FERNANDES, C. G. Transformações pessoais na União do Vegetal. 2011. 442 f. Tese para o exame de Defesa (Doutorado) Faculdade de Filosofia, Ciências e Letras de Ribeirão Preto, Universidade de São Paulo, Ribeirão Preto, 2011. Esta é uma pesquisa a respeito de transformações pessoais na instituição religiosa ayahuasqueira CEBUDV através da perspectiva da Psicologia Cultural. Este estudo teve por objetivos: realizar uma descrição etnográfica da UDV e verificar os sentidos das transformações nos ensinos da UDV. Pesquisas anteriores a esta, embora mencionem a respeito destas transformações, não têm o foco na compreensão das mesmas, como é proposto aqui; pois, a única autora com este foco, utilizou-se basicamente de entrevistas, enquanto que meu trabalho foi através do método etnográfico. Nesta pesquisa, utilizou-se, ainda, de entrevistas no intuito de entender os sentidos das transformações nos ensinos da UDV. Assim, realizou-se uma etnografia a respeito do Pré-Núcleo Menino Deus (e das atividades e artefatos realizados e/ou utilizados pelos seus frequentadores), situado na cidade de Manaus, na 2ª Região da UDV. Resultados: a) Tipicamente o processo de transformação envolve exame, responsabilidade e transformação de características negativas em positivas, como admiração, valorização e respeito pelo outro e a construção de relações de confiança. b) Este processo de transformação é, também, o próprio desenvolvimento humano, na direção de um ser solidário e bem integrado social e psiquicamente bem como com o ambiente, mas com uma meta transcendente: a união com Deus. c) Este processo é sempre relacional, entre um antes e um depois, mas uma evolução gradativa, segura, que muitas vezes requer (muito) tempo e compreensão: uma vida pode não ser o bastante, daí a concepção da reencarnação; a evolução é concebida em termos de plantio e colheita, uma metáfora ligada à agricultura, ao cultivo de qualidades como se fossem plantas, mostrando um vínculo com a Natureza. d) O dispositivo religioso proporciona mediações para facilitar, dar segurança e acelerar a transformação, quais sejam, a comunhão com a Força e a Luz, o conselho, ensinos e orientações e os exemplos de pessoas que caminham na frente (mestres e conselheiros), e a oportunidade do exercício social de boas ações com a comunidade. Proporciona igualmente oportunidades de correção/retificação do rumo, quando necessário (feedback, justiça como correção). e) O critério para transformações reais não é individualista. A mudança deve traduzir-se em saúde, bem-estar, boa convivência familiar e social, atitudes interpessoais de abertura ao outro e pacíficas. A ação (a prática) é mais importante do que falar, e a percepção das transformações se dá pela constatação do efeito interpessoal destas mudanças na interação com os outros. Assim, idealmente o discípulo da UDV mostra fidelidade e constância nos deveres e responsabilidades, apresenta-se como gente cumpridora da palavra e de trato fino com os interlocutores, acima de tudo promovendo a harmonia e a união e evitando a oposição, o conflito, a desordem pessoal e grupal. Busca ser mais lúcido (luz), paciente (paz) e dedicado ao outro (amor). / FERNANDES, C. G. Personal transformations in União do Vegetal. 2011. 442 f. Thesis for defense exam (Doctorate level) Faculty of Philosophy. Sciences and Letters of Ribeirão Preto, University of São Paulo, Ribeirão Preto, 2011. This is a research on the personal transformations in the religious institution of ayahuasca users CEBUDV, through the perspective of Cultural Psychology. The study aimed to build an ethnographic description of UDV and investigate the meanings of such transformations in CEBUDVs teachings, as well. Although prior research referred to such transformations, no efforts were made in order to comprehend them, as herein proposed; because the only researcher with this focus has used basically interviews, while my work was through the ethnographic method. In this research, interviews were used, in addition, in the intention of understanding the senses of the transformations in the teachings of UDV. This way, an ethnography has taken place regarding the Pré-Núcleo Menino Deus (and of the activities and artifacts carried out by the visitors, and/or used by them), located in the city of Manaus, in the 2nd Region of UDV. The results obtained were as follows: a) Typically, the transformation process involves exam, responsibility and transformation of negative characteristics into positive ones, such as admiral, valorization and respect for the other and the construction of confidence relations. b) Such transformation process is, also, human development itself, toward a solidaristic, well integrated human being (in social, psychic and environmental terms), although with a transcendent aim, that is, union with God. c) Such process is always relational, between a before and later stages, comprising a gradational and secure evolution though. In many occasions, this evolution requires (a lot of) time and comprehension: life may not be enough, leading to a conception of reincarnation. Also, evolution is understood as in terms of sowing and harvest, a metaphor taken from agriculture, conceiving the cultivation of qualities as if they were plants, illustrating a bond with Nature. d) The religious device allows for mediations in order to facilitate, offer safety and accelerate transformation, which are, communion with Force and Light, advice, teachings and orientations, examples from people who are walking ahead (such as masters and counselors), as well as the opportunity to socially exercise good deeds for the community. Also, such device provides opportunities for correcting ones path (feedback, justice as correction). e) Criteria for real transformation are not individualistic. Change should mean and lead to health, well-being, good familiar and social companionship, and pacific interpersonal attitudes of openness to the other. Action (practice) is more important than speaking; in this sense, perception of transformations takes place by noticing the interpersonal effect of such changes in the interaction with the others. Therefore, idealistically, a CEBUDV member shows fidelity and constancy on his or her duties and responsibilities, as well as ability to keep his or her word and treat interlocutors well, promoting, above all, harmony and union, as well as avoiding opposition, conflict or both personal and group disorder. Also, he or she looks forward to be more lucid (light), patient (peace) and dedicated (love) to the other.

O presente estudo tem por objetivo investigar as modalidades de enfrentamento religioso em homens portadores de HIV/AIDS pertencentes às religiões católica e evangélica pentecostal/neopentecostal. Após seleção de 50 católicos e 30 evangélicos, usuários de um serviço de atendimento a pacientes soropositivos em São Paulo, aplicou-se uma escala de coping religioso/espiritual e um formulário sobre religiosidade e história clínica da doença. As principais estratégias de coping apresentadas pelos sujeitos foram analisadas e comparadas entre os grupos católico e evangélico, através de mensuração estatística e da literatura sobre coping religioso. Estudos sobre as características psicossociais da população católica e evangélica no Brasil também foram utilizadas nas discussões sobre estilos preponderantes de coping em cada grupo. Tanto entre católicos quanto evangélicos houve maior uso de estratégias de enfrentamento que envolviam posicionamento positivo frente a Deus e menor uso de estratégias de reavaliação negativa de Deus. Os resultados mostraram uso maior por parte dos evangélicos de estilos que envolvem fatores positivos de transformação de si, ações em busca do outro institucional, busca pessoal de conhecimento espiritual, além de fatores negativos tais como posicionamento negativo frente a Deus e reavaliação negativa do significado. As considerações finais levantam tópicos sobre enfrentamento religioso na realidade brasileira e sua importância enquanto recurso multidimensional na vida do portador de HIV. / The present study has the purpose to investigate the ways of religious coping among HIV/AIDS male patients affiliated to Catholic and Pentecostal/Neo-Pentecostal religion. After a selection of 50 Catholics and 30 Protestants Pentecostals, users from a HIV+ health service in São Paulo, Brazil, a religious/spiritual coping scale was applied and other data about religiosity and diseases clinical history were collected. The main coping strategies revealed by the subjects was analyzed and compared between the Catholic and Pentecostal groups through statistical measures and the religious coping literature reviewed. Studies on the psychosocial aspects of the Catholic and Pentecostal population in Brazil also were used in the discussions about the main coping styles in each group. Catholics and Pentecostals employed more strategies involved in a positive posture toward God and less use of negative reappraisal of God strategies. The Pentecostals employed more positive styles related to achievement of life transformation, search for religious institutions, search for spiritual knowledge, moreover negative factors such as negative posture toward God and negative reappraisal of meaning. The final conclusions raise issues about religious coping in the Brazilian culture and its importance whilst multidimensional resource in the HIV patients life.

Religious conversion is an interesting phenomenon that crosses religious beliefs. This phenomenon intersects with many various disciplines, from medicine through the scientific disciplines such as anthropology, sociology, religious studies, psychology and theology. Religious conversion may on the one hand be a demonstration of deep spiritual experience and on the other, the result of strong pressure from others. We can get closer to the truth only through the authentic testimonies of the converts. This is why I have chosen the theme of the religious conversion in the context of "pure experience". We can see differences among conversions to various religions. But it is necessary to say, that I am interested in conversion to Christianity. But the Christianity of two thousand years ago is not the Christianity of today. The Apostle Paul joined a marginal movement at a time when such acceptance was punishable by death. Today, however, converts have joined millions of faithful around the whole world. And this is why religious conversion to Christianity is a lively phenomenon. In my thesis I would like to clarify the question: "What is religious conversion?" Is it a manifestation of the power of God, or is it a clearly human decision? Has the conversion some connection with the social environment, or is...

Doctor of Philosophy / This study considers the adequacy of explanatory accounts of recruitment to New Religious Movements [NRMs], defined by their doctrinal innovation or importation from another culture, and formed around a charismatic leader. It considers the coercive persuasion paradigm [brainwashing] which assumes no predisposing features of those who become involved in NRMs and a sociological account by Snow Zurcher and Ekland-Olsen (1980) which seeks to redress overly exclusive attention to psychological variables by emphasising the importance of structural variables such as the existence of 'discretionary time' and having a friend involved in the NRM. It is suggested that a psychological focus in explaining movement involvement need not entail a de-emphasis of the relevance of current life circumstances, such as social bonds, and life stress, nor a failure to acknowledge the importance of the group's ideology in lending definition to a person’s felt difficulties. A new model of personal change is proposed, termed the Rites de Passage model, which entails the disruption, transition and reincorporation of a socially sustained sense of identity and suggests conversion can be viewed as an example of re-socialisation. The historical lineage of the model is traced from Van Gennep's (1908) anthropological work to studies of brainwashing in the work of Schein (1957) and Lifton (1961). Since the emphasis is on the profile of a seeker, specific focus is placed on the early phases of this process where disruption occurs in existing coping techniques and social supports as a result of disruptive life events, and consideration is given to other relevant precursors of movement involvement. Lofland and Stark's (1965) model forms the conceptual framework from which literature regarding differences in life stress, social bonds, prior behavioural involvement in NRMs, and prior cognitive spiritual orientation can be addressed. The work of Galanter (1980, 1989), Barker (1981, 1984), Heirich (1977) and Snow and Phillips (1980) provides substantial evidence for the existence of pre-existing differences between affiliates (who make contact with such movements) and nonaffiliates (who do not). In this thesis two facets of differential involvement are addressed: i) why does one individual rather than another become involved ii) with a given genre of movement rather than another? The Rites de Passage model proposed here, which is a modified version of Lofland and Stark's (1965) account of cult conversion, is tested placing NRMs in a comparative context with a secular self-help agency: a therapy group. People with disrupted social identities might seek movement involvement, but what distinguishes whether they seek out a secular or spiritual movement, and if spiritual – what determines the appeal of eastern or western spiritual groups? To explore these questions, four groups of affiliates to three different eastern NRMs are compared to a therapy group, (Richardson and Kilbourne, 1984), two control groups (a student sample, and a sample from the general population) and a western NRM. There are 160 subjects overall, who completed a battery of questionnaires at point of first contact with the movement, to distinguish the precursors for movement involvement from the sequelae. Exceptions to this prospective data collection were the western NRM and the inclusion of a graduate rebirthing group. The latter was deliberately included to facilitate pre-involvement and post-involvement comparisons. The former's adept status was due to the leader's reluctance to burden new members with a three hour test battery. Measures were taken regarding life events and their psychological impact using Henderson, Byrne and Ducan-Jones (1981) recent life events inventory and impact scales using a twelve month time frame. A modified version of the Interview Schedule for Social Interaction (by Henderson et al, 1981) was used to assess the availability and adequacy of acquaintance-level and intimate bonds in the recent past. Mental health was assessed using Galanter's (1980) General Wellbeing Scale and Tellegen's Multidimensional Personality Questionnaire (1982). Recollections of early family relations were assessed using Likert scales derived from the detailed comparative study by Ullman (1982) which suppported the psychoanalytic hypothesis regarding troubled early parental relations, suggesting that current life difficulties re-evoked early life problems. Since disruption is seen as a necessary but not sufficient condition for movement involvement (Greil, 1977) the therapy and eastern groups were not expected to differ from each on the disruption and loneliness measures, and they did not differ. They were expected to have experienced more disruption in greater isolation than the control groups and those already belonging to a spiritual group – namely the western NRM. The therapy and eastern NRM groups did differ from the others in these respects. The value-added form of the model merely specifies that a substrate of stress and disruption suffered in relative isolation and loneliness will increase the probability that some for of social agency will be sought. Disruption experienced in relative loneliness is the first component of differential recruitment to movement involvement, or ‘differential openness’ as it is termed here. So the brainwashing model does not hold as there are differences between those drawn to movements compared to control groups. Do personality differences contribute to which movement genre appeals? A strikingly different personality profile emerged of those drawn to eastern NRMs. Differences were predicted and found between the eastern groups on the one hand and therapy group, control groups and western group on the other, when personality variables were considered. Relevant features of the profile included: a lack of traditionalism, a challenging attitude to conventional authority (assessed by Ray's (1971) balanced F scale) and absorption - a tendency to experience perceptual phenomena indicative of an absorptive or mystical tendency (Tellegen's MPQ was used to assess this personality feature). The eastern groups have a personality profile of being: unconventional, somewhat impulsive and highly absorptive in perceptual style. This profile distinguished them from all other groups. When the additional feature of the model was considered the profile of a potential seeker was more strongly delineated: the consonance between an individual’s intensity and orientation of spiritual beliefs and the orientation of movement ideology was highly influential. This was assessed by a spiritual orientation scale [the SOS] developed by the author across three pilot studies using Coombs Unfolding Technique (Coombs, 1964) to produce a metric ordinal scale which assesses general spiritual beliefs (which underlie any spiritual worldview), eastern and western spiritual beliefs. A major finding of the study was that a markedly distinctive feature of those drawn to NRMs is a spiritual orientation consonant with that of the movement approached. The SOS revealed a strongly demarcated pre-existing eastern spiritual orientation in those drawn to make contact with Eastern NRMs, which set them apart significantly from all other groups. The Western NRM, (already members of their group) had a western spiritual orientation, to the exclusion of an eastern orientation, while the eastern groups were more eclectic. Both eastern and western NRMs were spiritually more intense on the general spiritual items of the SOS, suggesting these items are central to any spiritual worldview. All of the major predictions of the Rites de Passage model were supported. The model provides a welcome link between a sociological and psychological focus on movement involvement. The systematic differences between affiliates and non-affiliates of NRMs at point of first contact, suggest (contra contemporary brainwashing models, though not the sophisticated models of Schein and Lifton) that recruitment is unlikely to be completely due to NRM design: the results suggest participants are likely to be interested and consenting. In summary, it is shown that those drawn to New Religious Movements of an eastern kind are indeed non-traditional, have a high incidence of recent life events and suffer a sense of community isolation, and loneliness which are considered as factors which might lead a person to modify an unfulfilling lifestyle. A portrait of a seeker is lightly (sketched against a background of this dissatisfaction) which includes personality variables like an impulsive, present-oriented pleasure/pain regulatory style, being high on absorption -a mystical perceptual style, and having both an intensity and a congruence of spiritual orientation with that of the ideology of the movement approached. These are considered potential influences on the genre of movement contacted, and are suggested as explanatory of the second facet of differential openness to movement involvement. Disruption sets a person seeking; personality shapes to which appeals s/he is open. The relative privilege of the Western NRM in terms of reduced stress, availability of community and intimate social support suggests that involvement does provide a relief effect, though caution must be exercised in interpreting this difference as these groups differ in membership status and spiritual orientation. The distress and neediness of those contacting movements for the first time is apparent, which suggests that movement contact might be a response to felt dissatisfaction interpreted within a spiritual worldview. An eastern spiritual worldview is a highly significant distinguishing feature of affiliates, and is the final phase of the Rites de Passage Model. Speculative theoretical consideration is offered of the data's implications for a psychoanalytic consideration of movement involvement, in the light of Cushman (1986), Deutsch (1983), Halperin (1983) Doi (1971) and Kohut's (1977). Theory and research is adumbrated concerning differential openness to charismatic appeal.

<p>Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att försöka förstå vad ungdomar och i synnerhet dagens elever har för tankar kring kristendomen och vad som anses vara relevant i religionsundervisning för eleven.</p><p> </p><p>Uppsatsen är uppdelad i två delar. För det första har jag med elevernas bilder och bilder från läromedel och jag ska göra en jämförelse för att se om det finns någon skillnad. För det andra finns en del angående urval av material som både elever och lärare kan använda sig av.</p><p> </p><p>I första delen ska jag se vilka urval som läraren har när de väljer undervisningsmaterial och jämföra med vad eleverna, den andra delen, vill ha för sorts material i kristendomsundervisningen.</p><p> </p><p><strong> </strong>Mina frågeställningar i del ett är:</p><p> </p><p>Vad har elever, på min partnerskola, för syn på religionen kristendomen?</p><p> </p><p>Hur skiljer sig elevernas bilder i jämförelse med läroböckernas bilder?</p><p> </p><p>Mina frågeställningar i del två är:</p><p> </p><p>Vilken sorts material kan man använda sig av i kristendomsundervisningen för att göra ämnet mer intressant?</p><p> </p><p>Vad vill eleverna använda för undervisningsmaterial och hur kan de vara med och påverka?</p><p> </p>

<p>Jag vill med min uppsats göra en deskriptiv undersökning av rosenmetoden. I den första delen av uppsatsen beskriver jag metoden i sig. Jag går själv i utbildning i rosenmetoden så den kunskap jag får del av i utbildningen beskriver jag som deltagande observation. Sedan i del två så gör jag en jämförelse mellan rosenmetoden och jungianska teorier och ser på likheter och skillnader.</p>

<p>Att ingå äktenskap är något naturligt för oss människor, men äktenskap kan se olika ut beroende på varifrån man kommer och vilken religion man tillhör. Kristendomen och Islam skiljer sig åt i regler och mening med äktenskapet. Vad händer när personer från skilda bakgrunder gifter sig med varandra? Syftet med min studie är att undersöka hur blandäktenskap fungerar mellan kristna och muslimer, vad litteraturen säger och hur det ser ut i praktiken. Metoden som använts för att få svar är kvalitativa intervjuer med sju personer samt en litteraturstudie för att redovisa tidigare forskning.</p><p>Trots en begränsning av resurser för att göra en sådan studie har jag insett att litteraturen och praktiken inte överensstämmer. Samhället handlar mycket om fördomar och alla har vi en uppfattning, djupt präglad av vår uppväxt, föräldrar och omgivning, av hur en ”normal” familj ska se ut. Ibland blir det inte som vi har tänkt oss och vi människor kanske måste lära oss att vara mera öppna för det som än idag är ovanligt för oss.</p>

<p>Min avsikt var att undersöka om det gick att tolka Oden och några av berättelserna kring honom som en bild av individuationsprocessen. Min slutsats är att det låter sig göras. Berättelserna kring Oden innehåller element som mycket väl går att koppla till jungianska begrepp.</p><p>· Han möter och konfronterar sin skugga. Detta sker både i fallet med Vaftrudner och med Loke. Han ser dem i ögonen, och i fallet med Loke går han så långt att han ingår fosterbrödralag med denne.</p><p>· Han genomgår kris och lidande för att kunna gå vidare och växa i vishet. Både när han offrar sitt ena öga i Mimers brunn och när han hänger sig i Världsträdet.</p><p>· Han möter sin Anima i form av Gunlöd. Hon låter honom ta del av skaldemjödet, vilket frigör inre kreativa förmågor. Detta sker genom att det vanliga förnuftet sätts ur spel. Animamotivet antyds också i Vaftrudnersmal i stycket om hamingjorna, vilka får ses som kollektiva uttryck för Anima.</p><p>· Han betalar priset för sin individuation genom att tillföra kollektivet något värdefullt, skaldekonsten och runorna.</p>

<p>Ämnet religionskunskap har genomgått en omfattande förändring från den tiden då det kallades kristendomskunskap. Skolan skall idag verka på ett icke-konfessionellt vis. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur lärarens religiositet påverkar denne i undervisningen av de fem världsreligionerna.</p><p>För att besvara denna fråga har jag begagnat mig av en enkätundersökning som kommer att ligga till grund för fördjupande intervjuseminarier kring frågan. Sammanfattningsvis påvisar både enkätundersökningen samt intervjuseminarierna att eleverna som deltagit i undersökningen anser att lärarens religiositet inverkar på undervisningen av de fem världsreligionerna.</p><p>De anser att om läraren lyckas använde sin religiositet för att skapa engagemang för ämnet leder detta till att religiositeten har en positiv inverkan på undervisningen. Om läraren däremot söker influera elever för att övertyga dem om sanningen i dennes egen religiösa åskådning anser de att detta påverkar undervisningen på ett negativt vis.</p>

<p>Syftet med uppsatsen är att genom att jämföra Jungs religionspsykologiska teori, speciellt den process han kallat ”individuationsprocessen” med handlingen i Alkemisten och</p><ul><li>kunna göra en tolkning av boken Alkemisten utifrån Jungs teori för att se vilka psykiska processer boken kan sägas beskriva.</li><li>Kan berättelsen sägas spegla en individs genomgående av denna process i vår tid?</li></ul>