In recent years geopolitical developments which involve powerful states clashing have demonstrated the fragility of small states and their positions within the international system. It is evident that changing hegemony has a greater impact on small states than the most powerful ones. This paper aims to research how one can understand - to a certain extent - the intractable situation between the People's Republic of China and Republic of China Taiwan through a Singaporean narrative. The objective is to further develop critical thinking on the issue by applying and testing neorealism as well as defensive realism as a theoretical approach. Realism is considered as the most sufficient theoretical framework to examine the research topic with. The critical assesment is based on empirical research and relevant circumstances as well as a historical dimensions. By analyzing the case of Singapore as a small state in southeast Asia with core elements within realism such as neorealism and defensive realism, it generates further understanding of the Singaporean standpoint in the China-Taiwan issue. The study found with regards to ethnical history as well as military and economic power that China possess, it is evident that further tension and possible escalation of the conflict would have a major impact on Singapore both economically and politically.

Οι αλγόριθμοι μηχανικής μάθησης είναι επιθυμητό να είναι σε θέση να γενικεύσουν για οποιασδήποτε κλάση με ίδια ακρίβεια. Δηλαδή σε ένα πρόβλημα δύο κλάσεων - θετικών και αρνητικών περιπτώσεων - ο αλγόριθμος να προβλέπει με την ίδια ακρίβεια και τα θετικά και τα αρνητικά παραδείγματα. Αυτό είναι φυσικά η ιδανική κατάσταση. Σε πολλές εφαρμογές οι αλγόριθμοι καλούνται να μάθουν από ένα σύνολο στοιχείων, το οποίο περιέχει πολύ περισσότερα παραδείγματα από τη μια κλάση σε σχέση με την άλλη. Εν γένει, οι επαγωγικοί αλγόριθμοι είναι σχεδιασμένοι να ελαχιστοποιούν τα σφάλματα. Ως συνέπεια οι κλάσεις που περιέχουν λίγες περιπτώσεις μπορούν να αγνοηθούν κατά ένα μεγάλο μέρος επειδή το κόστος λανθασμένης ταξινόμησης της υπερ-αντιπροσωπευόμενης κλάσης ξεπερνά το κόστος λανθασμένης ταξινόμησης της μικρότερη κλάση. Το πρόβλημα των ανομοιογενών συνόλων δεδομένων εμφανίζεται και σε πολλές πραγματικές εφαρμογές όπως στην ιατρική διάγνωση, στη ρομποτική, στις διαδικασίες βιομηχανικής παραγωγής, στην ανίχνευση λαθών δικτύων επικοινωνίας, στην αυτοματοποιημένη δοκιμή του ηλεκτρονικού εξοπλισμού, και σε πολλές άλλες περιοχές. Η παρούσα διπλωματική εργασία με τίτλο ‘Μηχανική Μάθηση με Ανομοιογενή Δεδομένα’ (Machine Learning with Imbalanced Data) αναφέρεται στην επίλυση του προβλήματος αποδοτικής χρήσης αλγορίθμων μηχανικής μάθησης σε ανομοιογενή/ανισοκατανεμημένα δεδομένα. Η διπλωματική περιλαμβάνει μία γενική περιγραφή των βασικών αλγορίθμων μηχανικής μάθησης και των μεθόδων αντιμετώπισης του προβλήματος ανομοιογενών δεδομένων. Παρουσιάζεται πλήθος αλγοριθμικών τεχνικών διαχείρισης ανομοιογενών δεδομένων, όπως οι αλγόριθμοι AdaCost, Cost Senistive Boosting, Metacost και άλλοι. Παρατίθενται οι μετρικές αξιολόγησης των μεθόδων Μηχανικής Μάθησης σε ανομοιογενή δεδομένα, όπως οι καμπύλες διαχείρισης λειτουργικών χαρακτηριστικών (ROC curves), καμπύλες ακρίβειας (PR curves) και καμπύλες κόστους. Στο τελευταίο μέρος της εργασίας προτείνεται ένας υβριδικός αλγόριθμος που συνδυάζει τις τεχνικές OverBagging και Rotation Forest. Συγκρίνεται ο προτεινόμενος αλγόριθμος σε ένα σύνολο ανομοιογενών δεδομένων με άλλους αλγόριθμους και παρουσιάζονται τα αντίστοιχα πειραματικά αποτελέσματα που δείχνουν την καλύτερη απόδοση του προτεινόμενου αλγόριθμου. Τελικά διατυπώνονται τα συμπεράσματα της εργασίας και δίνονται χρήσιμες ερευνητικές κατευθύνσεις. / Machine Learning (ML) algorithms can generalize for every class with the same accuracy. In a problem of two classes, positive (true) and negative (false) cases-the algorithm can predict with the same accuracy the positive and negative examples that is the ideal case. In many applications ML algorithms are used in order to learn from data sets that include more examples from the one class in relationship with another class. In general inductive algorithms are designed in such a way that they can minimize the occurred errors. As a conclusion the classes that contain some cases can be ignored in a large percentage since the cost of the false classification of the super-represented class is greater than the cost of false classification of lower class. The problem of imbalanced data sets is occurred in many ‘real’ applications, such as medical diagnosis, robotics, industrial development processes, communication networks error detection, automated testing of electronic equipment and in other related areas. This dissertation entitled ‘Machine Learning with Imbalanced Data’ is referred to the solution of the problem of efficient use of ML algorithms with imbalanced data sets. The thesis includes a general description of basic ML algorithms and related methods for solving imbalanced data sets. A number of algorithmic techniques for handling imbalanced data sets is presented, such as Adacost, Cost Sensitive Boosting, Metacost and other algorithms. The evaluation metrics of ML methods for imbalanced datasets are presented, including the ROC (Receiver Operating Characteristic) curves, the PR (Precision and Recall) curves and cost curves. A new hybrid ML algorithm combining the OverBagging and Rotation Forest algorithms is introduced and the proposed algorithmic procedure is compared with other related algorithms by using the WEKA operational environment. Experimental results demonstrate the performance superiority of the proposed algorithm. Finally, the conclusions of this research work are presented and several future research directions are given.

In the recent years, the PRC has demonstrated strong economic growth and intensified its diplomatic connections with the globalized world. The Deng reforms of the 1970s were the starting point for this ‘open-up’ approach. The particular relevance for the LAC region became an utmost important part in the development of the PRC in the 21st century. Therefore, natural resources are the driving force of their economic growth and a high supply of agricultural products is essential to feed their growing population. These two economic aspects are in the center of the foreign political and economic interests of the PRC. However, the intentions of nation states are always unclear, which gives room for various theoretical interpretations. The possible threat of the rising PRC is consequently contrasted by the perspective of a ‘peaceful rise of the PRC’. It is inevitable that the LAC region looms large over this debate.  This research will analyze and contribute towards a better understanding of the rise of the PRC. To be able to provide a precise contribution, this research focuses on the case of the China-Chile economic and foreign political relations after the coming into force of the FTA in 2006. Based on a conceptual analysis of the foreign and economic relations of the PRC with Chile, this research will also apply defensive neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism to provide a better understanding of the strategies and motivations of the PRC towards Chile. Even though Chile is an independent country of the LAC region, this research will also partly integrate the research finding into the bigger picture of the relations between the PRC and the LAC region in general.

The aim of this thesis is to describe and analyse the adoption of International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) in the Chinese accounting standards and its possible effects on the accounting quality in financial reports and the economic growth of China. The accounting quality will be examinedthrough five chosen quality aspects: value relevance, faithful representation, comparability, earnings management and transparency. In addition, the view on the level of foreign direct investments will indicate if there has been any effect on economic growth. In order to fulfil thisaim a field study has been conducted, which involves interviews with people within the Chinese accounting industry. The theoretical framework contains an introduction to accounting and its connection to economic growth; background on IFRS and PRC GAAP; an outline of the chosen quality aspects;and finally a commentary on previous research and evidence in IFRS adoption and its effects on accounting quality and foreign direct investments. The empirical findings include the respondents’ view on the adoption of IFRS, accounting quality aspects, FDI and economic growth. The analysis deals with the respondents’ views in the empirical findings, and shows that these views differ on some of the quality aspects such as earnings management and are more consistent when it comes to other aspects such as value relevance. There is belief in the adoption of IFRS and its effects on the accounting quality and economic growth. However, the analysis further demonstrates current obstacles within the new PRC GAAP, such as the use of the fair value, which may problematize the accounting quality. The conclusion demonstrates that the majority of the respondents have experienced an improved overall accounting quality, which they believe has contributed to an enhanced level of foreign direct investment. Moreover, the results reveal a general view among the respondents that the adoption of IFRS also has contributed to the economic growth of China, through the increased level of foreign direct investments.

The main concern of this thesis is the development of political and economic relations between the PRC and the KSA. The relations that officially developed after the establishment of diplomatic relations are the focus of analysis of the thesis. By examining the historical and statistical data, the thesis assesses the factors that have cultivated and maintained the Sino-Saudi political and economic relations, as well as the implications of these bilateral links. In analysing the relations, a theoretical conception of complex interdependence has been used. The thesis first provides background on China’s policy towards the superpowers and the Middle Eastern countries between 1949 and 1989, and looks at how China and Saudi Arabia related to each other over this period. The thesis then argues that over the first decade (1990-2000) of Sino-Saudi diplomatic relations, the two countries began to lay the basis for complex interdependence between them. It highlights a number of characteristics of complex interdependence which came to exist. The thesis then goes on to examine whether, in the second decade (2001-2010) of bilateral relations, an intensification of complex interdependence ensued. The complex interdependence approach links closely with constructivist theory in terms of how this thesis is conceived. The thesis argues that China and Saudi Arabia between 1949 and 1977 shared an understanding that their ideological positions made official links between them impossible. Over the course of the following twelve years, this understanding gradually changed. The change laid the basis for the development of diplomatic relations in 1990. In the years between 1990 and 2010, the policy responses of China and Saudi Arabia to major regional events exhibited a commonality of perception. This underpinned the development of the relationship. To identify clearly the growth of Sino-Saudi relations, the thesis is divided into three time periods: 1949-89; 1990-2000; and 2001-10. The time period 1949-89 has three distinct phases: 1949-65; 1966-77; and 1978-89. The 1949-65 and 1966-97 periods are characterised by the absence of state-to-state relations between the PRC and the KSA. However, unofficial contact between Muslims on mainland China and Saudi officials and leaders was established and largely maintained. State-to-state contact only existed between the KSA and ROC governments, which shared broadly anti-Communist sentiments. During the 1978-89 phase, hope for the establishment of diplomatic relations between the PRC and the KSA was high. Some intergovernmental contact was initiated, direct communications between the leaders of the two countries were enhanced, and a joint endeavour towards the development of diplomatic ties was pursued. The 1988 missile deal smoothly accelerated the process of developing these ties. In the 1990-2000 phase, four decades after the establishment of the PRC, Sino-Saudi diplomatic relations were established. The establishment of these diplomatic relations was daunting for the ROC, which wanted to preserve the diplomatic recognition that the KSA had granted it for the preceding 45 years. The strenuous efforts of the ROC to prevent a dramatic shift of diplomatic recognition to mainland China were in vain. The 1990-2000 phase was marked by significant growth in the newly established Riyadh-Beijing diplomatic relationship. Economic interests were at the heart of the agendas of the leaders and officials of the two countries. They began to enhance co-operation and to sign agreements related to various aspects of their bilateral relations. A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on Oil Co-operation was concluded in 1999. The value of Sino-Saudi total trade rose by 643 percent between 1990 and 2000 and the volume of Saudi oil exports to China increased by 6,721 percent between 1991 and 2000. After nearly ten years official diplomatic relations were established, President Jiang Zemin viewed the development of bilateral relations as impressive, while Crown Prince Abdullah seemed to suggest that there was now “an intimate relationship” between the two countries, saying that he considered the PRC to be the KSA’s closest friend. The period 2001-10 is also sub-divided into two phases: 2001-05 and 2006-10. This period exhibits the three characteristics of complex interdependence that Keohane and Nye (2000) put forward in their scholarly work: multiple channels, the minimal role of military force, and the absence of a hierarchy of issues. Security issues were largely excluded from Sino-Saudi bilateral relations, while economic interests dominated the agendas of the two countries. In the first phase (2001-05), high-level officials continued to play a leading role in bilateral economic relations. They consistently called for the participation of the private sector in expanding Riyadh-Beijing economic ties. The value of Sino-Saudi total trade continued to climb, reaching USD16.1bn in 2005, and the PRC’s oil imports from the KSA reached 22.2 million tonnes in the same year. Some joint investment projects that involved the participation of Chinese and Saudi companies in the hydrocarbons sector were successful. With regard to the construction industry, Chinese companies won four construction projects from the Saudi Arabian cement industry. The second phase (2006-10) was marked by substantial advancement in Sino-Saudi relations. Following the exchange visits of the state leaders in 2006, bilateral contacts expanded rapidly. The visits led to the formulation of more strategies, with the intention of cementing the relationship, increasing contact and concluding more agreements. The Chinese leaders called for “strategic co-operation”, “a friendly and co-operative strategic partnership”, and “strategic friendly relations”, specifically referring to economic co-operation. This second phase saw Sino-Saudi total trade increase to USD 33bn in 2009, and the volume of PRC oil imports from the KSA reached a peak of 41.8million barrels in the same year. With regard to the hydrocarbons joint ventures, in which investments were jointly made by Saudi ARAMCO and Sinopec, the projects in Quanzhou and Rub’ Al-Khali were good examples of the strong co-operation between PRC and KSA companies. The Quanzhou plant launched operation in 2009, and the gas-exploration project in Rub’Al-Khali engaged in drilling for another three years (its operation began in 2004). The achievement of SINOPEC SABIC Tianjin Petrochemical Co., Ltd, as part of the Tianjin petrochemical project, is another example of such co-operation. In non-hydrocarbons joint ventures, mutual investment increased exponentially, particularly in the mining sector.

L’objet de ce travail est une réinterprétation de l’histoire des premiers contacts entre le nouveau gouvernement communiste chinois, le gouvernement tibétain et la population tibétaine, ainsi que de l’introduction progressive de l’idéologie léniniste sur le plateau tibétain, en exploitant pour cela des sources principalement officielles, parfois officieuses, publiées en RPC, et pour l’essentiel non encore utilisées à ce jour. Cette étude montre qu’il est souvent impossible de séparer tant la politique du nouveau gouvernement chinois dans le Tibet du Dalaï-lama et dans les autres régions de culture tibétaine, qu’également la réaction des populations locales dans les différents terrains du monde tibétain. Seront entre autre étudiés les motivations derrière la volonté des responsables de la RPC d’occuper le plus rapidement possible le Tibet, les innombrables difficultés liées à cette tentative, le fait qu’il sera matériellement impossible à l’APL, à la veille de la bataille de Chamdo, en octobre 1950, d’avancer plus avant en territoire tibétain, et comment Mao Zedong va réussir à transformer une déconvenue militaire en une victoire politique. Sera également analysé la politique en 1949-1951 du PCC dans les autres régions tibétaines, en quoi cette politique a pu être différente d’une région à l’autre, mais en quoi il pourrait quand même y avoir, dans cette diversité, une vision globale idéologique. Comment la victoire (incomplète) de l’APL à Chamdo aura été obtenue in extremis, l’état major de la 18e armée, comme les dirigeants de la RPC, ayant des doutes réels sur cette victoire jusqu’à la fin. Comment les responsables de la RPC, bien qu’à l’origine en position de faiblesse, vont réussir non seulement à empêcher le Dalaï-lama de partir à l’étranger, mais même à obtenir qu’une délégation soit envoyée à Pékin pour « négocier ». L’utilisation de documents chinois inédits va permettre également d’apporter des éléments nouveaux sur le déroulement des « négociations » aboutissant à l’ « Accord en 17 points ». Le dernier acte, se traduira par l’arrivée, extrêmement difficile, des premiers détachements des forces de l’APL à Lhassa et comment la capitulation du gouvernement tibétain a pu être obtenue. / The object of this study is a reinterpretation of the history of the first contacts between the new Chinese Communist government, the Tibetan government and the Tibetan population, as well as the gradual introduction of Leninist ideology on the Tibetan plateau, using for that official or sometimes semi-official sources published in the PRC, most of them not used until now. This study shows that it is often impossible to separate the politics of the new Chinese government in Tibet of the Dalai Lama and the politics of the Chinese government in other regions of Tibetan culture, as well as the reaction of local populations in the different areas of the Tibetan world. This study for example analyses the motivations behind the willingness of the leaders of the PRC to occupy Tibet as quickly as possible, the countless difficulties associated with this attempt, the fact that it will be physically impossible for the PLA, on the eve of the Battle of Chamdo in October 1950, to advance further into Tibetan territory, and how Mao will succeed in transforming a military failure into a political victory. It will also analyze the policy of the CCP in 1949-1951 in the other Tibetan regions, how this policy may have been different from one region to another, but how could there be in this diversity a global ideological vision. How the (incomplete) victory of the PLA in Chamdo was obtained in extremis, the staff of the 18th Army, like the leaders of the PRC, having real doubts about this victory until the end. How the leaders of the PRC, although originally in a weak position, will succeed not only in preventing the Dalai Lama from going abroad, but even obtain that a delegation will be sent to Beijing to " to negotiate ". The use of unpublished Chinese documents will also bring new elements on course of the "negotiations" leading to the "17-point Agreement". The final act will result in the extremely difficult arrival of the first detachments of PLA forces in Lhasa and how the capitulation of the Tibetan government will be obtained.

本論文旨在探討中共對台談判策略運用之本質。中共對台談判策略的產出過程可分為三個階段。先有談判綱領、繼而產生談判原則、再從談判原則發展出談判策略。金門協議是繼兩航談判之後，兩岸第一次非民間的接觸。在金門協議談判過程之中可看出中共對台談判原則有以下幾個：維繫住兩岸談判的主導權，積極促成兩岸三通交流、要求我方接受一國兩制。在談判原則之下發展出的談判策略有：營造氣氛、從大至小、以退為進、得寸進尺、利用矛盾、統一指揮、配合時局等策略。從金門協議談判過程之中可以了解到中共談判策略的轉變，以及現階段中共對台談判的原則。在未來與中共進行的談判之中，中共對台談判的原則與策略是必須仔細且深入加以研究的課目。

過去有關南海問題的研究，多是從法律的角度探討南海主權的紛爭，可是若能配合國家間的互動關係、權力政治、國家利益、衝突等面向，似乎更能有效觀察到整個事件的。因此本論文從這個角度切入來探討南海問題的癥結以及中共南海政策的演變，並從外交與軍事手段的運用分析中共對南海的經營以及對主權的維護。有關南海主權問題的糾紛，不但涉及南海諸島主權歸屬問題，同時也涵蓋了整個海域礦產資源（如石油、天然氣）的開發與漁業資源分配的糾紛。同時南海居太平洋與印度洋的交通要衝，也是亞洲各國經濟發展的生命線。因此，爭端的多邊性，使得南海的局勢更加複雜化。本論文歸納了自中共建政以來同鄰國發生領土主權及國家利益的紛爭，即一九五○年的「抗美援朝」戰爭、一九六二年「中印邊界」戰爭、一九六九年中蘇共「珍寶島衝突」及一九七九年中共「懲越戰爭」。從中共當時的國際環境、國內環境、與對手國的關係演變、決策中心內部的意見為決策產出的依據，並分析其處理過程中外交與軍事手段運用的特質。在探討中共南海政策中外交與軍事手段運用的特質中，筆者從中共海權發展的角度切入，從一九四九年至今，分析中共海軍及其戰略演變以及對於內、外環境的認知和對海洋法態度的轉變，依此決定在同南海週邊國家進行捍衛主權「鬥爭」時所採取的手段。同時對中共爭奪南海加以評估，以作為我國南海政策的參考。

本論文共分六章，其主要內容如下： 1.緒論；說明本論文之動機、目的、範圍、方法及限制。 2.商務仲裁之基本觀念；說明商務仲裁之意義、優點，及為解決兩岸商務糾紛之最適途徑。 3.大陸涉外商務仲裁之體制；從中共成立政權開始其涉外仲裁制度之歷史沿革，看出一九七八年中共實施經改至今之努力，並就一九八八年新《仲裁規則》之特點作分析，瞧出所以成為世界第二大仲裁中心之端倪。 4.大陸涉外商務仲裁程序與台商應注意事項；從當事人提出仲裁聲請，經仲裁庭組成與開庭，至仲裁判斷之承認與執行，引用兩岸及國際上之仲裁法規，提出台商所應認知與注意之地方，並在我國仲裁法較不實用之地方提出建議，以符合國際潮流。 5.兩岸商務仲裁之合作與展望；先就兩岸目前處理商務糾紛情形作比較，之後從互納仲裁人、聯合仲裁、共同仲裁等仲裁合作模式中，藉以經濟效率角度，提出適合台商之有效合作方式。 6.結論；為本論文之研究總結。

二次世界大戰結束後，以美國為首的民主國家採取長期的對蘇聯的社會主義國家圍堵不接觸的「冷戰」作為，此種兩極體系發展產生一種軍備競賽方式取代戰爭模式，1991年蘇聯共產體制瓦解，原已經於一九八九年宣告結束的東西「冷戰」正式結束，冷戰結束後，世界軍事格局脫離了兩極對峙，1978年鄧小平掌權後，判斷世界新形勢，修正社會主義路線，經濟上遂行改革開放政策，帶動了中共國力崛起。 崛起的中共在軍事上不斷現代化，威脅著南海爭議相關國家，同時也代表美國在亞洲的利益受到挑戰，中共近期將南海島礁主權列為國家重大利益，軍力部署轉向海洋及東南方，也使中國威脅論升高，導致東協部份國家紛紛加強軍備，增加亞太地區的不穩定性，促使東協國家引進美國力量介入。 美國持續在東亞地區透過雙邊同盟或軍事關係，維持美國的國家利益，美國第44任總統歐巴馬也以重返亞洲為國務外交重大政策，因此美國與中共兩國在亞洲地區的合作或競爭作為，未來將左右南海爭議走向，這也是南海問題複雜的原因。 南海領土主權爭議是二戰結束後，亞洲國家戰後紛紛掙脫殖民國控制，先後完成各種制度的國家獨立開始，另外1952年國際海洋法公佈領海及鄰接區公約，也喚起世界各海洋國家的重視，然而國際法著重現實主義立場，使得南海周邊各國莫不以島礁「先佔」（Occupation）的行為爭取國家利益。 本文以南海地區的情勢發展為基礎，探究中共與美國對南海的國家戰略，首先從國際海洋法論南海主權問題，接續再由政治外交、經濟貿易、軍事等戰略面向分析，最後比較兩個大國的戰略互動行為，以求更進一步認識南海問題。 / Since the end of WWII, the democratic countries which led by U.S. have been adopting a policy with isolating and encircling measures to against former USSR and its follower communist countries for more than 3 decades which known “Cold War”, instead of traditional warfare, the pattern of these two poles of the political bodies gradually developed another situation of armament competition, in 1991, the communist body of the Soviet has collapsed, it was also a formal declaration of the end of West-East confrontation which we called Cold War. Ever since the Cold War, the pattern of the military strategy has been changed, in 1978, under Deng, Xiao-Ping’ ruling, he re-aligned its original socialist route by judging reality of world environment and adopted open policies on the aspect of economy, this movement has caused China’s power rising. China’s rising continuously keeping PLA modernized militarily, that also caused significant threats to countries who involve the dispute of South China Sea issues, mean while, it represent that the U.S. interests in Asia have been challenged as well, China has claimed the sovereignty of isled of South China Sea as critical interests of PRC recently, the deployment of forces has been moved to south east of China and its coastal areas, this move has elevated the possibility which known as “theory of China’s threat” and relatively increased Pac-Asia regions unstable and caused armaments enforcement themselves, it also welcome US power involve by ASEAN. The US continuously intent to maintain it’ interests in South Asia through bi-lateral allies and military relations cooperation, the President Obama has announced that return to South Asia will be a significant policy for US, thus the competition between US and China in the area will affects the dispute among the countries and makes it more complex. The dispute of South China Sea sovereignty had started after WWII and countries which out of colonial controlled and had all their policies established, on the other hand, in 1952, the United Nations Convention on the Law of Sea (UNCLOS) issued has reminds and abstracts oceanic countries attention, however, international laws tend to reality, so that there is no country around the South China Sea without struggling for its own interests which by measure of pre-occupying isled on that. The context is base on the development of South China Sea as fundamentals so as to explore the strategies both US and PRC whom involved South China Sea disputes, first will start to discuss the problems of sovereignty base on international ocean laws, and then to discuss on analysis of various aspects such as political diplomacy, economic trade and military and will be wrapped up by the comparison of US-PRC on strategic interaction so as to make readers gain more understanding on the issues of South China Sea.