This undergraduate thesis is written for an ethnological standpoint with the purpose of studying how concepts of masculinity is discursively constructed in relation to the women dominated work field of nursing. This is done by analysing the material gained from six interviews with male and female nurses with the poststructuralist theory of political discourse by the theorist Laclau and Mouffe. By doing this the thesis has concluded that masculinity is foremost constructed in relation to the nursing femininity within the work field and the strong masculinity from outside of it. While also being interconnected in systems of meaning where masculinity is created, reproduced and questioned in a continual cycle.

Étudier le règne agité de Jean II de Castille (1406-1454), c’est retracer une histoire politique marquée par d’intenses luttes de pouvoir et de longues périodes de "guerre civile" ; c’est s’interroger sur les différentes manifestations de ces conflits dans le discours historiographique ; c’est en somme entrer dans la polémique, dans la bataille des mots qui se joue alors. Un tel contexte de crise produit un discours de légitimation et de condamnation entre le faux et le vrai où la manipulation d’un argumentaire politique par les différents partis (luniste, henricien...etc.) donne lieu à une remise en cause de la pratique du pouvoir. Entre institutionnalisation de la monarchie et centralisation de son exercice, la noblesse tente de s’imposer comme un groupe de pressions à l’aide de stratégies de communication précises où l’argumentation se confond avec les notions floues de rumeur, d’opinion qui aboutissent bien souvent à un exercice propagandiste de l’écrit. Notre étude se centre sur les traces et les mécanismes de ce combat des mots dans les chroniques et autres lettres d’époque durant les premières années d’exercice du pouvoir. Une polémique qui ne va cesser de se répéter et de se réactualiser durant tout le règne. / To study the turmoil of the reign of John II of Castile (1406-1454) means to recount a political history marked by intense power struggles and long periods of "civil war". It also implies to question the different manifestations of these conflicts in the historical timeline and political discourse; so to speak, it means you must embrace and consider the arguments of every side, and to some extent you must take part in those battles of words which took place at the time. Such a crisis induces questions about what is legitimate and what is to be condemned, between what is fake and what is genuine. In addition, the uses of different political argumentations by the different political parties (luniste, henricien...etc.) leads to a questioning of their practice of the political power. Between the institutionalization and the centralization of the monarchy and its concrete enforcement, the nobility is trying to establish itself as a pressure group that gives rise to specific communication strategies, in which the arguments gets intertwined with some vague notions of rumors or opinions, which eventually leads quite often to the application of ideas developed in propagandist writings. Our study focuses on the sings and the mechanisms of this battle of words in the letters and other records during John II of Castille’s early years of power. This controversial phenomenon will keep on repeating -and sometimes improving- itself throughout his reign.

Le péronisme reste la première force politique de l’Argentine. Ce mouvement politique, qui se caractérise par l’absence d’une idéologie propre et une faible institutionnalisation, ne peut se comprendre, s’analyser qu’au regard des trajectoires des leaders qui l’ont incarné au cours du temps, chacun le transformant et le personnalisant de telle sorte que chaque courant qui a représenté le Parti justicialiste est aujourd’hui caractérisé par le nom de son leader du moment ; ainsi en est-il du péronisme, du ménémisme, du duhaldisme, du kirchnérisme et dorénavant du cristinisme. L’objectif de ce travail est de dresser un portrait des deux post-péronistes qui se sont succédé depuis la transition à la démocratie en 1983, à travers une comparaison de l’usage de la parole politique par ses principales figures représentatives que sont Carlos Menem (1989-1995) et Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007). Les thématiques clés des discours de ces deux hommes politiques, ainsi que leurs formes spécifiques de mise en discours, doivent être étudiées conjointement, afin de pouvoir comprendre le processus de légitimation énonciative qui leur a permis de se positionner en tant que leader, dans une certaine conjoncture, de la scène politique argentine. Ainsi, l’objet de cette recherche correspond à une analyse des discours de Carlos Menem et de Néstor Kirchner en tant que discours antagonistes en lutte pour la définition d’un même objet, d’une même réalité : la nation argentine. Quelles sont les valeurs de l’argentinité que ces deux figures politiques ont cherché à incarner ? Quels sont les modèles et les projets de société qu’ils ont proposés et tenté de construire discursivement afin de consolider leur légitimité et de fonder une identité, proprement ménémiste ou kirchnériste ? Quelles sont les valeurs qu’ils ont prônées et qu’ils ont réussi à instituer comme garantes et représentatives d’un nouvel ordre politique ? En se basant sur des antagonismes fondateurs, ces deux présidents ont donné naissance à de nouveaux imaginaires qui sont aujourd’hui liés et investis du sens qui leur a été attribué lors de leur émergence dans l’espace discursif post-péroniste et dont les multiples significations ne peuvent être abordées en dehors d’une analyse approfondie de la parole politique de ces deux leaders. Le discours de Carlos Menem et le discours de Néstor Kirchner se présentent donc comme des espaces énonciatifs concurrents, en lutte pour le sens de la réalité et de l’histoire argentines. / The Peronism remains the first political force in Argentina. Characterised by a lack of a proper ideology and a weak institutionalisation, this political movement can only be understood and analysed in the light of the political trajectory of its leaders. Each of its leaders transformed and personalised it in such a way that each mainstream within the Justicialist Party is today characterised by the name of the then-leader: Peronism, Menemism, Duhaldism, Kirchnerisms and henceforth Cristinism. The goal of this work is to produce a clear picture of the two post-peronists, who succeeded since the democratic transition in 1983, by comparing the use of political speech of its main leading figures: Carlos Menem (1989-1995) and Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007). The main themes as well as the specific structure of the speeches of both politicians need to be examined jointly in order to understand the enunciative legitimation process that allowed them to position themselves as leaders on the political scene in Argentina. Therefore, the objective of this research corresponds to a discourse analysis of the speeches of Carlos Menem and Néstor Kirchner as antagonistic ones struggling for a definition of the same object, the same reality: the Argentinian nation. What were the values of the Argentinian nation those two politicians were seeking to incarnate? What are the models and projects of society they proposed and tried to construct through their speeches in order to consolidate their legitimacy and create a menemist or kirchnerist identity? What are the values they praised and they succeeded in establishing as pillars and representatives of a new political order? Starting from the founding antagonisms, those two presidents gave rise to new collective imaginations which are nowadays linked and filled with the sense they were given during their emergence in the post-peronist discursive space. Their multiple meanings can only be addressed in a sound analysis of the political speech of these two leaders. The discourse of Carlos Menem and the one of Néstor Kirchner thus come across as competing enunciative spaces struggling for the sense of reality and of the Argentinian history.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:33:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Flavia Silveira Serralvo.pdf: 912605 bytes, checksum: 5987c49d6d523e5da2b49c5b9ab6b17b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-10 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work, based on the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) studies, intends to investigate how the participants of a television political debate create a favorable image for themselves, and, at the same time, put in check the adversary s positive image. Based on the tridimensional model idealized by Fairclough (2001), we analyze the argumentative strategies used by the candidates to construct their ethos and to deconstruct the opponent s ethos. Moreover, we observe, as well, how the candidates divide their time between these two strategies, in other words, if there is a balance or the predominance of one. Our units of analysis are the oral texts of the candidates for president in 2006, Geraldo Alckmin (PSDB) and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT), during the last debate aired by TV Globo. The hypothesis is that the place taken by each candidate, in the context in which the debate is inserted (situation versus opposition), determines the posture adopted in their speech. Corpus analysis enabled to conclude that, in general, Lula has devoted more time to work his own image than to deconstruct the opponent s; Alckmin, on the other hand, spent more time deconstructing his rival s ethos than constructing his own / O presente trabalho fundamenta-se nos estudos da Análise Crítica do Discurso (ACD) e tem como objetivo verificar de que maneira os participantes de um debate político televisivo constroem para si uma imagem favorável, ao mesmo tempo em que colocam em xeque a imagem positiva de seu adversário. Com base no modelo tridimensional idealizado por Fairclough (2001), analisamos quais são as estratégias argumentativas utilizadas pelos candidatos para a construção de seu ethos e para a desconstrução do ethos de seu oponente. Além disso, buscamos ainda observar de que maneira os candidatos dividem seu tempo entre essas duas estratégias, ou seja, se há um equilíbrio ou a predominância de uma delas. Compõem nossas unidades de análise os textos orais dos candidatos à Presidência da República no ano de 2006, Geraldo Alckmin (PSDB) e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT), durante o último debate veiculado pela TV Globo. A hipótese é de que o lugar que cada candidato ocupa no contexto em que está inserido o debate (situação versus oposição) determina a postura adotada em seu discurso. A análise do corpus permitiu observar que, no geral, Lula dedicou tempo maior para trabalhar sua própria imagem do que para desconstruir a do adversário; Alckmin, ao contrário, voltou-se mais frequentemente à desconstrução do ethos de seu oponente do que à construção de seu próprio ethos

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:33:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Joao Caetano Campos Andrade.pdf: 370805 bytes, checksum: d665a5ed7fc45db8dd2c46ce61ef16ac (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present research brings up the subject on the discursive ethos constitution belonging to the political field and written by Joaquim Nabuco. Our main objective was to evaluate ethos constitution and verify discourse strategies used by the broadcaster in order to have it released in such discourse and obtain accesion from its cobroadcasters. Joaquim Nabuco was one of the most representative brazilian intelectuals regarding transition period from the XIX century and XX century. Its social and academic importance to such theme takes place due to the possibility of analyzing discourse through the methodological and theorical tool in Discourse Analysis in a french line of study more specifically on proposed approaches made by Maingueneau and Charaudeau. In our study, the procedure, first of all, laid on the introduction of historical and social production conditions where the selected discourse has been published aiming in inserting it in the context of ideas produced at that time and also aiming in understanding which ideas influenced in it. The next step was to select categories which assisted us on how to procede and base analysis performed by us. It seemed for us that the finding happened throughout the establishement of enunciation scenarios, discoursive ethos besides global semantic plans. In order to carry out the research, we´ve selected as a sample, the fragment post-scripto (sic), from the book called Balmaceda from Joaquim Nabuco and we´ve analyzed enunciation scenes, global ones, generalized and scenic also the diversed tracks on discoursive ethos and global semantic plans. The main theoriticians by which we have based our study on were Faoro, when it comes to historical issues, Charaudeau, regarding political discourse and Maingueneau, when it comes to understanding theory reference about Discourse Analysis. The research revealed us the constitution of a varied number of tracks on discoursive ethos by scenic discourse. It is a discourse strategy adopted as a way out to circumvent censorship imposed in the country by the republican regime stated at that time when Joaquim Nabuco´s discourses were released in a monarchist tenor. The broadcaster positioning towards it was clarified, although the adherence to the discourse when it comes to co-broadcasters demonstrates to be another step of this study and can be explored in future studies / Esta pesquisa discorre sobre a constituição do ethos discursivo em um discurso pertencente ao campo político, escrito por Joaquim Nabuco. Nosso objetivo foi examinar a constituição do ethos e verificar as estratégias discursivas utilizadas pelo enunciador, para se desvelar no discurso e obter a adesão de seus co-enunciadores. Joaquim Nabuco foi um dos intelectuais brasileiros mais representativos do período de transição do final do século XIX para o século XX. A relevância social e acadêmica do tema se dá em razão da possibilidade de se analisar seu discurso, fundamentandonos no aparato teórico-metodológico da Análise do Discurso de linha francesa, mais especificamente, pelas abordagens propostas por Maingueneau e Charaudeau. Em nosso estudo, procedemos, em um primeiro momento, à apresentação das condições sócio-históricas de produção em que foi publicado o discurso que selecionamos, a fim de inseri-lo no contexto das ideias que se produziam na época, além de entender quais efetivamente o influenciaram. O próximo passo foi a seleção das categorias, que nos auxiliaram a proceder e fundamentar as análises que empreendemos. Julgamos tê-las encontrado com a operacionalização das cenas de enunciação, do ethos discursivo, além dos planos da semântica global. Para efetivar a pesquisa, selecionamos como amostra o post-scripto (sic) do livro Balmaceda de Joaquim Nabuco e analisamos as cenas de enunciação cenas englobante, genérica e cenografia , os variados traços do ethos discursivo e os planos da semântica global. Os principais teóricos em que nos embasamos para realizar este estudo foram Faoro, em relação às questões históricas, Charaudeau em relação ao discurso político e Maingueneau, como base para a compreensão do referencial teórico da Análise do Discurso. A pesquisa revelou que a constituição de um número variado de traços do ethos discursivo, por meio da encenação do discurso, é uma estratégia discursiva que foi adotada como meio para se contornar a censura, que era imposta no país pelo regime republicano à época da divulgação dos discursos de Joaquim Nabuco, de teor monarquista. O posicionamento do enunciador ficou esclarecido, entretanto, a adesão a esse discurso por parte dos co-enunciadores é outra etapa de estudo, que pode ser explorada em futuros estudos

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:33:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rudney Soares de Souza.pdf: 14308342 bytes, checksum: e193ffc1636bdb91139dc769da810674 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work is based on studies of French Discourse Analysis and aims at analyzing the first four speeches of President Dilma Vana Rousseff, pronounced on her victory in the 2010 presidential elections. The reason that motivated us to do this study was the possibility of understanding the changes in partisan political discourse of Brazil recent history, the moment when lawyers, engineers, former metalworker and only one woman were elected to the highest office of the Federal Republic of Brazil. We understand that a research like this can be useful for a better understanding not only of speech studies, but also the current party-political panorama of Brazil. Our specific objectives were: to identify and examine the construction of scenography and the constitution of discursive ethos; verify the linguistic-discursive strategies and to infer meaning effects created by the interdiscourse enunciator, and, from that route, unveiling the slips and subversions of meaning embodied in president speech and relate them to social and discursive memory. The results of the analysis allowed us to conclude that the emerging enunciator from Dilma Rousseff speech has a discursive ethos of "President of the continuity of Lula government." The life history of the enunciator and its woman condition act on her image ambiguously: sometimes strengthens and sometimes harms. The male social imaginary in policy still influences the discursive ethos legitimized by coenunciator (voter), even a speech with placements built around the premise "first Brazil female president / O presente trabalho fundamenta-se nos estudos da Análise do discurso de linha francesa e tem como objetivo geral analisar os quatro primeiros discursos da presidente Dilma Vana Rousseff, proferidos na ocasião de sua vitória nas eleições presidenciais de 2010. A razão que nos motivou a fazer este estudo foi a possibilidade de entender as mudanças no discurso político-partidário da história recente do Brasil, período em que advogados, engenheiros, exmetalúrgico e apenas uma mulher foram eleitos ao cargo mais alto da República Federativa do Brasil. Entendemos que uma pesquisa como essa possa ser útil para um maior entendimento não só dos estudos sobre discurso, mas também do panorama político-partidário atual do Brasil. Nossos objetivos específicos foram: identificar e examinar a construção da cenografia e a constituição do ethos discursivo; verificar as estratégias linguistico-discursivas e depreender os efeitos de sentido criados no interdiscurso pelo enunciador; e, a partir desse percurso, desvelar os deslizamentos e as subversões de sentido, materializados no discurso da presidente, e relacioná-los com a memória social e discursiva. Os resultados da análise nos permitiram concluir que o enunciador, que emerge nos discursos de Dilma Rousseff, tem um ethos discursivo de presidente da continuidade do governo Lula . O histórico de vida do enunciador e sua condição mulher agem sobre sua imagem de forma ambígua: ora o fortalece, ora o prejudica. O imaginário social masculino, na política, ainda influencia o ethos discursivo, legitimado pelo co-enunciador (eleitor), mesmo num discurso com posicionamentos construídos em torno da premissa primeira mulher presidente do Brasil

Ledit projet de recherche se propose d'étudier les réactions dans la presse écrite française face à la restructuration identitaire et politique de l'Allemagne unifiée entre 1998 et 2005. Le corpus est composé en premier lieu d'articles provenant de différents quotidiens et hebdomadaires français, mais également d'essais politiques. Afin d'appréhender la notion d'identité nationale dans toute sa complexité, la partie analytique se base sur huit études de cas concernant différents domaines tels que l'unification allemande, l'intégration européenne, la politique de sécurité et la politique mémorielle. A la fin du projet de recherche, une synthèse globale des résultats de l'analyse de presse est proposée. L'objectif de cette étude est de nous éclairer sur l'impact réel qu'a eu la fondation de la „République de Berlin“ sur les relations franco-allemandes. / This thesis investigates the reactions in French written press to the identity restructuring process and political reorientation in reunified Germany during the period between 1998 and 2005. The corpus is mainly constituted by French daily and weekly newspaper articles, but also political essays. In order to capture the notion of ‘national identity' in all its complexity, the analytic part is based on eight case studies in different fields such as ‘German unification', European integration', ‘Security policy' and ‘Memorial Policy'. At the end of this thesis, a global synthesis of the results of the press analysis is proposed. The objective of this study is to elucidate the real impact that the foundation of the „Berlin Republic“ had on the Franco-German relationship.

Ce travail analyse la manière dont les expressions de la troisième personne dénotant des êtres humains peuvent référer aux destinataires d’un énoncé – par opposition à l’allocutaire – en français, anglais et allemand. Les formes de la troisième personne incluent tout élément linguistique déclenchant un accord à la troisième personne, considérée comme une catégorie hétérogène : pronoms (il(s), elle(s), on, en français, he, she, they, one en anglais, er, sie, man en allemand), pronoms interrogatifs et indéfinis (qui, quiconque, whoever, anyone, wer), quantifieurs (tous, chacun, certains, all, every, anyone, some, alle, jeder, manche, etc.), relatives précédées par ceux (ceux qui, those who, diejenigen, die) et groupes nominaux contenant un nom dénotant un agent humain (peuple, personnes, citoyen, people, citizen, Volk, Leute, Menschen, Bürger, etc.). A partir d’un corpus de débats parlementaires en France, en Allemagne et au Royaume-Uni, nous montrons que les locuteurs peuvent référer aux destinataires, conçus comme un rôle discursif distinct des personnes empiriques, par des expressions de la troisième personne. L’accent mis sur la première et la deuxième personnes a conduit à un relatif oubli des formes de la troisième personne. Pourtant, la conceptualisation des destinataires par des expressions de la troisième personne est explicite, omniprésente, fonctionnelle et se produit à une fréquence égale dans l’ensemble du corpus. En se concentrant sur le rôle discursif du destinataire, une attention particulière est accordée au système constitué par la deuxième et la troisième personnes, prises dans leur continuité plutôt que leur opposition, dans l’acte de référence. / Based on a corpus of British, French, and German parliamentary debates, this research presents an integrated account of how third person expressions denoting human referents can encode the targets of an utterance – as opposed to the addressee. Third person forms include every linguistic item triggering third person agreement, regarded as a heterogeneous category: third person pronouns (he, she, one, they in English, il(s), elle(s), on in French, er, sie, man in German), interrogative and indefinite pronouns (whoever, qui, quiconque, wer), quantifiers (all, every, many, some, anyone, tous, chacun, beaucoup, certains, alle, jeder, viele, manche, etc.), relative clauses introduced by those (those who, ceux qui, diejenigen, die), and noun phrases containing a noun denoting a human agent (people, citizen, peuple, personnes, citoyen , Volk, Leute, Menschen, Bürger, etc.). I combine a trilingual contrastive research design with a qualitative discourse-analytic and a quantitative corpus- based perspective to determine how reference to the targets of an utterance, conceived as a speech role distinct from the empirical persons, can be achieved by third person expressions. With most existing research focusing on the first and second persons, third person reference has been considerably neglected. Yet, the conceptualisation of targets via third person expressions is explicit, pervasive, functional, and occurs with equal frequency throughout the political spectrum. By focusing on the newly refined speech role of the target, attention is given to the continuity between second and third grammatical persons as a system referring to addressees and targets of an utterance. / In dieser Arbeit präsentiere ich eine umfassende Analyse der Funktionsweisen von englischen, französischen und deutschen Ausdrücken der dritten Person zur Bezeichnung menschlicher Referenten, an die eine Äußerung gerichtet ist. Zu den Formen der dritten Person gehören alle sprachlichen Elemente, die in Bezug auf die grammatischen Kategorien Person und Numerus mit Verben in der dritten Person verwendet werden: Personalpronomen (er, sie, man im Deutschen, he, she, they, one im Englischen, il(s), elle(s), im Französischen), Interrogativ- oder Indefinitpronomen (wer, whoever, qui, quiconque), Quantifikatoren (alle, jeder, viele, manche, all, every, many, some, anyone, tous, chacun, beaucoup, certains), Relativsätze (diejenigen, die, ceux qui, those who), und Nominalsyntagmen, die ein Substantiv enthalten, das einen menschlichen Referenten bezeichnet (Volk, Leute, Menschen, Bürger, people, citizen, peuple, personnes, citoyen, etc.). Anhand eines Korpus britischer, französischer und deutscher Parlamentsdebatten kombiniere ich ein sprachkontrastives Forschungsdesign mit einer qualitativen Diskursanalyse und einer quantitativen korpusbasierten Perspektive, um zu bestimmen, wie der Bezug auf die gemeinten Referenten erfolgt. Bisher hat sich die Forschung auf Formen der ersten und zweiten Person konzentriert und die dritte Person vernachlässigt, obwohl explizite, funktionale Bezüge auf den intendierten Referenten einer Äußerung in der dritten Person allgegenwärtig sind und im gesamten politischen Spektrum vorkommen.

Tout énoncé consiste en un message, explicite ou implicite, qui met en relief les objectifs du locuteur et aiguille l’interlocuteur vers une réponse ou une interprétation attendue par le locuteur. Dans le cadre du discours politique, la parole du personnage politique a pour objectif de mettre l’interlocuteur et le spectateur de son côté. Le langage employé est donc très souvent persuasif. Les études montrent que la communication ne passe pas exclusivement par la communication verbale. Elles mettent en évidence la place occupée par la cognition dans toute communication. L’approche formaliste ne tient pas compte de la dimension psychologique de la communication, tandis qu’une approche psychologique ne tient pas compte de la cognition sans placer la communication dans une structure suffisamment élaborée. Dans le cadre théorique que nous avons choisi, le domaine de la cognition s’inscrit dans une approche conceptuelle. Par conséquent, il conviendra d’analyser non seulement la communication verbale mais aussi la communication non-verbale. Dans quelle mesure le message verbal passe-t-il par d’autres voies ? L’analyse procédera à la mise en relief de la dimension paralinguistique tant dans l’espace que dans le temps : geste, regard, posture.La montée au pouvoir du Parti conservateur au Royaume-Uni en 2010 a donné lieu à la première coalition britannique depuis 1945. C’est la participation de son adversaire, les Liberal Democrats, qui a suscité de nombreux débats sur la faisabilité d’une coalition en raison d’un décalage idéologique important. Il sera donc indispensable d’analyser le contexte politique par rapport à la nature du discours. Pour ce faire, il conviendra d’adopter une approche cognitive de l’analyse du discours. Dans quelle mesure les phénomènes linguistiques et paralinguistiques sont-ils volontaires ou involontaires ? Dans quelle mesure existe-t-il une concordance entre les différents phénomènes observés ? L’approche multimodale permettra de montrer le rapport entre sémantique, phonologie, lexique et grammaire afin de mesurer la pertinence du discours. Les théories cognitivistes élaborées par Leonard TALMY et Ronald LANGACKER seront le point de départ de cette approche conceptuelle. Celle-ci permettra d’aboutir à une analyse de tous les éléments linguistiques et paralinguistiques en fonction de la situation d’énonciation : discours, entretien, débat. / Every utterance is composed of an implicit or an explicit message which highlights the speaker’s aims and steers the interlocutor towards a response or an interpretation intended by the speaker. In the field of political discourse, the objective of the politician’s discourse is to make the interlocutor and the spectator take a partisan view. Consequently, the language used is often persuasive. Studies have shown that communication is not exclusively verbal. They reveal the role of cognition in all forms of communication. A formalist approach does not take into account the psychological dimension of communication, while a psychological approach fails to account for cognition by not addressing communication within a sufficiently detailed linguistic context. In the framework that we have chosen, the cognitive domain is located within a conceptual approach. As a result, it is necessary to analyse both verbal and non-verbal communication. To what extent is the spoken message transmitted through other means? Our analysis will highlight the paralinguistic dimension of language both in space and time – gesture, gaze and posture. The electoral success of the Conservative Party in the United Kingdom in 2010 gave rise to the first British coalition government since 1945. The role played by the party’s opponent, the Liberal Democrats, has led to many debates about the feasibility of a coalition due to the ideological divide. It is therefore essential to examine the political context with regard to the type of discourse. In order to achieve this, we have chosen a cognitive approach to discourse analysis. To what extent are the linguistic and paralinguistic phenomena intended or unintended? To what extent is there any coherence between these different observable phenomena? A multimodal approach will help us to identify the link between semantics, lexis and grammar in order to determine the relevance of the discourse. A number of theories of cognitive linguistics and Critical Discourse Analysis form the basis of our conceptual approach, with particular emphasis on the cognitive dimension put forward by Leonard Talmy. This will enable us to analyse all the linguistic and paralinguistic features of discourse, depending on different situations which include speeches, interviews and debates.

Le sujet de cette thèse est l’analyse comparative des débats parlementaires portugais, brésiliens et roumains, dans l’optique de l’organisation interactionnelle et de l’usage des formes d’adresse (Carreira 1997). Du point de vue théorique, notre étude s’appuie sur la linguistique interactionnelle (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1990), sur l’analyse du discours politique (Charaudeau 2005) et du discours parlementaire (Ilie 2006; Marques 2000). Après un préambule juridico-politique, qui présente le fonctionnement des parlements dans les trois pays choisis (Portugal, Brésil, Roumanie), nous analysons, dans la première partie de la thèse, les transcriptions officielles des réunions parlementaires en tant que corpus pour l’étude linguistique. Ensuite, nous nous concentrons sur les particularités de la structure séquentielle des débats – ouverture, corps, clôture –, la négociation du tour de parole et les stratégies d’éviter les réponses aux questions. La deuxième partie de la thèse se penche sur les usages de formes d’adresse dans la construction des auto-images et hétéro-images et dans la configuration de la distance interlocutive. Cette approche nous a permis de dégager quelques particularités de chaque sous-corpus: les débats portugais sont plus proches du protocole parlementaire (structure micro-séquentielle plus rigide, usage quasi exclusif des formes nominales d’adresse institutionnelles), alors que dans les débats brésiliens et roumains il y a plus de flexibilité dans la construction micro-séquentielle (les actes rituels sont plus fréquents) aussi bien que dans l’usage des formes d’adresse plus variées (relationnelles, académiques, professionnelles, génériques). / The subject of this thesis is the comparative analysis of Portuguese, Brazilian and Romanian parliamentary debates, from the point of view of interactional organization and address terms uses (Carreira 1997). Our theoretical framework is interactional linguistics (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1990), political discourse analysis (Charaudeau 2005) and parliamentary discourse analysis (Ilie 2006; Marques 2000). After a legal and political preamble that presents how parliaments in the three selected countries (Portugal, Brazil, Romania) work, we analyse, in the first part of the thesis, the official transcripts of parliamentary sittings as a corpus for linguistic studies. Then we focus on the characteristics of the sequential structure of the debates – opening, body, closing –, negotiation of turn taking and evasion strategies in answering questions. The second part of the thesis focuses on the uses of address terms in constructing images of the self and of the others and the configuration of interlocutive distance. This approach has allowed us to identify a few characteristics of each sub-corpus: Portuguese debates are closer to the parliamentary protocol (the micro-sequential structure is more rigid, nominal institutional address forms are used almost exclusively), while in Brazilian and Romanian debates there is more flexibility both in the micro-sequential construction (ritual acts are more frequent) and in the wider range of address forms used (relational, academic, professional, generic).