這本論文是有關約翰．彌爾頓的共和思想研究。研究所用的主要文本是「王室缺位時期」（Interregnum，1649- 1660）彌爾頓為英格蘭共和國辯護的文章、《失樂園》、《力士參孫》、《復樂園》與《基督教要義》。本文將上述彌爾頓的著作視為真實的歷史事件，意圖展現以下五點。第一，1649年以後，彌爾頓的寫作是對英格蘭共和國重要事件的批判性省思，這些事件分別是：創建英格蘭共和國的正當性、海外軍事勝利對英格蘭共和國的影響、克倫威爾接受護國公稱號並解散殘餘議會、司徒亞特王朝復辟的威脅與復辟。第二，在這些著作中，「自由」與「共和國」是核心的概念。第三，王室缺位時期，彌爾頓從1649年傾向「平民主義」（populism）轉變為1660年支持永久議會。對於彌爾頓的共和思想而言，前述的轉變其實是立場一致。第四，本文將三大史詩視為彌爾頓對共和國崩解的省思，分析三大史詩中的「自由」與「共和國」思想。第五，本文將《基督教要義》視為彌爾頓闡述其基督教神學的最重要著作，並分析彌爾頓對「自由」、「共和國」概念的理解立基於彌爾頓對《聖經》的詮釋。 / This thesis is a study about John Milton’s republican thought. It focuses on Milton’s pamphlets which were written to defend the legitimacy of the Commonwealth of England during the Interregnum: Paradise Lost, Paradise Regain, Samson Agonistes and Christian Doctrine. In this thesis, I take these John Milton’s writings as historical events and intend to elaborate five points. First, Milton’s writings were critical reflection on great events of the Commonwealth of England. These events in turn were the building of the Commonwealth of England, the influences of overseas military triumph on Commonwealth of England, the fact that Oliver Cromwell accepted the title of Protectorate and that he dissolved the Rump parliament. Secondly, liberty and commonwealth were the most important values in Milton’s writings. Thirdly, Milton’s writings were consistent with his political faith during the period from 1649 to 1660. The fourth point is that Milton’s three epics were the reflection on the decline and fall of the Commonwealth of England. Finally, Christian Doctrine was Milton’s most important Christian theology. Milton’s conception of liberty and commonwealth were rested on his interpretation of the Bible in Christian Doctrine.

La ricerca ha mostrato come per mezzo della riforma ospedaliera e della fondazione di un capitolo – l’organo d’autogestione dell’ospedale - il ceto decurionale milanese riuscì dopo la caduta della Repubblica Ambrosiana a perpetuare l’esistenza di una sorta di micro-repubblica (uno spazio cioè che garantiva la conservazione di un potere pluralistico). Con l’assunzione del patronato sul sontuoso edifico dell’Ospedale Maggiore il neo-duca Francesco Sforza invece, trasformò l’immagine della riforma ospedaliera in emblema del suo principato e in espressione della sua potenza. In questo senso allora il fenomeno della riforma ospedaliera - fenomeno molto precoce in Lombardia rispetto al resto dell’Europa centrale - trova a Milano una propria spiegazione nel contesto della contrapposizione politica di due autorità, che, attraverso il riferimento al concetto medievale della misericordia, si impegnavano a far trionfare un potere legittimo. Non vi sono attestazioni che permettono di inserire la riforma milanese nella tipologia dei riordinamenti sociali realizzatesi in Europa centrale negli anni venti e trenta del Cinquecento, che la moderna storiografia considera secondo i paradigmi del 'disciplinamento sociale' e della 'esclusione'. / The research has shown how, through hospital reform and the foundation of a chapter - the body for the self-government of the hospital – the local governing classes (ceto decurionale) of Milan succeeded in perpetuating the existence of a kind of micro-republic (a place where the conservation of a pluralistic proportion of power was guaranteed) after the fall of the Ambrosian Republic. On the other hand, by assuming patronage of the sumptuous building housing the Ospedale Maggiore, the new Duke, Francesco Sforza, transformed hospital reform into an emblem of his principality and a manifest sign of his power. In this sense, therefore, the phenomenon of hospital reform, which came about very early in Lombardy compared to the rest of central Europe, can be explained in terms of a political confrontation between two authorities which, using the medieval concept of misericordia as their landmark, endeavoured to make a certain legitimate seat of power committed themselves to the triumph of legitimate power. At the same time there is no evidence to warrant the Milanese reform being classified together with the type of social re-ordering carried out in central Europe in the fifteen-twenties and fifteen-thirties, which modern historical scholarship considers according to the paradigm of 'disciplinary action' and 'exclusion'.

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Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-03-17T18:31:07Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Marcello Felisberto Morais de Assunção - 2017.pdf: 4043751 bytes, checksum: 17a47fefc7608b8600bcb04e41b44fc0 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-03-20T13:47:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Marcello Felisberto Morais de Assunção - 2017.pdf: 4043751 bytes, checksum: 17a47fefc7608b8600bcb04e41b44fc0 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-20T13:47:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Marcello Felisberto Morais de Assunção - 2017.pdf: 4043751 bytes, checksum: 17a47fefc7608b8600bcb04e41b44fc0 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The aim of this study is to analyze the colonial project of the Portuguese-African Society in Rio de Janeiro through the analysis of the twenty editions of its Bulletin (1931-1939), as well as books, booklets and other types of publication made by the members of the Society. In order to do so, we initially investigate the conditions from which the “imperial nationalism”, of which the Bulletin is a strong expression, emerged. In the following chapters, we seek to understand the many peculiarities of the Bulletin by evidencing the trajectory of the Portuguese-African Society in Rio de Janeiro in its two main moments: from the veiled criticism to the Salazar government and the search for a strong “panluso coalition” (1931-1934), to the rejection of the Estado Novo in the final years of the Bulletin (1935-1939). We grasp these transformations by inspecting varied sources, mainly the editorials of the Bulletin. Next, we explore the political senses of the “pan-lusitanism” within the larger logic of the “pan-ethinicisms”, also discussing the pan-lusitan discourse shown in the “Cartilha Colonial” by Augusto Casimiro and in the Bulletin. After that, we analyze the colonial project of the republican military-administrators and correspondent members of the Society, emphasizing the criticism these people made to the colonial practices of the Salazarism and the idealized mirroring in the “Norton de Matos model”. Finally, we investigate the relationship between the historiography of colonialism and the Africanist studies with the ideology of “imperial vocation”, present in the hegemonic colonial knowledge in the 30s. All in all, the careful examination of the discourse of the Bulletin and other publications by the Society allow us to visualize the particularities of the republican colonialism in the middle of the Salazarist political hegemony in the 30s. This discourse can be considered a vanguard of the colonial reformism, which will become stronger in the 50s. The defeat of the project of the colonial reformism in the 30s is an expression of the fact that, in times of Estados Novos, the “democratic” rhetoric (even if restricted to discourse) has no place. / Nosso objetivo principal nessa tese é analisar o projeto colonial da Sociedade LusoAfricana do Rio de Janeiro, tendo como fonte primordial de estudo os vinte volumes do seu Boletim (1931-1939), como também os livros, cartilhas e outras produções oriundas dos membros da Sociedade. Para realizar esse intento, num primeiro momento (capítulo I) analisamos as condições de emergência do “nacionalismo imperial” do qual o boletim é somente uma das expressões. Nos outros quatro capítulos, buscamos entender as diversas especificidades do Boletim. No capítulo II evidenciamos a trajetória da Sociedade Luso-Africana do Rio de Janeiro em suas duas grandes fases: da crítica velada ao salazarismo e a busca por uma grande “coalização panlusa” (1931-1934) até a repulsa ao Estado Novo dos últimos anos (1935-1939), apreendendo essas transformações a partir de diversas fontes, mas primordialmente através dos editoriais do Boletim. No III capítulo buscamos explorar os sentidos políticos do “panlusitanismo” no seio do contexto mais global dos “pan-etnicismos”, abordando também a partir do boletim e da obra “Cartilha Colonial”, de Augusto Casimiro” o discurso panlusitano. A frente, no capítulo IV, fizemos uma análise do projeto colonial dos gestoresmilitares republicanos e sócio-correspondentes da Sociedade Luso-Africana do Rio de Janeiro, dando ênfase as críticas que estes faziam às práticas coloniais do salazarismo e o espelhamento idealizado no “modelo Norton de Matos”. Por fim, no capítulo V, perscrutamos as relações entre a historiografia do colonialismo e os estudos africanistas com um ideário de “vocação imperial” tão presente no saber colonial hegemônico nos anos 30. Em suma, o exame destes discursos permitem visualizar no seio do Boletim, e das publicações da Sociedade, a particularidade do colonialismo republicano em meio à hegemonia política salazarista nos anos 30. Estes irão ser uma vanguarda do reformismo colonial que só ganha força nos anos 50. A derrota do seu projeto nos anos 30 é uma expressão de que em tempos de Estados Novos a retórica “democrática” (mesmo que restrita ao discurso) não tinha espaço.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:26:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maicon Jose Fortunato.pdf: 765268 bytes, checksum: aa21bf7f9eaf22920f32c800a0398654 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The aim of this paper is to investigate the concept of history in Machiavellian`s thought. It is, specifically, an analysis of the eighteen first chapters of his book Discorsi on the First Decade of Livy, which we believe to emerge a solution to the original problem of the constitution of forms of govern in the time. For this, we start with an examination of the historical and intellectual Quattrocento Italian. The intention is to demonstrate the conceptual framework that has influenced and Machiavellian political theory with which the thinker dialogues in his writings. Moreover, we highlight the return that the author makes the theory of circularity presented by the Greek historian Polybius. From Polybius, we expose his conception of historical temporality marked by circular movement of the forms of government, as well as the paradoxical problem that involves the formulation of mixed government. In this regard, we noted how Machiavelli takes this theory with the intention of recovering the discussion on the establishment of political regimes. Regarding the resumption seek to affirm that overcoming the Machiavellian thought to not accept the circularity as a determining factor of historical time. From this analysis comes the hypothesis that the temporal history as an expression of the movement of forms of government cannot be understood by natural law or by any other determinant a priori. Following these assumptions, we find the theory of conflict a vital component to understanding the dynamics involving both the political organization of state such as the movement elaborated by history. So, being the political element essential for the promotion of political organization, as well as for the realization of liberty in republics, also conclude that it is their responsibility to the mobilization of historical processes. The conflict in synthesis can be understood as the space of political action performed within the company, as this space has the constant possibility predominant trait of "creation." This sphere of action not only mobilizes the story (in order to raise their movement), but acts as a characteristic of "doing" history. In other words, the story has as one of its core components forming the field of human creation. Added to this the issue of corruption that marks the limits of human action in time. Machiavelli sees the degeneration process of the political as a condition of nature in all political body thus historical process is limited by that element which marks again, the field of contingency that the universe is subjected political. Finally, a search for the conception of history in Machiavelli reveals, in our view, the secularization of its elements, the identification of political conflicts as its mobilizer and the possibility of coming-into-being as a dimension of their process. / O objetivo desta dissertação consiste na investigação da concepção de história no pensamento maquiaveliano. Trata-se, especificamente, de uma análise sobre os dezoito primeiros capítulos de sua obra Discursos sobre a Primeira Década de Tito Lívio, da qual acreditamos emergir uma solução originária para o problema da constituição das formas de govero no tempo. Para isso, partimos de um exame sobre o panorama histórico e intelectual do Quattrocento italiano. A intenção está em demonstrar o quadro conceitual que influenciou a teoria política maquiaveliana e com o qual o pensador dialóga em seus escritos. Além disso, destacamos o retorno que o autor faz da teoria da circularidade apresentada pelo historiador grego Políbio. Deste último, expomos sua concepção de temporalidade histórica marcada pelo movimento circular das formas de governo, bem como, a problemática paradoxal que envolve sua formulação do governo misto. A esse respeito, evidenciamos a forma como Maquiavel retoma tal teoria com a intenção de recuperar a discussão sobre a constituição dos regimes políticos. No que tange a essa retamada procuramos afirmar a superação do pensamento maquiaveliano ao não aceitar a circularidade como uma condição determinante do tempo histórico. Desta análise nasce a hipótese de que a temporalidade da história, enquanto expressão do movimento das formas de governo, não pode ser compreendida por uma lei natural ou por qualquer outro determinante apriorístico. Seguindo essas premissas, encontramos na teoria dos humores um componente vital para a compreensão da dinâmica que envolve tanto a organização política dos regimes, como o movimento engendrado pela história. Assim, sendo o conflito político o elemento primordial para a promoção das ordenações políticas, bem como, para a efetivação da liberdade nas repúblicas, concluimos que também cabe a ele a responsabilidade para a mobilização dos processos históricos. O conflito, em síntese, pode ser entendido como o espaço da ação política realizado no interior da sociedade, espaço esse que possui como marca predominante a constante possibilidade de criação . Essa esfera do agir não somente mobiliza a história (no sentido de impulsionar o seu movimento), mas atua como uma característica do fazer histórico. Em outras palavras, a história possui como um dos componentes formadores de sua essência o campo da criação humana. Soma-se a isso o tema da corrupção, que demarca os limites da ação humana no tempo. Maquiavel vê o processo de degeneração dos regimes políticos como uma condição inerente a todo corpo político. Dessa forma, o processo histórico encontra-se limitado por esse elemento, o que marca, mais uma vez, o campo de contingência a que está submetido o universo político. Enfim, uma busca pela concepção da história em Maquiavel revela, a nosso ver, a secularização de seus elementos, a identificação dos conflitos políticos como seu mobilizador e a possibilidade do vir-a-ser como uma dimensão de seu processo.

Les travaux sur la doctrine de Philippe Buchez et ses disciples ont principalement mis l’accent sur l’étude de l’association ouvrière de production, comprise comme un moyen d’organisation du travail et de redistribution de la propriété. L’enjeu de cette recherche est de prolonger ces analyses, en démontrant que le modèle associationniste des buchéziens, développé dans la première moitié du XIXème siècle français, dépasse le strict cadre de la sphère de production. Au départ de ce travail réside ainsi l’hypothèse selon laquelle l’association ouvrière de production est constitutive d’un projet républicain au service d’une amélioration des conditions sociales du plus grand nombre. La singularité de ce modèle repose sur une répartition de la souveraineté économique et politique au sein d’une société civile structurée autour du système associatif. Ainsi, l’association ouvrière de production tient, à double titre, un rôle central dans la conception républicaine des buchéziens. En premier lieu, elle constitue le vecteur d’une construction de la République au niveau national : le système associatif ne se réduit pas à la résolution de la question sociale, il constitue également un espace de socialisation républicaine des travailleurs. L’association représente un lieu d’apprentissage des valeurs et des pratiques de la République. Cette dynamique est en second lieu au service de la formation d’un modèle républicain au sein duquel la société civile joue un rôle central : dans le système buchézien, l’État revêt certes une forme républicaine, mais le caractère républicain de la nation doit être également porté par la sphère économique, organisée autour de l’association ouvrière de production. Ainsi la République selon la doctrine buchézienne repose sur la construction d’une société civile structurée par des « petites républiques d’atelier », réalisant une citoyenneté à la fois dans la sphère politique et dans la sphère économique. / Studies about Philippe Buchez and his followers’ doctrine mainly emphasized the research on workers productive association, understood as a way to organize industrial work and to redistribute property. The objective of this thesis is to extend the analysis, by demonstrating that the associationnist system theorized by Philippe Buchez and his followers in France during the first part of 19th century, goes beyond the will to organize the industrial field and to put an end to working class poverty. Our starting point for this research is the hypothesis that workers productive associations are part of a republican system, which is dedicated to the improvements of working class social conditions. The originality of this idea is that economical and political sovereignty is spread among civil society, which is structured by the associative system.Thus, workers productive associations play a major role in Buchezian conception of the Republic. Firstly, they represent a means for the construction of the Republic at the national level: productive associations are considered as spaces of republican socialisation for the working classes. They are a place for learning the practices and values of the Republic. Secondly, the associationnist system is in the service of the republican conception in which civil society plays an important role: according to the Buchezian model, both the State and the economical field, structured by productive association, have to carry republican values and apply democratic practices. Hence, according to the Buchezian doctrine, the Republic is based on civil society organized through “small workshop republics”, allowing the realization of citizenship in both political and economical fields.

La République de Pologne-Lituanie, par sa forme de gouvernement unique, a suscité l’intérêt d’auteurs français fondamentaux tels que Théodore de Bèze, Jean Bodin, Montesquieu, Voltaire et Jean-Jacques Rousseau, mais aussi de penseurs aujourd’hui moins connus, comme Jean Boucher, Claude de Rubis ou Nicolas Baudeau. La Pologne apparaît dans la littérature politique française dès 1573, date à laquelle Henri de Valois fut élu roi de Pologne, jusqu’en 1795, moment de la disparition de la carte de l’Europe de l’État polono-lituanien. Malgré cette présence continue, elle ne fut que très peu étudiée dans l’historiographie française. Pourtant, elle représente une clé de lecture passionnante pour éclairer les débats politiques français de l’époque moderne, ce qu’entreprend de démontrer cette thèse. / The Republic of Poland-Lithuania, with its unique form of government, aroused the interest of fundamental French authors such as Théodore de Bèze, Jean Bodin, Montesquieu, Voltaire or Jean-Jacques Rousseau, but also the attention of less known thinkers like Jean Boucher, Claude de Rubis or Nicolas Baudeau. Poland appeared in French political literature in 1573, when Henri of Valois was elected king of Poland, until 1795, when the Polish-Lithuanian state disappeared from the map of Europe. Despite this continuous presence, it has been insufficiently analyzed in the French historiography. Yet, it represents a fascinating key for reading the French political debates of the modern era. This thesis aims at demonstrating it.

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Cotutelle / Cette thèse étudie la Résistance française en procédant à l'élargissement des cadres d'analyse dans lesquels elle est généralement confinée, à la fois en termes d’espace et de temps. Elle s'intéresse aussi à l'Empire, champ peu exploré dans l'historiographie de la Résistance. La présente analyse cherche à élucider cette question : quel est le rapport des résistants et des anciens résistants à l'Empire et à l'impérialisme ? Afin d'y répondre, elle interroge d'abord les journaux de résistance ainsi que plusieurs projets constitutionnels en préparation de l'après-guerre produits entre 1940-1944. Ces sources révèlent la continuité de la Résistance avec la « mission civilisatrice » de la IIIe République alors même que la société française tendait à rejeter tous les autres éléments du régime précédent. La thèse se consacre ensuite principalement à l'étude de nombreuses trajectoires individuelles jusqu'à la décolonisation de l'Algérie en 1962. Les publications contemporaines de la période et les témoignages personnels rédigés a posteriori permettent d'accéder de manière profonde et nuancée au rapport à l'Empire des anciens résistants ainsi qu'à la confrontation des principes qu'ils ont défendus au péril de leur vie aux enjeux coloniaux d'après-guerre où la relation de domination est renversée. Par l'analyse des liens entre l'expérience individuelle et collective de la résistance au nazisme et au régime de Vichy puis l'évolution des différentes positions face aux enjeux impériaux, la thèse offre une nouvelle perspective de l'histoire de la Résistance et de l'histoire impériale française de 1940-1962 qui joint les impératifs étatiques, politiques et économiques d'une part, à la place occupée par les principes résistants et républicains à vocation universelle d'autre part. Chacune des personnalités sur lesquelles l'analyse met l'accent s'est démarquée par son engagement considérable, voire colossal, pour différentes causes dont l'expérience résistante était l'une des plus significatives. Cette thèse permet donc de décloisonner l'histoire de la Résistance à l'échelle individuelle également, en mettant en relation certains des principaux engagements individuels de résistants et de résistantes sur une période étendue. / This thesis examines French resistants and ex-resistants’ ties with the Empire, during and after the Second World War. It therefore explores a broader timeframe and geographic area than what previous historiography about French Resistance has offered up until now. In analyzing French Resistance newspapers and constitutional projects from 1940 through 1944, the thesis reveals that while the principles of the Third Republic were repudiated by French society at the time, one particular element remained: the idea of the civilizing mission. Then, through the study of numerous personal testimonies covering the years between the Liberation and the end of the Algerian War, the research offers a profound and nuanced insight on ex-resistants views of the Empire and their point of view on their country's colonial system. After 1944, the power dynamic shifted to the resistants: they were no longer dominated by a violent German state, they were now the ones enforcing domination to the colonies. The testimonies reveal the internal conflict French ex-resistants were dealing with when faced with the problems of decolonization. It also shows how the principles, for which they risked their lives during the war, were modified or reshaped to fit with their views on how to deal with the colonies’ wishes for emancipation. In examining how the war against fascism and the Vichy regime impacted personal attitudes towards the Empire and the exercise of domination, the study offers a new perspective on the French Resistance and French Imperial history from 1940 to 1962, one that accounts for political and economic imperatives as well as for the importance of the different interpretations of the Republic's core principles for these individuals. The individuals were selected because of the importance of their political, social or military commitments through the period. By focusing on the relationships between these successive commitments, the analysis enlarges the scope through which the French Resistance must be understood.

A la fin du 18ème siècle, les Etats-Unis inaugurent les révolutions fondatrices ou refondatrices, directement inspirée des Lumières et ayant dialoguées par-delà l’Atlantique. La période révolutionnaire a vue une élite politique nouvelle aux prises avec la nécessité de bâtir un «ordre nouveau», c'est-à-dire de créer un gouvernement et de définir le rapport au monde de ce nouvel Etat. Cette quête a amené les acteurs politiques de la révolution à chercher un modèle politique différent de celui, dominant, des monarchies absolues. L’idée de république s’impose dès la déclaration d’indépendance. En effet, les Lumières avaient redécouvert le républicanisme qui pouvait incarner l’espoir d’un ordre politique réformé. Cependant, les républiques classiques et les exemples contemporains confirment l’idée alors partagée par tous qu’une république ne peut être qu’une petite entité politique au sein de laquelle vit une population restreinte d’hommes libres et où les différences sociales sont relativement faibles. Non seulement cette petite taille des républiques était-elle un phénomène empirique mais elle semblait être une loi d’airain. Depuis la reformulation du dilemme républicain par Machiavel, l’idée qu’une république ne puisse pas être libre et étendue faisait consensus. Cette première république moderne, fille des Lumières pacifistes, a pourtant mené une expansion quasi-continentale. Comment cette petite république à la périphérie du monde pouvait-elle réconcilier sa volonté de rompre avec les tentations hégémoniques et son désir de puissance ?Comment pouvait-elle s’étendre tout en préservant sa liberté républicaine ?Nous avons formulé l’hypothèse que la réponse à ces questions se trouve dans une redéfinition des principes et des méthodes de leur politique étrangère. Afin de minimiser les risques de corruption de la république, les acteurs de la révolution ont cherché à mettre en place une politique étrangère républicaine fondée sur les idées des Lumières. <p>Cette hypothèse nous a mené à articuler notre travail autour de trois axes de recherche :le premier portant sur la théorie politique internationale, le second sur le débat idéologique autour de la politique étrangère et le troisième sur les institutions de prise de décision et de mise en œuvre de cette politique étrangère. Ces trois axes sont reliés par les idées qui forment la structure intellectuelle des débats entre les acteurs ainsi que les déterminants de la création institutionnelle. <p>C’est là le cœur de notre thèse. En faisant appel à la méthodologie originale développée par Pierre Rosanvallon, qu’il décrit comme une histoire conceptuelle du politique, nous avons tout d’abord procédé à une étude du cadre intellectuel de la révolution américaine en mettant en lumière les évolutions des concepts-clefs de la philosophie des relations internationales par une analyse de la contribution de Montesquieu à la théorie politique internationale. <p>La thèse porte ensuite sur les débats révolutionnaires, la tension entre les idéologies des Lumières telles qu’illustrées par la pensée de Montesquieu et le désir d’expansion territoriale ou de grandeur des acteurs de la révolution. Nous avons choisi de consacrer notre étude aux élites, non pas que nous ne considérions pas l’histoire sociale digne d’intérêt mais nous avons postulé que dans cette phase de bouleversement politique, ce sont les élites politiques qui ont joué le rôle déterminant. Enfin, la troisième partie de la thèse consiste en une étude du cadre constitutionnel, législatif et institutionnel de la politique étrangère républicaine issue de l’interaction entre la structure intellectuelle des Lumières et son interprétation par les acteurs. <p>Ainsi, notre analyse des idées, des acteurs et des institutions de la république américaine nous a permis de contribuer d’une part à la théorie des relations internationales en mettant en lumière les évolutions des concepts-clefs de la politique internationale au cours du 18ème siècle et d’autre part à l’histoire des idées politiques en étendant son champ aux questions internationales. Cela nous a permis également de mettre en lumière le lien étroit entre la structure idéelle, les intérêts et les stratégies des acteurs et la création des institutions politiques. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished