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Pentecostals were the largest religious group among conscientious objectors in Sweden between 1967 and 1971, a time characterized by passionate debates on the ethics of war in the shadows of Vietnam and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This thesis aims to review and analyze how the Pentecostal periodicals Evangelii Härold and Dagen described and ethically motivated military violence and pacifism in different contexts during this period. The purpose is to identify potential motivations for pacifism and/or military support during a time when a large number of Pentecostals refused to bear arms, with particular interest in how these motivations related to ethical evaluation on contemporary wars.  Pacifism and conscientious objection were regularly promoted and seldom criticized, while most contemporary military violence was condemned with one glaring exception: Israeli warfare. Unlike the American war effort in Vietnam, Israel’s wars were commonly viewed as eschatologically significant and biblically predicted holy wars, with several writers suggesting that God himself has waged and will wage war on Israel’s behalf. Pacifism was primarily motivated by obedience to the Bible rather than empathy, fitting with Lisa Cahill’s theory of obediential pacifism being distinct from empathic pacifism in the Christian tradition. Support for Israeli warfare was also derived from biblical interpretation, primarily based on Old Testament texts. It was further motivated by ideas of Jewish suffering and death being part of God’s plan, with several Pentecostal writers speculating that an apocalyptic genocide greater than the Holocaust would precede the second coming of Christ. Many Pentecostals did not see this as standing in conflict with personal pacifism and conscientious objection, as both views were perceived as biblical. Future research could further explore the relationship between Pentecostal eschatology and empathy, along with how mid-century Pentecostal Zionism might have been influenced by antisemitic ideas from the 1930’s. / Pingstvänner utgjorde den största religiösa gruppen bland vapenvägrare i Sverige mellan 1967 och 1971, en tidsperiod som karaktäriserades av passionerade debatter om krigsetik i skuggan av Vietnamkriget och Israel-Palestinakonflikten. Denna uppsats ämnar presentera och analysera hur de pentekostala tidskrifterna Evangelii Härold och Dagen beskrev och etiskt motiverade militärt våld och pacifism i olika kontexter under denna period. Syftet är att identifiera möjliga motiveringar för pacifism och/eller stöd för militärt våld i en tid då många pingstvänner vägrade bära vapen, med ett särskilt intresse för hur dessa motiveringar relaterade till etisk reflektion kring samtida krig. Pacifism och vapenvägran förespråkades regelbundet och kritiserades sällan, medan majoriteten av det samtida militära våldet kritiserades med ett uppenbart undantag: israelisk krigföring. Till skillnad från den amerikanska krigsinsatsen i Vietnam ansågs Israel bedriva eskatologiskt signifikanta och bibliskt förutsedda heliga krig. Flera skribenter menade att Gud själv har stridit och kommer att strida å Israels vägnar.  Pacifism motiverades framför allt utifrån lydnad till Bibeln snarare än utifrån empati, vilket stämmer väl med Lisa Cahills teori om att lydnadsbaserad pacifism är distinkt från empatibaserad pacifism i kristen tradition. Stödet för israelisk krigföring motiverade också med bibeltolkning, främst utifrån gammaltestamentliga texter. Därtill motiverades det med idéer om att judiskt lidande och död är en del av Guds plan. Flera skribenter spekulerade i att ett apokalyptiskt folkmord större än förintelsen kommer föregå Jesu återkomst. Få pingstvänner uttryckte att dessa idéer stod i konflikt med personlig pacifism och vapenvägran, då allt ansågs vara bibliskt.  Vidare forskning skulle vidare kunna utforska förhållandet mellan pentekostal eskatologi och empati, samt hur pentekostal sionism i mitten av 1900-talet kan ha influerats av antisemitiska idéer.

Erik Jansson startade väckelserörelsen Erikjansarna på 1800-talets mitt. Rörelsen hamnade i konflikt med myndigheter och ortsbor innan Erik Jansson och anhängarna valde att emigrera till Amerika. I denna uppsats undersöks faktorerna som bidrog till att Erikjansismen kunde bli så stark i Alftatrakten och hur Erik Jansson fick så många anhängare att följa med till Amerika. Erik Jansson beskrivs som en man med karismatiska drag, vilket kan vara ett av motiven på Erik Janssons missionsframgångar. Med hjälp av Max Webers teori om karisma så undersöks Erik Janssons karismatiska egenskaper.

Syftet i den här studien har varit att analysera skillnaderna såväl likheterna mellan de ash’aritiska och maturidiska skolorna, som anses vara de ortodoxa strömningarna inom sunniislamisk teologi, samt att förklara faktorerna som har bidragit skillnader och likheter. Frågeställningarna som har besvarats är följande; 1) På vilket sätt skiljer sig Maturidi-skolan från den ash’aritiska skolan? Vilka likheter respektive olikheter finns mellan de två teologiska strömningarna sett ur auktoriteternas uppfattning? 2) Hur kan skillnaderna alternativt likheterna mellan al-Taftazani och al-Ash’aris syn på Allahs attribut, ödet och tro förklaras? Källmaterialen som har använts för att analysera den maturidiska uppfattningen är Najm al-Din al-Nasafis verk ’Aqaid al-Nasafi och Sad al-Din al-Taftazanis bok Sharh ’Aqaid al-Nasafi, som är en kommentar på al-Nasafis bok. För det ash’aritiska perspektivet har Abu Hasan al-Ash’aris bok Kitab al-Luma analyserats. En kvalitativ metod har tillämpats i studie, där en närläsning av källmaterialen gjorts som sedan följts av en komparativ analys av dessa texter och nutida studier. I frågan om Allahs attribut och Guds form finns det inte större skillnader mellan skolorna. De anser att Gud inte kan tillskrivas en form, och att han har oskapade attribut. Det som skiljer är antalet oskapade attribut som nämns; även om maturiditer i över lag anser att det finns åtta oskapade attribut, nämner al-Nasafi elva, vilket visar att skillnader även finns bland teologer inom samma skola. Al-Ash’ari nämner däremot sju attribut. Angående ödet, kan man se att det finns en skillnad mellan skolorna på det sättet man betraktar då de använder olika termer för att förklara den mänskliga delen i handlingarna som utförs, men att de syftar på att förklara samma fenomen, nämligen att människor har en gudagiven förmåga att välja en handling fritt som de antingen belönas eller bestraffas av Allah beroende på innebörden av handlingen.  Den ash’aritiska och maturidiska synen på grovsyndaren är i princip samma; de anser att man till skillnad från kharijiter, som tror att syndare blir icke-troende, och från mu’taziliter, som anser att syndare varken är muslimer eller icke-troende utan i en position däremellan, att grovsyndare bör betraktas som muslimer. Deras förhållningssätt går att likna den murji’itiska, men är inte samma, då de anser att det finns en gräns för vem som kan betraktas som muslim.  Skillnaderna, men även likheterna, går att förklara utifrån tre faktorer. Den första faktorn är den tidigare traditionen där dessa skolor växte fram. Maturidism är en teologisk skola som uppstod i transoxanien, medan ash’arismen har sitt ursprung i området som utgör dagens Irak. Deras ursprungsplats har karakteriserat synsättet i skolorna, då den teologiska miljön har påverkat diskussionen de utfört, vilket är den andra faktorn. Den sista faktorn är tillvägagångssättet de följt. / The purpose of this study has been to analyze the differences as well as the similarities between the Ash'arite and Maturidi schools, which are considered the orthodox currents in Sunni Islamic theology, as well as to explain the factors that have contributed to the differences and similarities. The questions that have been answered are the following; 1) How does the Maturidi school differ from the Ash'arite school? What similarities and differences are there between the two theological currents seen from the perspective of the authorities? 2) How can the differences or similarities between al-Taftazani and al-Ash'ari's view of Allah's attributes, destiny and faith be explained? The source materials that have been used to analyze the Maturidi view are Najm al-Din al-Nasafi's work 'Aqaid al-Nasafi and Sad al-Din al-Taftazani's book Sharh 'Aqaid al-Nasafi, which is a commentary on al-Nasafi's book. For the Ash'arite perspective, Abu Hasan al-Ash'ari's book Kitab al-Luma has been analyzed. A qualitative method has been applied in the study, where a close reading of the source materials was done, which was then followed by a comparative analysis of these texts and contemporary studies. In the matter of Allah's attributes and God's form, there are no major differences between the schools. They believe that God cannot be ascribed a form, and that He has uncreated attributes. What differs is the number of uncreated attributes mentioned; although Maturidites generally believe that there are eight uncreated attributes, al-Nasafi mentions eleven, showing that differences exist even among theologians within the same school. Al-Ash'ari, on the other hand, mentions seven attributes. Regarding destiny, it can be seen that there is a difference between the schools as they use different terms to explain the human part in the actions performed. They aim to explain the same phenomenon, namely that humans have a God-given ability to choose an action freely as they are either rewarded or punished by Allah depending on the meaning of the action. This leads to a difference between the schools regarding the understanding of destiny. The Ash'arite and Maturidi views of the grave sinner are basically the same; they believe that (unlike the Kharijites, who believe that sinners become non-believers, and the Mu'tazilites, who believe that sinners are neither Muslims nor non-believers but in a position in between) that grave sinners should be considered Muslims. Their approach can be compared to the Murji'ite, but is not the same, as they believe that there is a limit to who can be considered a Muslim.  The general differences, but also the similarities, can be explained based on three factors. The first factor is the earlier tradition in which these schools emerged. Maturidism is a theological school that arose in Transoxania, while Ash'arism originated in the area that makes up present-day Iraq. Their place of origin has characterized the approach in the schools, as the theological environment has influenced the discussion they carried out, which is the second factor. The last factor is the approach they followed.

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Nasir-ud-Din Muhammad Humayun (1508-1556), simply known as Humayun, was the second emperor of the Mughal Empire in India. He is often known with a discredited image in history even though recent investigations show a new, different, and regenerated perspective about him. This reconsideration is in relation to the philosophical, syncretic, and artistic pursuits and the spiritual heritage that he transmitted, which came to impact and define Mughal tradition and culture overall. Accordingly,  this thesis has on one hand the purpose to analyse and expose the not so much known “occult sciences” of Humayun, known as ‘ulum-i ghariba, which are defined in relation to their appliances and historical contexts, especially in relation to Sufism and Arabic Hermeticism. They are moreover explored in how they were experienced in the imperial administration of the early Mughal court. On the other hand, these “occult sciences” of Humayun are analysed and discussed in relation to the definitions of Western esotericism and practices of Renaissance Hermeticism as taught by Antoine Faivre, whose theory is employed for this thesis. The method used for this investigation combines a qualitative text analysis and a specific empirical approach with diachronic and synchronic applications. The result of this research shows that the “occult sciences” of Humayun help to define and confirm a wider study field of “comparative esotericism”, which goes beyond the borders of the Western culture, and which is found with its unique interpretations as an esoteric expression within Islam, and specifically at the dawn of the Mughal tradition.

This study investigated law enforcement officers' personal beliefs and attitudes toward Muslims and Islam in Greece. Primary survey data collected directly from forty-eight active police officers in Greece, from different gender, age group and management level. An online questionnaire with twenty-five questions was developed, in order to assess the knowledge of and attitudes toward Muslims and Islam among the sample of the Greek police officers. The survey examined four broad areas. First, it aims to look at the respondents' general understanding of many of Islam's basic tenets. Following that, it examines some of the respondents' attitudes toward Muslims and Islam. Third, the survey aims to explore respondents' views on how Muslims and Islam are portrayed in the media. Finally, the level of officers’ contact with Muslims is investigated and to what extent police officers were eager to learn more about Muslim culture and Islam.  The results of data analyses demonstrate that the majority of police officers do not consistently base their knowledge of Muslims and Islam on stereotypes. Furthermore, their views on Muslims and Islam were not uniformly negative.

I denna fallstudie har jag undersökt hur kvinnans möjligheter har utvecklats i den kristna kyrkans historia, med särskilt fokus på den tidiga kyrkans samtid och medeltidens strukturer. Syftet var att särskilt se till kyrkorum och äktenskap, och om kvinnans möjligheter har utvecklats till det bättre eller det sämre mellan dessa tidsperioder. Frågeställningen har formats efter detta syfte. Uppsatsen är kvalitativ och empirin är noga utvald, där både författarnas könsidentitet och litteraturens aktualitet har tagits i beaktande. Uppsatsen utgår ifrån en induktiv ansats, vilket innebär att den inte är teoristyrd. De teoirer som har valts är både förankrade i det historiska perspektivet, men också i det feministiska perspektivet.  I slutsatsen framkom det att kvinnor hade större möjligheter i den tidiga kyrkan, men i slutsatsen framkommer också klasskillnaders avgörande betydelse för kvinnor i valda tidsperioder.

Baptism in missions – Baptism Practice within Svenska Missionsförbundet 1878–1928 During the 19th century the evangelical revival movements were gaining land in the Lutheran Sweden. Methodism, Baptistic congregations and neo evangelical Lutherans were al spreading their doctrines in the country. They were all united by the conviction to awake the population for a personal belief in Jesus Christ. To reach the non-believers in other parts of the world also united their movements. But in the second half of the century the doctrinal differences between the movements, especially between the Baptists and the neo-Lutherans are splitting the revival into two different branches, the first is the Baptistic free church movement (Svenska Baptistsamfundet) and the second is the neo-Lutheran revival movement (Evangeliska Fosterlandsstiftelsen) that still operated within the Lutheran state church. At the year of 1878 a new mission society (Svenska Missionsförbundet) sees the light of day. And one of new movements leaders, Paul Petter Waldenström, strives for the new organisation to unite al the Swedish mission-friends for the greater cause despite their differences in view of doctrine. He doesn’t succeed in that manner but the new organisation will as a result of the doctrinal dilemma not include any specific view on baptism in its own principles of doctrine. The new congregations, formed within Svenska Missionsförbundet (SMF) will therefore accept al believers of Christ as members even if they are baptised as infants or as Baptists. In this manner this new mission organisation gains the role of the “third way”, right in the middle of the Baptistic and the neo-Lutheran organisations. What is even more unique and also the subject for this paper is how this new mission-movement could be conducting missions around the world without deciding what doctrine on baptism that it should embrace. What baptism practice did SMF use in its early missions? And what role did the dilemma on doctrine of baptism play when SMF was founded in 1878?

The concept of ritual developed as a formal term of analysis during the 19th century and came to identify what was alleged as a worldwide category of human experience. Ritual was described as mindless handling, something that was routinized, habitual, compulsive or mimetic. The term was voiced as a major beginning of the change in the way European culture was associated to other cultures and religions. To be able to describe religions many myth and theorists looked at rituals. Rituals in Islam are regulated actions that can be performed at a particular place or time, or both. They are seen as particularly meaningful as they are loaded with religious symbolism. The religious texts surrounding rituals are usually normative. In order for the believer to do the right thing and understand, the aforementioned texts are described, how rituals should be performed and what different parts have for the meaning are explained. In Western Europe, research on young Muslims in school began around the end of the 20th century. The research was more about how their relationship was with the parents/Islamic community, the student and the teacher/school system. After that, research began on young adults and how they carve out spaces for themselves in relation to family, relatives, friends, school, and youth culture and majority society. Through interviews, six young adults, of different ages and backgrounds, will describe what they consider a ritual to be, what their everyday ritual looks like, whether they follow any ritual within Islam and about performing other rituals within the religion. Their rituals may be to follow the religion, but not everything, as age, lack of time, feeling and situation play arole.