Le sujet de cette thèse est l’analyse comparative des débats parlementaires portugais, brésiliens et roumains, dans l’optique de l’organisation interactionnelle et de l’usage des formes d’adresse (Carreira 1997). Du point de vue théorique, notre étude s’appuie sur la linguistique interactionnelle (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1990), sur l’analyse du discours politique (Charaudeau 2005) et du discours parlementaire (Ilie 2006; Marques 2000). Après un préambule juridico-politique, qui présente le fonctionnement des parlements dans les trois pays choisis (Portugal, Brésil, Roumanie), nous analysons, dans la première partie de la thèse, les transcriptions officielles des réunions parlementaires en tant que corpus pour l’étude linguistique. Ensuite, nous nous concentrons sur les particularités de la structure séquentielle des débats – ouverture, corps, clôture –, la négociation du tour de parole et les stratégies d’éviter les réponses aux questions. La deuxième partie de la thèse se penche sur les usages de formes d’adresse dans la construction des auto-images et hétéro-images et dans la configuration de la distance interlocutive. Cette approche nous a permis de dégager quelques particularités de chaque sous-corpus: les débats portugais sont plus proches du protocole parlementaire (structure micro-séquentielle plus rigide, usage quasi exclusif des formes nominales d’adresse institutionnelles), alors que dans les débats brésiliens et roumains il y a plus de flexibilité dans la construction micro-séquentielle (les actes rituels sont plus fréquents) aussi bien que dans l’usage des formes d’adresse plus variées (relationnelles, académiques, professionnelles, génériques). / The subject of this thesis is the comparative analysis of Portuguese, Brazilian and Romanian parliamentary debates, from the point of view of interactional organization and address terms uses (Carreira 1997). Our theoretical framework is interactional linguistics (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1990), political discourse analysis (Charaudeau 2005) and parliamentary discourse analysis (Ilie 2006; Marques 2000). After a legal and political preamble that presents how parliaments in the three selected countries (Portugal, Brazil, Romania) work, we analyse, in the first part of the thesis, the official transcripts of parliamentary sittings as a corpus for linguistic studies. Then we focus on the characteristics of the sequential structure of the debates – opening, body, closing –, negotiation of turn taking and evasion strategies in answering questions. The second part of the thesis focuses on the uses of address terms in constructing images of the self and of the others and the configuration of interlocutive distance. This approach has allowed us to identify a few characteristics of each sub-corpus: Portuguese debates are closer to the parliamentary protocol (the micro-sequential structure is more rigid, nominal institutional address forms are used almost exclusively), while in Brazilian and Romanian debates there is more flexibility both in the micro-sequential construction (ritual acts are more frequent) and in the wider range of address forms used (relational, academic, professional, generic).

Given that the basic functions of parliamentary Question Time are to provide information and to hold the Government accountable for its actions, the possibility of evasion occurring in such a context is of crucial importance. Evasion (equivocation) has been identified as a matter of concern in political interviews, but no systematic study has been undertaken in the context of parliamentary discourse, notably Question Time, anywhere in the world. This study applies and adapts Harris's (1991) coding framework on various types of responses, Bull and Mayer's (1993) typology of non-replies and Clayman's (2001) work on how politicians 'resist' answering questions, all of which are based on political news interviews, to the study of evasion in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time. A comprehensive, unified framework for the analysis of evasion is described, a decision flow-chart for the framework is provided, and an illustrative example of the applied framework is given based on Australia's Federal House of Representatives' Question Time. Put simply, the study was undertaken to determine if evasion occurred, how frequently it occurred and how it occurred. It involved the classification of responses as 'answers' (direct or indirect), 'intermediate responses' (such as pointing out incorrect information in the question), and 'evasions' based on specific criteria. Responses which were considered evasions were further analysed to determine the levels of evasion, whether they were covert or overt in nature and the types of 'agenda shifts' that occurred, if any. The thesis also involved a discourse-analytical study of other factors that appear to facilitate Ministerial evasion in Australia's House of Representatives, including the Speaker's performance and the use of 'Dorothy Dixers'. The research data was sourced from Question Time transcripts from the House of Representatives Hansard for the months of February and March 2003, dealing only with questions and responses on the topic of Iraq. In those months there were 87 questions on the topic of Iraq, representing more than two thirds of all questions on Iraq for the whole of 2003. Of these 87 questions, the majority (48) came from the Opposition party, through its leader. The balance (39) was asked by Government MPs. Analysis of the question/answer discourse for all 87 questions revealed that every question asked by Government members was answered compared to only 8 of the 48 Opposition questions. Of the 40 remaining Opposition questions, 21 were given intermediate responses and 19 were evaded outright. The fact that the overwhelming majority (83%) of Opposition questions were not answered together with other findings such as instances of partiality on the part of the Speaker; the use of 'friendly', prearranged questions by Government MPs; and the 'hostile' nature of questions asked by Opposition MPs casts serious doubt on the effectiveness of Question Time as a means of ensuring the Government is held accountable for its actions. The study provides empirical evidence that evasion does occur in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time.

For historians of twentieth-century British affairs, the decade of the 1930s is very significant. It was marked not only by a devastating economic crisis at the outset, but also by the rise of fascism in Europe and the onset of the Second World War at its close. These issues were problematic in themselves, but Britain’s response to them was complicated still further by the deep divisions between the Left and the Right over socialism and over the Soviet Union. The presence of the USSR in the East and its influence in Britain loomed over the internal debates that took place, affecting British responses to difficult situations in drastic and far-reaching ways. People of both anti-Soviet and pro-Soviet persuasions were forced to account for events that did not tally with their most strongly held beliefs, hopes or fears. This dissertation explores the ways in which British people of a variety of political leanings publicly processed and coped with the role of the Soviet Union in these debates. Using a range of sources including contemporary newspapers, books and pamphlets, I will trace the evolution of attitudes to the Soviet Union from 1929, the first year of the economic crisis, up until 1943, the high point of the Anglo-Soviet wartime alliance. My analysis will show how people with fundamentally different belief systems mirrored each other in their responses to intellectual challenges, and how interactions between different groups sustained or exaggerated each group’s response to the Soviet Union. I will also critique the analyses of some historians who have limited the parameters of their studies to take in only single groups or single events, and in so doing have become unfairly critical of individuals who struggled to process a large number of difficult and confusing events.

This master’s thesis considers the Official Report of the Swedish Government Transpersoner i Sverige (SOU 2017:92), and its ambitions to increase intelligibility for trans people. Using a discourse-theoretical framework, I study the report’s production of meaning regarding power, norms and knowledge. In my analysis, the constitution of meaning leads to the establishment, in the report, of a specific understanding of intelligibility and of how intelligibility for trans people can and should be increased. Further, I note that ‘knowledge’, in the report, is positioned as beyond power and mobilized to counter the defined problems of unintelligibility. In particular, the report promotes measurable knowledge as the means by which to amend problems concerning lacking descriptions of trans people’s situation. Using Spade (2015) and Butler (1997), I elaborate on the positioning of the state with respect to the report’s project of increasing intelligibility, and show that state power is naturalized. The main conclusion of the thesis is that several of the report’s suggestions serve to legitimize state regulation of gendered subjectivity, specifically with respect to legal genders and their utilization in measurement and surveillance.

LUCENA, Izabel Larissa. A expressão da evidencialidade no discurso político: uma análise da oratória política da Assembléia Legislativa do Ceará. 2008, 224f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Linguística) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Letras Vernáculas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Linguística, Fortaleza-CE, 2008. / Submitted by nazareno mesquita (nazagon36@yahoo.com.br) on 2012-08-21T15:06:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_Diss_ILLucena.pdf: 1910986 bytes, checksum: ee0de2a42673942ebf55fabd4a2dd957 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2013-10-10T13:10:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_Diss_ILLucena.pdf: 1910986 bytes, checksum: ee0de2a42673942ebf55fabd4a2dd957 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-10-10T13:10:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_Diss_ILLucena.pdf: 1910986 bytes, checksum: ee0de2a42673942ebf55fabd4a2dd957 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / The present research aims at investigating the expression of evidentiality and its relation to the degrees of public speaker’s commitment with the contents uttered in political speech argumentation’s construction. Thirty speeches, subdivided in two thematic groups: 1) the arrival of a petrol refinery in the state of Ceará; and 2) the transposition of São Francisco River, and delivered in the Small Expedient of Ordinary Sessions in the State legislature of Ceará, from 2005 to 2006, consisted the corpus of analysis. In this work, evidentiality analysis is concerned with the syntactic aspects (linguistic contexts, position in the statement), semantic (type of source, strategy of information’s dissemination in the statement, what is directly related to the way as the speaker desires to demonstrate that he got the information presented by himself) and pragmatic (degrees of commitment of the politician with the content of his speech, elicited images in the argumentative process, discursive roles assumed by the items of evidence). We support the hypothesis that factors of conceptual, interacional and contextual order, as the communicative intentions of the politician, the conditions of production and the image that this politician desires to construct of himself before the audience, condition the evidentiality manifestation, the type of evidential qualification, as well as the (lack of) commitment’s effects of meaning from the politician with his speech. We adopted, mainly, the functionalist theoretical basis, in which the user assumes a central role in the inquiry; the linguistic description includes, therefore, reference to the speaker, to the listener and to their roles and statutes defined in the verbal interaction (DIK, 1989). The results reveal that, in political speech argumentation’s construction, the use of evidences marks from the cited defined type of source prevails, proving that the politician prefers not to commit himself to the reported information, assuring to the interlocutor this responsibility to evaluate the validity of the information, in accordance with the quality of the expressed source. With regard to the evidential marks that we assume as referents of the speaker’s axis (inferential and subjective experiences), we verify that, although in lesser amount, they constitute important strategies in the construction of political action’s legitimating images, since the speaker shows confidence in his ideas and projects. Concerning the morphosyntatic aspects of the evidentiality, we observe that the verb is the way of more frequent expression of this category, occupying, mainly, the intercalated position (between the source and the declared content). / Este trabalho tem como objetivo investigar a expressão da evidencialidade e sua relação com os graus de comprometimento dos oradores com os conteúdos enunciados na construção da argumentação no discurso político. Para tal fim, analisamos trinta discursos (subdivididos em dois grupos temáticos: 1º grupo – a vinda da Refinaria de Petróleo para o Ceará; 2º grupo – a Transposição do Rio São Francisco), proferidos no Pequeno Expediente de Sessões Ordinárias na Assembléia Legislativa do Estado do Ceará, durante o período de 2005 e 2006. A evidencialidade é analisada, neste trabalho, quanto aos aspectos sintáticos (meio lingüístico, posição no enunciado), semânticos (tipo de fonte, estratégia de veiculação da informação no enunciado, o que está diretamente relacionado ao modo como o enunciador deseja demonstrar que obteve a informação por ele apresentada) e pragmáticos (graus de comprometimento do político com o conteúdo do seu discurso, imagens por ele suscitadas no processo argumentativo, papéis discursivos assumidos pelos itens evidenciais). Sustentamos a hipótese de que fatores de ordem conceptual, interacional e contextual, como os propósitos enunciativos do político, as condições de produção e a imagem que esse político deseja construir de si ante o auditório, condicionam a manifestação da evidencialidade, o tipo de qualificação evidencial, bem como os efeitos de sentido de (des)comprometimento do político com o seu discurso. Adotamos, principalmente, a base teórica funcionalista, em que o usuário assume papel central na investigação; a descrição lingüística inclui, portanto, referência ao falante, ao ouvinte e a seus papéis e estatutos definidos na interação verbal (DIK, 1989). Os resultados obtidos revelam que, na construção da argumentação no discurso político, predomina o uso de marcas evidenciais do tipo relatado de fonte definida, comprovando que o político prefere não se comprometer com a informação reportada, assegurando ao interlocutor a possibilidade de avaliar por si só a validade da informação, de acordo com a qualidade da fonte expressa. Com relação às marcas evidenciais que assumimos como atinentes ao eixo do enunciador (experienciais, inferenciais e subjetivas), verificamos que, embora em menor quantidade, constituem estratégias importantes na construção de imagens legitimadoras da ação política, já que o enunciador se mostra como alguém convicto de suas idéias e projetos. Quanto aos aspectos morfossintáticos da evidencialidade, observamos que o verbo é o meio de expressão mais freqüente dessa categoria, ocupando, majoritariamente, a posição intercalada (entre a fonte e o conteúdo enunciado).

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Lançando um olhar sociocognitivista sobre um fenômeno geralmente estudado sob outros pontos de vista (textual e interacional), este estudo descreve as funções sociocognitivas das repetições lexicais e sintáticas em um contexto socialmente situado: o discurso político de Fernando Collor datado das eleições de 1989. Tendo em vista os fatores de ordem pragmática que emergem desse contexto, principalmente o propósito comunicativo, combinamos bases teóricas em Processamento do Discurso e Semântica Cognitiva para construir hipóteses que explicassem a saliência das repetições no discurso político de Collor. A análise qualitativa dos dados aponta para o uso da repetição enquanto estratégia lingüístico-discursiva útil na construção argumentativa e na diminuição do custo de processamento do discurso, alinhando-se, portanto, aos propósitos de convencimento e alcance das massas. / Departing from traditional analyses of repetition (textual and interactional), this study analyzes it within the light of Cognitive Linguistics. Its objective is to describe the sociocognitive functions of lexical and syntactic repetitions in a situated context: The political discourse of Fernando Collor de Melo, during the 1989 election campaign in Brazil. Given the pragmatic factors that emerge in such a context, mainly its communicative purpose, the study combines literature in Discourse Processing and in Cognitive Semantics to construe probable hypotheses that can account for the salience of repetitions in the political discourse under examination. Qualitative analysis renders repetition a linguistic-discursive strategy useful for the construction of arguments and for decreasing the cost of discourse processing. Therefore, a very useful strategy to reach, persuade, and convince the masses.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-12-13Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T21:04:41Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 ludovice_cab_dr_arafcl.pdf: 399541 bytes, checksum: 181a7d02cbedae0caa5cbe2465d372b7 (MD5) / Esta pesquisa propôs analisar as entrevistas dadas pelo ex-presidente Lula, ao programa de rádio “Café com o Presidente”, e verificar como o éthos do ator Lula foi construído nas suas respostas e que diferenças podem ser verificadas na construção de sua imagem com relação ao período eleitoral de propagandas, do ano de 2006, analisadas em nossa dissertação de mestrado. O trabalho fundamenta-se na teoria semiótica de origem francesa, desenvolvida por Algirdas Julien Greimas, que tem como objeto de estudo o sentido, mais especificamente o “parecer do sentido”. O corpus da análise foi selecionado levando em consideração o período anterior e posterior às eleições de 2006. O procedimento metodológico adotado consistiu em separar o corpus, delimitando as entrevistas do programa “Café com o Presidente” do primeiro semestre do ano de 2006 e do primeiro semestre de 2007. O éthos do ator Lula foi analisado juntamente com a figuratividade e a tematização de seu discurso, já que as figuras que recobrem seu discurso auxiliam na constituição de sua imagem. O gênero entrevista foi analisado separadamente, segundo os postulados teóricos do Círculo de Bakhtin. Com base nas análises foi possível comprovar que o ator Lula se constrói, nos dois momentos analisados, com um sincretismo de papéis temáticos de presidente e candidato e, por meio da alternância desses dois papéis temáticos, mostra-se como sujeito competente, para realizar a performance esperada e desejada pelo enunciatário. As análises demonstraram ainda que nos dois períodos analisados, o ator Lula, aspectualizado como presidente ou como candidato, evidencia a preocupação em construir e apresentar uma imagem de político compromissado e preocupado com seus eleitores e com o bem-estar da população brasileira. As figuras... / This research aimed at analysing the interviews given by the ex-president Lula, to the radio programme called “Café com o Presidente” (“Coffee with the President”), and verifying how the ethos of the actor Lula was built through his answers and which differences could be checked in the construction of his image in relation to the electoral advertising period, form 2006, analysed in our masters degree dissertation. Based on the French semiotics theory, developed by Algirdas Julien Greimas, which aims at studying the sense, mainly, what the sense appears to be, the analysed corpus was selected taking into account the period before and the period after the 2006 elections. The adopted methodological procedure consisted in separating the corpus, and delimitating the interviews of the programme “Café com o Presidente” (“Coffee with the President”) of the first term of 2006 and the first term of 2007. The ethos of the actor Lula was in a analysed together with the figurativization and thematization of his discourse, since the figures which recover his discourse help in his image constitution. The interview genre was analysed in a separate session, according to the theoretical assumptions of the Bakhtin Circle. Based on the analysis it was possible to confirm that the actor Lula is built, in both moments, with a syncretism of thematic roles of president and candidate and through the alternation of such roles, is seen as a competent subject, to achieve the waited and wanted performance by the enunciator. The analysis also demonstrated that in both periods, the actor Lula, aspectualised as president or candidate, evidentiates the worries in constructing and presenting the image of a politician committed and worried about his voters and the well-being of the Brazilian population. The figures used in his discourse... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:25:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2722.pdf: 609589 bytes, checksum: ea98b5f613187dc34c65180452fb83d8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-05 / This dissertation has as its investigation object the political speech of the Senator Renan Calheiros (who, at the moment, occupied the Presidency function), more precisely, his speech at the Federal Senate after a corruption denunciation by Veja Magazine, in May/2007. This paper aimed to comprehend how the discursive speaker defends himself from that accusation in order to verify the relation that is built among the speaker, his interlocutors and the discursive object. Before such problem questions, the dissertation follows a theoretical and methodological way based on Bakhtin s concepts concerning the discursive ideological relation as the essential element to comprehend the senses of words and the verbal interaction as the essence of the man (the dialogical principal). The study observed the presence of a confrontation between public life and private life which functions as a way to rebuild the discursive object. In the speech of Renan Calheiros, it is not his self-defense which occupies a central role, but values related to privacy and the institution, the Senate. / O presente trabalho tem como objeto de investigação o discurso político do Senador Renan Calheiros (o qual no momento dispunha do cargo de presidência), mais precisamente, seus pronunciamentos no Senado Federal após a denúncia de corrupção da Revista Veja, em maio de 2007. O trabalho buscou compreender como o sujeito discursivo se defende de tal acusação de forma a verificarmos a relação que se constrói entre o sujeito, seus interlocutores e o objeto de seu discurso. Diante de tais questões-problema, o trabalho segue um caminho teórico-metodológico baseado nos pressupostos de Bakhtin quanto à relação discursivo-ideológica na construção dos sentidos e à interação verbal como essência do sujeito: o princípio dialógico. Observou-se a presença de um confronto discursivo-ideológico entre a vida pública e a vida privada que funciona como deslocamento, como reconstrução do objeto discursivo. No centro do discurso de Renan Calheiros não está sua defesa propriamente dita, mas estão os valores relativos à privacidade e à instituição.

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Lançando um olhar sociocognitivista sobre um fenômeno geralmente estudado sob outros pontos de vista (textual e interacional), este estudo descreve as funções sociocognitivas das repetições lexicais e sintáticas em um contexto socialmente situado: o discurso político de Fernando Collor datado das eleições de 1989. Tendo em vista os fatores de ordem pragmática que emergem desse contexto, principalmente o propósito comunicativo, combinamos bases teóricas em Processamento do Discurso e Semântica Cognitiva para construir hipóteses que explicassem a saliência das repetições no discurso político de Collor. A análise qualitativa dos dados aponta para o uso da repetição enquanto estratégia lingüístico-discursiva útil na construção argumentativa e na diminuição do custo de processamento do discurso, alinhando-se, portanto, aos propósitos de convencimento e alcance das massas. / Departing from traditional analyses of repetition (textual and interactional), this study analyzes it within the light of Cognitive Linguistics. Its objective is to describe the sociocognitive functions of lexical and syntactic repetitions in a situated context: The political discourse of Fernando Collor de Melo, during the 1989 election campaign in Brazil. Given the pragmatic factors that emerge in such a context, mainly its communicative purpose, the study combines literature in Discourse Processing and in Cognitive Semantics to construe probable hypotheses that can account for the salience of repetitions in the political discourse under examination. Qualitative analysis renders repetition a linguistic-discursive strategy useful for the construction of arguments and for decreasing the cost of discourse processing. Therefore, a very useful strategy to reach, persuade, and convince the masses.

nÃo hà / A âArgumentaÃÃo no discurso parlamentar de legitimaÃÃo da corrupÃÃo polÃticaâ, tÃtulo desta tese, tem como objetivo investigar o discurso parlamentar de legitimaÃÃo da corrupÃÃo polÃtica, com foco no exame de como se configuram as relaÃÃes entre discurso, ideologia e estratÃgias linguÃstico-discursivas. Observa-se a corrupÃÃo polÃtica pela dimensÃo discursiva, e nÃo somente pelo viÃs das ciÃncias polÃticas, de modo a perceber que hà um discurso produzido para legitimar tal prÃtica, bem como identificar os recursos velados que a naturalizam. Os Estudos CrÃticos do Discurso (ECD) embasam teoricamente a pesquisa, especificamente a abordagem sociocognitiva de van Dijk (2006, 2008), que se configura na sua multidisciplinaridade, a partir das dimensÃes social, cognitiva e discursiva. Por meio da sociocogniÃÃo discursiva à que se torna viÃvel o perscrutar da estratÃgia de legitimaÃÃo da corrupÃÃo polÃtica dentre os textos produzidos na CÃmara Federal de Deputados do Brasil, grupo produtor dos discursos analisados. Ainda no aspecto teÃrico, propÃe-se uma articulaÃÃo entre a Teoria dos Blocos SemÃnticos de Carel e Ducrot (1997, 2001) e a sociocogniÃÃo, para assim fundamentar a metodologia de anÃlise, que investiga o discurso parlamentar de legitimaÃÃo da corrupÃÃo por meio da argumentaÃÃo dos seus sujeitos. O corpus de anÃlise à composto por pronunciamentos de deputados federais, entre os anos 2012 e 2013, sobre o âjulgamento do mensalÃoâ, evento emblemÃtico acerca da corrupÃÃo polÃtica que levou à condenaÃÃo lÃderes do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Entende-se que, como grupo social, a CÃmara de Deputados e o PT, posicionam-se ideologicamente e que tal postura se apresenta no discurso produzido e compartilhado. A legitimaÃÃo discursiva da corrupÃÃo polÃtica produzida por um grupo social configura-se como abuso de poder. A sociocogniÃÃo se coloca no campo dos ECD porque investiga a ideologia de dominaÃÃo a partir da dimensÃo discursiva. A TBS fundamenta as categorias de anÃlise argumentativas necessÃrias ao perscrutar do discurso polÃtico, a partir dos enunciados elencados pelos sujeitos do discurso. Desta forma, entende-se que o desvelar de tais discursos de legitimaÃÃo corrobora contra uma forma mais sutil de opressÃo, a discursivo-ideolÃgica. / The âArgument in parliamentary discourse of legitimation of political corruptionâ, title of this thesis, aims to investigate the parliamentary discourse of legitimation of political corruption, focusing on the examination of how to configure the relationships between discourse, ideology and linguistic-discursive strategies. Perceived that the political corruption by discursive dimension, and not only by political science bias, in order to perceive that there is a discourse produced to legitimize this practice, and to identify the resources veiled that naturalize it. The Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) theoretically underlie the research, specifically the socio-cognitive approach to van Dijk (2006, 2008), which is configured in its multidisciplinary approach, from the dimensions social, cognitive and discursive. Through discursive socio-cognitive is that it becomes feasible to scrutinize the political corruption strategy of legitimation among the texts produced in the Chamber of Deputies of Brazil, producing group discourse analyzed. Although the theoretical aspect, we propose a link between the Theory of Semantic Blocks of Carel and Ducrot (1997, 2001) and sociocogniÃÃo, thus substantiate the analysis methodology, which investigates the parliamentary discourse legitimizing corruption by arguing the their subjects. The corpus of analysis consists of pronouncements of federal deputies, between the years 2012 and 2013, above âjulgamento do mensalÃoâ, flagship event on the political corruption that led the leaders of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) to condemnation. It is understood that, as a social group, the Chamber of Deputies and the PT, position themselves ideologically and that such a stance is presented in the discourse produced and shared. The discursive legitimation of political corruption produced by a social group is characterized as abuse of power. The sociocogniÃÃo arises in the field of CDS because investigates the ideology of domination from the discursive dimension. The TBS based categories of argumentative analysis necessary to scrutinize the political discourse, from the statements listed by the subjects of discourse. Thus, it is understood that the unveiling of such discourses of legitimation corroborates against a more subtle form of oppression, discursive and ideological.