de ce travail. Avec la deuxième partie, on aborde la construction du pouvoir local, en analysant l'ancrage des acteurs dans le quartier d'un point de vue socio-topographique. Les chapitres IV et V analysent la présence des familles de la noblesse municipale dans l'espace du quartier, en se focalisant sur le palais - et ce qui l'a précédé, le complexe résidentiel médiéval -, et ceux qui y habitaient et qui le fréquentaient. Le but est de montrer que, tout au long de la période examinée, le palais a continué d'être un centre d'agrégation d'un groupe informel qui se créait autour du noble, selon un modèle qui peut évoquer, mutatis mutandis, les fiefs urbains de la Rome médiévale. Dans le chapitre V, on étudie aussi le rôle topographique du palais sur les alentours, et la formation d'îlots, des espaces semi-privés de " propriété " de la famille. Les formes de l'autorité personnelle et son rôle dans les quartiers sont décrits dans le chapitre VI, qui présente les différents moyens mis en œuvre pour garder l'emprise sur le territoire : de la violence à la charité. Avec la troisième partie, on aborde le sujet des transactions économiques et sociales qui liaient les membres de l'élite municipale aux habitants des quartiers, pour montrer la logique sociale des échanges. On a découpé le thème en trois chapitres, qui portent sur les biens immobiliers et les relations entre locataires et propriétaires (chapitre VII), la gestion de domaines et vignes et les rapports avec les salariés (chapitre VIII) et les relations de crédit (chapitre IX). Enfin, une quatrième partie est consacrée à une étude de cas, celui de la famille Velli et du quartier Trastevere. Le rione a été choisi parce qu'il était le plus " populaire " de la ville, un territoire urbain à vocation agricole et commerciale. Les Velli y étaient parmi les familles les plus importantes. Divisée en deux chapitres (le X, qui traite de l'ancrage de la famille dans le quartier et le XI qui porte sur les transactions des Velli avec les habitants du Trastevere), cette dernière partie voudrait reprendre l'ensemble des aspects du modèle qui ont été présentés au cours de la thèse, autour d'un cas familial. Ce faisant, on souhaité proposer une vue d'ensemble des mécanismes de construction du pouvoir local au sein d'un quartier.

This thesis analyzes caciquismo as a temporally and spatially specific type of clientelistic relations in the Restoration Spain (1874 - 1923). First, the analysis primarily focuses on Spanish historiography of caciquismo/clientelism, its development and current situation of research including contemporary reception of the problem. Second, it also deals with the discussion of contemporary manifestations of caciquismo/clientelism in relation to the issues of terminology, corruption and political clientelism in modern Spain. In both cases the researcher sonsiders other important non-Spanish theoretical works. The thesis is based on interdisciplinary approach: besides of a historical perspective, it also brings to the topic view of anthropology, political science and sociology as well. The contribution of this thesis is refuting the concept according to that the contemporary critics (regeneracionists, Generation of '98 and Generation of '14) condemn caciquismo as a wholly negative manifestation of social interaction, which is based on a psychopathological and ethno-geographical perspective destined only to the Spanish nation, the idea, which is attributed to the contemporary critics of the Restoration Spain by the historians of caciquismo. Keywords: Spain - caciquismo - clientelism - patron-client...

O assentamento Viamão, localizado no município de mesmo nome, foi o local escolhido para compreender as estratégias de ascensão social de determinados grupos de assentados. Partimos da hipótese de que o espaço de mediação entre o INCRA e os assentamentos está permeado de relações do tipo patrão-cliente, o que possibilita o controle dos recursos públicos por parte do segmento dos assentados que dirigem ou estão vinculados ao MST e, com isso, promovem a ascensão de uma elite política nos assentamentos, com os correlatos prejuízos por parte daqueles que não se enquadram às novas hierarquias. Para dar conta desta tarefa, acompanhamos o desenrolar das ações dos mediadores e as disputas internas pelo controle dos recursos públicos (terra, água para irrigação do arroz, recursos financeiros e até a possibilidade de definição daqueles que devem ser ou não punidos pelo INCRA, órgãos de controle e justiça) entre as duas principais facções internas. Para além das vicissitudes típicas de assentamentos brasileiros, este contou com algumas peculiaridades – grande presença de várzeas, ausência de demarcação por logo período e limitações relacionadas à presença de reservas ambientais – que conformaram uma fraca institucionalização interna e contribuíram para engendrar modos de vida adaptativos. O principal deles foi representado por uma combinação de pluriatividade com arrendamento das várzeas para plantio do arroz por outros assentados. Este processo foi viabilizado por coalizões informais, na forma de conjuntos-ação com elementos de relação patrão-cliente. Constatamos que o grupo ligado ao MST, com ideário socializante e, fundamentalmente, ecologizante, obteve êxito no domínio do espaço de mediação, inclusive pela expulsão daqueles que o opunham. Isto foi possível graças a uma cadeia clientelística que começava nos conjuntos-ação, passava por brokers internos ao assentamento e alcançava as “panelinhas” existentes no INCRA, momento em que o processo se apresenta como uma espécie de clientelismo concentrado, na medida em que somente os líderes do MST conseguem construir pontes entre o buraco estrutural que separa o INCRA dos assentados e consolidar uma doxa legitimadora do discurso militante, causa e conseqüência deste processo. / Viamão The settlement, located in the municipality of the same name, was the venue for understanding the strategies for social mobility of certain groups of settlers. Our hypothesis is that the area of mediation between INCRA and the settlements is permeated by relations of patron-client, which enables control of public resources by the segment of the settlers who run or linked to the MST and thus, promote the rise of a political elite in the settlements, with the related losses by those who do not fit the new hierarchies. To cope with this task, we follow the progress of the actions of mediators and the infighting for control of public resources (land, water for irrigation of rice, funds and even the possibility of defining those who should be punished or not by INCRA, organs control and justice) between the two main internal factions. In addition to the vicissitudes of typical Brazilian settlements, it had some peculiarities - the large presence of wetlands, lack of demarcation for long period and limitations related to the presence of environmental reserves - which have made a weak internal institutionalization and helped engender adaptive lifestyles. The main one was represented by a combination of pluriativity with tenancy of the paddy fields for planting rice by other settlers. This process was made possible by informal coalitions in the form of jointaction with elements of patron-client relationship. We find that a group linked to the MST, with socialist and, essentially, ecological ideals succeeded in the area of mediation, including the expulsion of those who opposed. This was possible thanks to a chain that began in clientelistic joint-action, passed by the internal settlement brokers and reached the "panelinhas" of INCRA bureaucracy, when the process is presented as a sort of clientelism concentrated, in that only MST leaders can build bridges between the structural hole that separates the INCRA of the settlements and consolidate a discourse militant legitimating doxa, cause and consequence of this process.

O assentamento Viamão, localizado no município de mesmo nome, foi o local escolhido para compreender as estratégias de ascensão social de determinados grupos de assentados. Partimos da hipótese de que o espaço de mediação entre o INCRA e os assentamentos está permeado de relações do tipo patrão-cliente, o que possibilita o controle dos recursos públicos por parte do segmento dos assentados que dirigem ou estão vinculados ao MST e, com isso, promovem a ascensão de uma elite política nos assentamentos, com os correlatos prejuízos por parte daqueles que não se enquadram às novas hierarquias. Para dar conta desta tarefa, acompanhamos o desenrolar das ações dos mediadores e as disputas internas pelo controle dos recursos públicos (terra, água para irrigação do arroz, recursos financeiros e até a possibilidade de definição daqueles que devem ser ou não punidos pelo INCRA, órgãos de controle e justiça) entre as duas principais facções internas. Para além das vicissitudes típicas de assentamentos brasileiros, este contou com algumas peculiaridades – grande presença de várzeas, ausência de demarcação por logo período e limitações relacionadas à presença de reservas ambientais – que conformaram uma fraca institucionalização interna e contribuíram para engendrar modos de vida adaptativos. O principal deles foi representado por uma combinação de pluriatividade com arrendamento das várzeas para plantio do arroz por outros assentados. Este processo foi viabilizado por coalizões informais, na forma de conjuntos-ação com elementos de relação patrão-cliente. Constatamos que o grupo ligado ao MST, com ideário socializante e, fundamentalmente, ecologizante, obteve êxito no domínio do espaço de mediação, inclusive pela expulsão daqueles que o opunham. Isto foi possível graças a uma cadeia clientelística que começava nos conjuntos-ação, passava por brokers internos ao assentamento e alcançava as “panelinhas” existentes no INCRA, momento em que o processo se apresenta como uma espécie de clientelismo concentrado, na medida em que somente os líderes do MST conseguem construir pontes entre o buraco estrutural que separa o INCRA dos assentados e consolidar uma doxa legitimadora do discurso militante, causa e conseqüência deste processo. / Viamão The settlement, located in the municipality of the same name, was the venue for understanding the strategies for social mobility of certain groups of settlers. Our hypothesis is that the area of mediation between INCRA and the settlements is permeated by relations of patron-client, which enables control of public resources by the segment of the settlers who run or linked to the MST and thus, promote the rise of a political elite in the settlements, with the related losses by those who do not fit the new hierarchies. To cope with this task, we follow the progress of the actions of mediators and the infighting for control of public resources (land, water for irrigation of rice, funds and even the possibility of defining those who should be punished or not by INCRA, organs control and justice) between the two main internal factions. In addition to the vicissitudes of typical Brazilian settlements, it had some peculiarities - the large presence of wetlands, lack of demarcation for long period and limitations related to the presence of environmental reserves - which have made a weak internal institutionalization and helped engender adaptive lifestyles. The main one was represented by a combination of pluriativity with tenancy of the paddy fields for planting rice by other settlers. This process was made possible by informal coalitions in the form of jointaction with elements of patron-client relationship. We find that a group linked to the MST, with socialist and, essentially, ecological ideals succeeded in the area of mediation, including the expulsion of those who opposed. This was possible thanks to a chain that began in clientelistic joint-action, passed by the internal settlement brokers and reached the "panelinhas" of INCRA bureaucracy, when the process is presented as a sort of clientelism concentrated, in that only MST leaders can build bridges between the structural hole that separates the INCRA of the settlements and consolidate a discourse militant legitimating doxa, cause and consequence of this process.