The purpose of this thesis is to examine the representation of the Sámi population as constructed in the official political discourses of the Swedish and Norwegian Governments and the Sámi Parliaments. As Sámi policies and Sámi political action have historically been limited by the dominating postcolonial conception of the Sámi by the nation-state, this thesis evaluates how the Governments of Sweden and Norway construct a representation of the Sámi in comparison to the representation offered by elected Sámi representatives to ascertain how the sociohistorical perspectives of the majority population reflect the conception of the Sámi population today. In addition, this comparison is made to draw inferences about the efficacy of ratifying ILO:169 for Sámi representation in political forums.Foucauldian Discourse Analysis was conducted on 370 official government documents through Hall´s framework of representation. The results indicated that the overarching representation of Sámi as presented by the Norwegian and Swedish Governments was of a static people that are vulnerable and inferior compared to the dominant group, with a specific representation of Sámi residing in Sweden portrayed as a minority group and the Sámi residing in Norway portrayed as a diverse population distinct from the state. The overarching representation as presented by the Sámi Parliaments in contrast portrayed a progressive and motivated people with customs and practices that aim to regain and create a Sami identity. These contrasting representations of the Sámi population indicate that both the Norwegian and Swedish Governments still operate with the sociohistorical perspective that formed prior conceptualization of Sámi and "Sáminess".

This research is concerned with Pakistan¿s participation in the US-led `war on terror¿ in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001. The study seeks to explain how Pakistan¿s state practice in the aftermath of 9/11 was normalised and made possible. In explaining the state practice, the study draws on a constructivist conceptual framework; which is further enhanced by incorporating key theoretical insights from critical realism. In the first instance, the study proposes that Pakistan¿s participation in the `war on terror¿, seen as a set of actions and practices, was an outcome of a specific domestic political discourse. This discourse enabled and legitimised the state¿s alliance with the US and its abandonment of the Taliban regime. Secondly, the study is concerned with explaining why the particular discourse emerged in the shape and form that it did. In this context, the argument is that a depth `critical realist¿ ontological inquiry can reveal underlying and enduring global and domestic social structural contexts, and traces of agential influence as connected to the discourse. Consequently, this study conceptualises Pakistan¿s actions in the context of the `war on terror¿ as emerging from a multi-causal complex in which discourse, structure and agency are complicit. The study represents a departure from realist readings that emphasise a mono-causal relationship between the US and Pakistan. Instead, this research uses a synthesis of critical realism and constructivism to add a fresh perspective in terms of how we may conceptualise Pakistan¿s political practice in this instance.

Работа посвящена теме вербального поведения в политическом дискурсе на глобальном уровне в рамках заседания Совета Безопасности ООН. Рассматриваются теоретические аспекты хеджирования – вербального приема, направленного на смягчение коннотативного значения фраз и придания им менее агрессивного тона. В частности, освещается такая проблема как корреляция хеджирования и внешней политики Франции и Ливии. На примере ливийского конфликта в 2011 г., автор исследования анализирует латентные намерения Франции, выраженные на вербальном уровне, что позволяет выделить характерные черты коммуникативной дипломатии на международной арене в конфликтных ситуациях. / The paper is devoted to the verbal behavior in the political discourse at the global level in the framework of the UN Security Council. It is discussed theoretical aspects of hedging – verbal tactic aimed at mitigating the connotation of words and making them less aggressive. In particular, it is illustrated such problem as the correlation between the hedge construction and the foreign policy of France and Libya. On the basis of the Libyan conflict in 2011, the author analyzes the latent intentions of France expressed at the verbal level that allows to distinguish the features of communicative diplomacy in the international arena in conflict situations.

Den här uppsatsen består av en partiell översättning med kommentar av Kinas kommunistiska partis rapport från den 20:e nationella partikongressen som ägde rum i oktober 2022. Översättningen gjordes från kinesiska till svenska utifrån en översättningsprincip baserad på skopos att en ”vanlig svensk” ska förstå texten. Syftet är att undersöka vilka översättningsproblem som uppstår vid översättningen av kinesisk politisk diskurs till svenska för den svensk kulturkontexten. Politisk terminologi identifieras som det enskilt största översättningsproblemet, samt att ett antal mindre översättningsproblem på grammatisk, lexikal, syntaktisk och stilnivå även diskuteras. Översättningen och kommentaren kompletteras även med en komparativ studie där den svenska översättningen jämförs med KKP:s officiella engelska översättning utifrån skoposteorin och Juliane House SFL-baserade metodologi för kvalitetsbedömning av översättningar. Jämförelsen visar att KKP:s översättning gör större textuella avsteg från källtexten, medan min översättning använder sig av fotnoter, samt att KKP:s översättning ligger nära förtäckt och min översättning ligger nära öppen översättning på House skala mellan de två. / This thesis consists of a partial translation, with commentary, of the report from the 20th national party congress of the Chinese Communist Party which was held in October 2022. The text was translated from Chinese into Swedish with a translation principle based on the skopos that a “normal swede” should be able to understand the text. The purpose is to explore translational problems when translating Chinese political discourse into Swedish for the Swedish culture context. Political terminology is identified as the single largest translational problem. A number of smaller problems are also identified on the grammatical, lexical, syntactical and style levels. The translation with commentary is also accompanied by a comparative study where the Swedish translation is compared to the official English translation sanctioned by the CCP, based on skopos theory and Juliane House’s SFL-based translation quality assessment methodology. The comparison shows that the official translation diverges more from the source text textually, while mine uses footnotes, and that the CCP translation lies close to covert translation, on the scale from covert to overt, where my translation is on the other end of the scale.

This is a case study of the political situation in Sweden where a present and growing far-right has generated an outcome of political fragmentation. The process between this probable cause and outcome will be investigated to find the best possible explanation for how an isolated party could generate the outcome of political fragmentation despite their denied political participation with the other parties. The process will be analyzed through mainstream parties’ political discourse about the far-right and how they give expression for their strategies to deal with their presence. This will be done through an abductive discourse-pathway analysis, wherein mainstream parties’ dynamics towards the far-right and how it has changed over time will be analyzed. The result from the analysis showed that there are three possible outcomes when dealing with the far-right: political fragmentation, political unity and political polarization. The conclusion is that political fragmentation occurs when mainstream parties are pulled in different directions regarding what strategies to use when they ought to deal with a growing far-right presence.

Research within the interdisciplinary field of linguistic landscapes, traditionally concerned with the study of language on fixed signage in public places, has under the last decade broadened its focus to transient linguistic landscapes, including those that unfold during acts of protests and demonstrations. The present study examines a linguistic landscape of protest in a context that has previously been overlooked within the field, namely the Syrian revolution and the case of Kafr Nabl, a town that over several years attracted international attention to the creative protest signs displayed during weekly anti-regime demonstrations. Through a qualitative analysis of a sample of 177 protest signs from a six-month period in 2013, this study explores the discursive and linguistic resources and strategies employed in the protest signs. Focusing on a selection of actors identified in the data set and using the concepts of intertextuality, interdiscursivity, resemiotization, and entextualization, the analysis shows how different discursive and linguistic strategies were employed to counter other actors’ discourses about the Syrian revolution, and to construct images of the involved actors and of Kafr Nabl itself. The study contributes to research on linguistic landscapes of protests, especially in the Arab world, as well as to further an understanding of the use of discursive strategies in both textual and visual modes, multilingualism, and varieties of Arabic in protest discourse.

This Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) examines Nikki Haley's language on gender and reproductive rights. By examining Haley's language through a CDA lens, the thesis illuminates the intersection of gender, power, and ideology in political communication. Utilizing CDA as both a method and theoretical framework, complemented by feminist theory, the thesis analyzes Haley's spoken language to reveal implicit meanings within her communication. The analysis centers on key aspects of her language use, including lexical choices, problematization, argumentation, and intensification, unveiling the underlying narratives and values that shape her stance on gender-related issues. The findings reveal that Haley uses the notion of protecting women and girls to portray abortion and trans rights. She advocates for consensus regarding abortion laws, but as an effort to advance her messaging. Haley views trans rights and gender advocacy as private concerns rather than social issues. By delving into the communicative intent behind Haley's discourse, the thesis contributes to a deeper understanding of political communication by female conservative politicians in the United States. Ultimately, this thesis enhances our comprehension of gender, politics, and power dynamics by revealing how Nikki Haley uses language to advance her political objectives.

La recherche menée dans cette thèse traite du discours de l’Union européenne sur l’espace judiciaire européen entre 1996 et 1999. En convoquant l’analyse du discours et la lexicométrie dans un cadre théorique de la sémantique argumentative, elle analyse le sens des mots autour de l’expression « espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice ». L’objectif est de définir comment s’élabore la réappropriation de valeurs universelles au profit du discours et de l’identité européenne véhiculée par les procédés argumentatifs utilisés pour représenter l’espace judiciaire européen. Le contexte politique et les théories linguistiques de la méthode d’analyse exposés, cette thèse porte sur les conditions de communication du discours et de sa particularité sémantique, en montrant qu’il construit une identité en triade renvoyant aux trois valeurs de son emblème triptyque (« liberté, sécurité et justice ») : les institutions, la criminalité organisée et les citoyens. Elle révèle les indices linguistiques de cette construction identitaire avec ses enjeux politiques et de légitimation en introduisant la notion de « normalisation discursive ». Celle-ci adopte un schéma linguistique très marqué conduisant à la mise en œuvre d’un processus de « manipulation argumentative » défini et démontré dans ce travail. Les résultats illustrent que la normalisation et la manipulation engendrent une circularité du discours reposant sur le conflit de deux orientations discursives : celle d’un discours sécuritaire et celle d’un discours sur l’État de droit et la démocratie. This thesis studies the discourse of the European Union about the European Judicial Network between 1996 and 1999. Using discourse analysis and lexicometrics within the theoretical framework of argumentative semantics, it explores the meaning of words associated with the expression of « area of freedom, security and justice ». The research mainly aims at understanding how the discourse reappropriate universal values in order to construct, through argumentative processes, a European identity that embodies the European Judicial Network. After presenting the political context and the linguistic theories used in the analysis methods, the thesis examines the conditions of discourse production and its semantic particularities. It argues that the discourse constructs an identity based on the values (liberty, security and justice) conveyed by the three pillars of the European Judicial Network : institutions, organised crime and citizens. The thesis then puts forward the idea of a “discursive normalisation” that helps, through its linguistic forms, to legitimate the identity construction and its political issues. It also defines a process of “argumentative manipulation” resulting from this “discursive normalisation” implementing a very distinctive linguistic frame. According to those results, the research concludes that normalisation and manipulation generate circularity of the discourse, which is based on the conflict between two discursive orientations, on the one hand security and on the other hand democracy and the Rule of law.

Mobilisant les concepts de l’analyse du discours combinés aux méthodes de la lexicométrie, cette thèse se propose de mettre en lumière, à travers l’analyse d’un corpus de 297 discours, les principales caractéristiques tant lexicales que rhétoriques et structurelles du discours du président de la République du Cameroun, Paul Biya, de 1982 et 2002. Après avoir dégagé quelques-uns des axes thématiques du corpus, on poursuit l’analyse lexicale par l’étude lexicométrique de l’évolution du vocabulaire. Les méthodes statistiques permettent ensuite d’appréhender certains phénomènes énonciatifs en fonction du temps lexical et de l’adaptation à l’auditoire. Enfin, dans un dernier temps, ce sont deux types de discours « rituels » qui sont analysés : les discours à la Jeunesse, prononcés par le président de la République le 10 février de chaque année pour célébrer la fête de la Jeunesse, et les discours de voeux de fin d’année. La prise en compte de ces deux types de discours permet de poursuivre l’étude du phénomène d’adaptation à l’auditoire : d’abord en confrontant les discours à la Jeunesse au reste du corpus présidentiel ensuite en faisant contraster les discours de voeux à la Nation avec les discours de voeux au diplomates. / The analysis of a corpus of 297 speeches made by the President of the Republic of Cameroon between 1982 and 2002, by means of the methods and the software of the textual statistics and the linguistic concepts of the discourse analysis, has brought to light lexical, rhetorical and structural characteristics of Paul Biya’s speeches. After the identification of some of the themes of the corpus, lexical analysis and lexicometric study of the evolution of vocabulary have been made. Statistical methods have helped to clarify the enunciation through the study of lexical time and the adaptation to the public targeted.Finally, the analysis of two types of speeches: speeches made by the President of the Republic every year on the eve of Youth Day’s celebration on February 10, and speeches made every end of year on December 31 to the Nation and to foreign diplomats has shown a diachronic change of vocabulary, showing a clear adaptation to the audience.

L’objectif de la thèse est l’analyse de l’évolution du discours politique en France et en Lituanie via les déclarations ou les interviews, consécutives à l’annonce des résultats des élections présidentielles (1995 – 2009). Notre méthode est basée sur les techniques modernes de l’approche : la pluridisciplinarité, l’analyse du discours et le traitement informatique du corpus. La politique contemporaine est de plus en plus formatée selon les règles du marketing. La télévision oblige les orateurs à renoncer au jargon - le raisonnement n’est plus hypothético-déductif mais associatif. Les présidents élus consacrent plus d’attention à l’ethos et les candidats vaincus au pathos. Les ethos s’opposent et cela dépend du contexte des élections présidentielles. Les Interviews appartiennent aux discours-bilans et au modèle dialogique. Les Déclarations sont plus proches des discours-appels et du monologue. Les deux genres possèdent aussi des traits du modèle propagandiste dont l’effet social est minimal. / Pas de résumé anglais / Disertacijoje analizuojama situacija, kai kandidatai į prezidentus Lieuvoje ir Prancūzijoje reaguoja į paskelbtus prezidento rinkimų rezultatus per savo pasisakymus. Pagrindinis disertacijos tikslas - suprasti bei įvertinti politikų, politinio diskurso pasikeitimus (nuo 1993 m. iki 2009 m.). Kitos aptariamos temos - pagrindinės kalbėtojų sakinių gramatinės ir sintaksinės formos, žodynas, kandidatų į prezidentus skirtumai ir panašumai. Darbe remiamasi retorikos, politikos istorijos, sociologijos, tekstynų ir diskurso analizės metodais. Nustatyta, kad televizijos vaidmuo vis stipreja. Visų politikų sakiniai paprasti, pasirenkama kalba yra tradicinė, visiems suprantama, abstrakti, temos pasikartoja bei yra panašios. Prezidentų kalbos optimistiškesnės, mažiau personalizuotos ir daugiau apeliuoja į visą tautą, o pralaimėjusių kandidatų kalbos daugiau angažuotos į ateitį, dinamiškesnės, mažiau suvienuodintos, jie naudoja trumpesnius sakinius. Abiejų šalių politikų pasisakymai primena reklamą, kurios pagrindinis tikslas - patikti ir pritraukti žmonių dėmesį, nelabai akcentuojant politinius klausimus.