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Att utesluta eller inte utesluta : En komparativ analys av Sverigedemokraternas framgång och Dansk Folkepartis motgång / To exclude or not to exclude : A comparative analysis of Sweden Democrats' success and Danish Peoples Party's adversityWelin, Matti January 2021 (has links)
The purpose of this essay is to analyze why the Sweden Democrats (SD) continued to grow in the 2018 election, while the Danish Peoples Party (DF) lost over half of their support in the election in 2019. By using a structured, focused comparative method, the essay analyses the similar political systems of Denmark and Sweden, focusing on the traditional established parties’ different strategies to gain back the voters lost to populists. The analysis concludes that the success of SD and failure of DF can be contributed to ineffective strategies by Sweden’s traditional parties and a more effective strategy in the Danish case. Sweden’s established parties used isolating strategies by demonizing SD and their voters as extremists, paving way for SD to use populist political communication. In the danish case, most established parties have legitimized DF by co-opting their stances on immigration. The blue block has cooperated with DF in the Danish government. By anchoring the analysis in theories about favorable conditions for populism, the main conclusion is that SD, because of the established parties’ isolating strategies, have been able to use populist political communication to present themselves as a distinct political alternative which mobilizes voters. DF have not had this opportunity, due to the co-optation, cooperation and broad consensus on their main issues
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Voter-Party Alignment : Explaining the rise of Swedish populismMiyatani, Johan January 2020 (has links)
Populism is on the rise, anti-globalism, nationalism, and xenophobia run rampant, andtraditional mainstream parties seem unable to curb the tide. Sweden is no exception, eventhough it in some cases seems like it should be, with the populist party the SwedenDemocrats gaining more support by each passing election. In this thesis, the rise of theSweden Democrats and the slow decline of the mainstream Social Democrats and ModerateParty are explored and explained through the use of the term issue alignment. The thesisexamines if the reason for mass migration from the established mainstream parties is due tothe Sweden Democrats being better aligned with voters’ stance on issues and policy.Furthermore, the thesis investigates if the mainstream parties’ voter loss is due to worseningalignment, but not finding any significant decline over time. Similarly, the thesis investigatesif the improving national vote results of the Sweden Democrats are due to improvingalignment between the party and the voters, again, finding no proof for this theory. TheSweden Democrats’ level of issue alignment with voters has not improved consistently overthe period, and similarly, the mainstream parties’ level of issue alignment has not decreasedconsistently over the period.
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”I’ve never been politically correct – truthfully it takes far too much time and can often make it more difficult to achieve total victory” : En kritisk diskursanalys av Donald Trumps tal under valåret 2016 / ”I’ve never been politically correct – truthfully it takes far too much time and can often make it more difficult to achieve total victory” : A Critical Discourse Analysis of Donald Trump's speeches during United States presidential election of 2016Sonevik, Linnéa, Wahlgren, Agnes January 2017 (has links)
This study, “‘I’ve never been politically correct – truthfully it takes far too much time and can often make it more difficult to achieve total victory’ - a Critical Discourse Analysis of Donald Trump's speeches during United States presidential election of 2016”, examines the political communication through linguistic strategies throughout 10 of Donald Trump’s speeches from the Trump rallies during the election year 2016. In order to serve that purpose, this thesis investigates which ones of the discourses that dominates the republican agenda in this context. Accordingly to the Critical Discourse Analysis the aim is also to see whether the worldview in Trumps speeches is constructed or deconstructed. The study is based on a theoretical framework with theories about social constructionism, nationalism and populism. A quantitative content analysis was made through the online text tool “Textometrica” in order to see Trumps main discourses. The qualitative content analysis was made through Norman Faircloughs three-dimensional model for a Critical Discourse Analysis. According to the analysis of this study, the five main discourses are Establishment, Trump, USA, Immigration and Work. Around these discourses, Donald Trump’s main strategy is constructing an opposition between “us” and “them”, where “us” consist with Trump himself and the american people, and “them” includes the establishment, other countries and immigrants. Based on these opponents, and through disparaging “them” in a strategy, here called “the thief-strategy”, Trump constructs a reality where “us” is the better half and he appears as the hero in this duo. In conclusion, Trumps strategy in order to win the presidential election 2016 included running a political agenda characterized by populism which later on can lead to a polarized community, and a dissatisfied american people who will be open for change and a new leader.
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La réception de l’opinion publique par le système de droit criminelFranco Xavier, José Roberto 16 October 2012 (has links)
Cette thèse traite des possibilités d’intégration de l’opinion publique dans les opérations du système de droit criminel. En s’appuyant sur le cadre de la théorie des systèmes de Niklas Luhmann et sur le concept de rationalité pénale moderne d’Alvaro Pires, cette thèse prétend faire une double contribution. D’un côté, il est question d’avancer des distinctions et des précisions théoriques sur ce qui peut constituer cette opinion publique – et même, de façon plus générale, les stimuli externes apparentés à ce concept (public, mouvements de protestation, victimes) – et d’examiner la façon de concevoir son rapport avec le système de droit criminel. D’un autre côté, il est question d’observer empiriquement les mécanismes que ledit système met en place pour gérer la pression qu’il ressent de son environnement. Qui plus est, en nous servant de ce concept de rationalité pénale moderne, nous essayons de montrer dans cette thèse que des stimuli externes qui prônent un système plus punitif et intolérant ont beaucoup plus de chances d’être entendus que des communications qui sont critiques à l’égard de la punitivité du système. Finalement, nous devons ajouter que ce travail a eu l’ambition de faire une « sociologie du droit avec le droit », c’est-à-dire que la sociologie qui a été mise en place ici a eu l’intention de prendre en considération le point de vue interne du droit. Ses catégories, son raisonnement et ses opérations sont traités à partir d’un cadre théorique de la sociologie, mais toujours en considérant que le système juridique a une logique propre qui est souvent oubliée par la sociologie du droit.
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[en] POPULISM IN BRAZIL FROM 1945 TO 1964: THE INTERPRETATIONS MADE BY THE SCHOOL OF SOCIOLOGY OF THE SÃO PAULO UNIVERSITY, BY THE ISEB, AND BY THE LIBERAL ECONOMIC THOUGHT / [pt] POPULISMO NO BRASIL DE 1945 A 1964: AS INTERPRETAÇÕES DA ESCOLA DE SOCIOLOGIA DA UNIVERSIDADE DE SÃO PAULO, DO ISEB E DO PENSAMENTO ECONÔMICO LIBERALLEO POSTERNAK 01 October 2008 (has links)
[pt] O pensamento social brasileiro procurou, ao longo do século
passado, compreender os processos de mudança no país,
especialmente na relação entre o Estado e a sociedade.
Nesse sentido, o fenômeno do populismo ganhou destaque
por conta de suas implicações no processo eleitoral, na
renovação de lideranças políticas, ou mesmo nas finanças
públicas. Este trabalho procurou discutir as interpretações
sobre as manifestações populistas no período de 1945 a 1964,
oferecidas pela Escola de Sociologia da Universidade de São
Paulo, pelo Instituto Superior de Estudos Brasileiros, e
por representantes do pensamento econômico liberal. Foi
possível verificar que as contribuições estudadas afirmaram
a relevância dos estudos sobre o populismo para a
compreensão da política brasileira no período de 1945 a
1964, como também ajudaram na propagação do
debate sobre o fenômeno do populismo no mundo público.
Entretanto, em razão dos pressupostos teóricos diferentes
que fundamentavam suas análises, não foram capazes de
contribuir para uma definição precisa do fenômeno aqui
estudado. Na Escola de Sociologia da USP destacaram-se o
conceito de estado de compromisso, desenvolvido por
Weffort, e a busca do entendimento da diminuição da
importância da luta de classes no período populista. Por
outro lado, os intelectuais do ISEB, que trabalharam sob
influência do pensamento cepalino, viam o populismo como
uma passagem na evolução da modernização do país, e
davam ênfase à preocupação com o nacional
desenvolvimentismo. Já os pensadores econômicos liberais se
mantinham fiéis ao liberalismo econômico,
marcando suas críticas aos governos que não priorizavam o
equilíbrio fiscal. / [en] The Brazilian social thought sought, throughout the past
century, to understand the processes of change in the
country, especially the relation between the State and the
society. In that sense, the phenomenon of populism gained
prominence, due to its implications in the electoral
process, the renewal of political leadership, and even in
the area of public finance. This work tried to
discuss the interpretations on the populist manifestations
during the period from 1945 to 1964, proposed by the School
of Sociology of the University of São Paulo, by the
Superior Institute of Brazilian Studies, and by
representatives of the liberal economic thought. It was
possible to verify that the studied contributions
pointed out the relevance of populism studies for better
understanding Brazilian politics during the period from
1945 to 1964, as well as helped to spread the
discussion about the phenomenon of populism in the public
sphere. However, as a consequence of the distinct
fundamentals through which different theoreticians
based their analyses, they had not been able to accomplish
to a precise definition of the phenomenon. In the School of
Sociology of the USP relevant concepts were
state of commitment developed by Weffort and the search for
understanding the decrease of the importance of class
struggle during the populist period. On the
other hand, the intellectuals of the ISEB had worked under
guidance of CEPAL`s thought. They saw Populism as a phase
in the evolution of the country, and
emphasized the concern with national development. The
liberal economic thinkers were loyal to economic
liberalism, criticizing governments that did not give
priority to fiscal balance.
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Les populismes en Bulgarie / The bugarian populismMateeva, Maria 17 November 2015 (has links)
Cette thèse analyse les causes de l’apparition, la nature des discours, les modes d’institutionnalisation et les effets sociaux produits par les populismes bulgares pendant une période de plus de vingt ans : de 1992 à 2013. On soutient notamment l’hypothèse que les populismes bulgares catalysent une « révolution rampante » qui remet en cause les hiérarchies sociales et les canaux de représentation politique émanant de la « révolution du palais » de 1989. Elle résulte de la dialectique entre l’institutionnalisation de l’idéologie populiste en tant que grille d’analyse de la réalité et de l’impossibilité de sa réalisation par les partis formés autour des leaders qui la mobilisent. / This thesis analyses the reasons of the appearance, the type of discourse, the modes of institutionalization and the social effects generated by the Bulgarian populisms over a period of more than twenty years: from 1992 to 2013. We argue that Bulgarian populism catalyses a "creeping revolution": it questions the social hierarchies and the channels of political representation that results from the "palace revolution" of 1989; it is a consequence of the dialectic between the institutionalization of the populist ideology as an analytical framework and the impossibility of its implementation by the parties formed around the leaders who mobilize it. / Дисертацията анализира причините за появата, природата на дискурса, типовете институционализация и социалните ефекти, породени от популизмите в България през период от повече от двадесет години: от 1992 г. до 2013 г. Защитава се хипотезата, че популизмите в България катализират “пълзяща революция”. Тя поставя под съмнение социалните йерархии и каналите за политическо представителство, произтичащи от “дворцовия преврат” от 1989 г. Причина за това е диалектиката между институционализацията на популистката идеология като аналитична рамка за разбиране на политическите и икономически процеси и невъзможността за нейната реализация от партиите, формирани около лидерите, които я изповядват.
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A Folha de S. Paulo e o governo Hugo Chávez: (2002-2005)Salgado, Tiago Santos 15 May 2013 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2013-05-15 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The objective of this study is to determine how one of the three largest circulation
national newspapers in Brazil Folha de S. Paulo covered Venezuela and
President Hugo Chávez between the years 2002-2005. During this period
Venezuela went through one of the most troubled times in its recent history with
a coup in 2002, strikes, social demonstrations, recall referendums and the
opposition refusal to participate in the legislative elections in 2005 facts that
justify the attention given to the country by the communications media. In the
development of this dissertation points pertinent to the methodology adopted and
relevant historical aspects recovered from the trajectory of the newspaper Folha
de S. Paulo are clarified within its chapters. A full background on recent
Venezuelan history is seen, from the introduction of liberal democracy in the
country in 1958, based on the role of traditional political parties such as Acción
Democrática and COPEI and the agreement known as the Punto Fijo Pact, that
was responsible for the adoption of neo-liberal policies that led to crises in the
decades of the 1980s and 1990s and which resulted in the election of Hugo
Chávez in 1998. Analysis is also seen of Folha de S. Paulo s editorial coverage in
relation to the Venezuelan government and highlighting of the arguments that led
this paper to consider it undemocratic, besides explaining the paper s
understanding of democracy and how this could be linked to a liberal definition of
the concept, as well as proceeding to an analysis of the Venezuelan opposition
newspaper and the similarities between the coverage of Folha and that of private
Venezuelan communication media against the government established by
Chávez. In this way the analysis recurs to the interwoven critique of Hugo Chávez
and the construction of his images as a populist leader a concept that became
the subject of considerable historical discussion, bearing negative value from the
links of his profile as a politician who deceived and manipulated the populace.
Thus, we have aimed at a critical look at the concepts used by the Folha de S.
Paulo to explain the nature of the Chávez government, beginning with data of the
Venezuelan social reality that could explain the nature of the Chávez government
and how it became possible to identify the ideology propagated by the Brazilian
newspaper recovered from identification of the social function to which it
complies as a vehicle of the major press and media and its influence in shaping
Brazilian public opinion in relation to its neighboring country / O trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar a cobertura realizada pelo jornal brasileiro
Folha de S. Paulo um dos três jornais do país que conta com ampla circulação
nacional no que se refere à Venezuela e ao presidente Hugo Chávez entre os
anos de 2002 e 2005. Durante este período a Venezuela passou por um dos
momentos mais conturbados de sua história recente, com golpe de Estado em
2002, greves, manifestações sociais, referendos revogatórios e a recusa da
oposição em participar das eleições legislativas em 2005, fatos que justificaram a
atenção dada ao país pelos meios de comunicação. Na elaboração desta
dissertação e ao longo de seus capítulos são esclarecidos os pontos pertinentes à
metodologia adotada e resgata-se da historiografia aspectos relevantes da
trajetória do jornal Folha de S. Paulo. A realização de uma retrospectiva sobre a
história recente venezuelana foi observada desde a instauração da liberaldemocracia
no país em 1958, com o protagonismo de seus partidos políticos
tradicionais como Acción Democrática e COPEI e o acordo que ficou
conhecido como Pacto de Punto Fijo, responsável pela adoção de políticas
neoliberais que levaram às crises ocorridas durante as décadas de 1980 e 1990 e
que resultou na eleição de Hugo Chávez em 1998. Também se observa a análise
da cobertura da Folha de S. Paulo em seus editoriais sobre o governo
venezuelano e a destacada argumentação que promoveu este periódico em
considerá-lo antidemocrático, além de explicitar o entendimento do jornal sobre
democracia e como pode ser vinculada à definição liberal do conceito, bem como
se procedeu a análise dos jornais de oposição na Venezuela e as semelhanças
entre a cobertura da Folha e a realizada pelos meios de comunicação privados
venezuelanos, contrários ao governo implantado por Chávez. Desse modo, a
análise recai sobre a crítica tecida a Hugo Chávez e a construção de sua imagem
como um líder populista conceito que se tornou alvo de grande discussão
historiográfica ao carregar em sua definição um valor negativo , além de vincular
seu perfil ao de um político que enganou e manipulou a população. Nesse
sentido, procurou-se fazer a crítica aos conceitos utilizados pela Folha de S.
Paulo, a partir de dados da realidade social venezuelana que explicitaram a
natureza do governo Chávez e que tornaram possível identificar a ideologia
propagada pelo jornal brasileiro, resgatada a partir da identificação da função
social que este cumpre como veículo da grande imprensa e de interferência na
construção da opinião pública brasileira em relação ao país vizinho
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O populismo econômico em questão : a política econômica do Estado Novo (1937-1945)Schmidtke, Claucir Roberto January 2017 (has links)
Getúlio Vargas foi um dos principais governantes brasileiros a ser denominado de populista, inclusive pela literatura acadêmica, embora mais com foco na área política do que por suas ações no campo da economia. A hipótese do trabalho, confirmada pela pesquisa, é que a política econômica praticada pelo Governo Vargas, durante o Estado Novo, não apresentou circunstâncias previstas nos modelos de populismo econômico. Para tanto, a investigação consubstanciou-se na análise de discursos realizados por Getúlio Vargas e pelo seu Ministro da Fazenda, Artur de Souza Costa, e na verificação da caracterização dos resultados de suas medidas na economia, especialmente os relacionados às finanças públicas e à taxa de inflação. Em termos gerais, tanto as possíveis convicções interpretadas nos discursos, quanto a observação do desempenho dos dados quantitativos, alguns influenciados pela conjuntura econômica internacional restritiva, acarretada pela Segunda Guerra Mundial, demonstraram que não há evidências que possibilitem afirmar que, devido aos últimos oito anos de seu primeiro governo, Getúlio Vargas possa ser chamado de populista por conta das peculiaridades de sua política econômica. / Getúlio Vargas was one of the main Brazilian rulers to be called populist, including in academic literature, although with more of a focus on his role in politics than for his actions in the field of economics. The hypothesis of the work, confirmed by the research, is that the economic policy practised by the Vargas Government, during the New State, did not produce the circumstances predicted in the models of economic populism. The investigation was based on the analysis of speeches made by Getúlio Vargas and his Finance Minister, Artur de Souza Costa, and on the verification of the characterisation of the results of his economic measures, especially those related to public finances and rates of inflation and exchange. In general terms, the possible convictions interpreted in the speeches and the observation of the quantitative data performance, some influenced by the restrictive international economic situation caused by the Second World War, showed that there is no evidence making it possible to state that, due to the last eight years of his first government, Getúlio Vargas could be called populist because of the peculiarities of his economic policy.
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The Other Side of the Medal : A Case Study of Right-Wing Populist Party Identity in German Newspaper DiscourseLehfeldt, Fabia Federica January 2018 (has links)
Nowadays, liberal democratic societies comprise the breeding ground for thriving right-wing populist parties. They share the “fundamental core of ethno-nationalist xenophobia, (…) and anti-political establishment populism” (Rydgren, 2004 p.475). Coeval research has acknowledged the threat that is entailed in the bespoken phenomenon; yet, its account is incomplete. This study follows Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, in objecting to the individualist and rationalist tenets that inform previous research, to accentuate a neglected lens on the thrive of right-wing populism in Western liberal democracies. Their discourse theoretical frame was herein used as both theory and method, in a discourse analysis of the Alternative für Deutschland’s (AfD) identity in German online newspaper discourse. The empirical material comprised 97 articles from Germany’s most popular national daily newspapers, which reported on the AfD in parliament, an AfD demonstration in Berlin, and the AfD’s youth organisation’s congress throughout April, May and June 2018. Ultimately, the study arrived at the conclusion that the sampled newspaper discourse identified ‘us’, the ‘benevolent democrats’ via the exclusion, and rejection of ‘them’, the ‘wicked right-wing populists’. Since such relation was markedly antagonistic proper, newspaper discourse may be considered to have contributed to the recent thrive of right-wing populism in Germany.
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La réception de l’opinion publique par le système de droit criminelFranco Xavier, José Roberto 16 October 2012 (has links)
Cette thèse traite des possibilités d’intégration de l’opinion publique dans les opérations du système de droit criminel. En s’appuyant sur le cadre de la théorie des systèmes de Niklas Luhmann et sur le concept de rationalité pénale moderne d’Alvaro Pires, cette thèse prétend faire une double contribution. D’un côté, il est question d’avancer des distinctions et des précisions théoriques sur ce qui peut constituer cette opinion publique – et même, de façon plus générale, les stimuli externes apparentés à ce concept (public, mouvements de protestation, victimes) – et d’examiner la façon de concevoir son rapport avec le système de droit criminel. D’un autre côté, il est question d’observer empiriquement les mécanismes que ledit système met en place pour gérer la pression qu’il ressent de son environnement. Qui plus est, en nous servant de ce concept de rationalité pénale moderne, nous essayons de montrer dans cette thèse que des stimuli externes qui prônent un système plus punitif et intolérant ont beaucoup plus de chances d’être entendus que des communications qui sont critiques à l’égard de la punitivité du système. Finalement, nous devons ajouter que ce travail a eu l’ambition de faire une « sociologie du droit avec le droit », c’est-à-dire que la sociologie qui a été mise en place ici a eu l’intention de prendre en considération le point de vue interne du droit. Ses catégories, son raisonnement et ses opérations sont traités à partir d’un cadre théorique de la sociologie, mais toujours en considérant que le système juridique a une logique propre qui est souvent oubliée par la sociologie du droit.
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