John Milton (1608 1674) é conhecido não só como o poeta do épico Paraíso perdido, mas também como um dos grandes teóricos e polemistas do período das Guerras Civis Inglesas. Seu principal tema é o problema da liberdade em um reino que se transformou segundo ele em uma tirania de reis e potentados religiosos, onde o súdito não era mais adequadamente representado por seu soberano; de acordo com Milton, como o rei não era mais o representante justo do reino, ele não deveria mais exercer as suas funções, sendo necessária a sua deposição e, em alguns casos extremos, o regicídio (como foi defendido pelo próprio poeta); assim, a solução proposta junto com outros panfletários anti-realistas, que nunca atingiram a riqueza retórica e a ousadia teórica de Milton é o surgimento de uma república inglesa, inspirada nos moldes ciceronianos e de clara influência secular-humanista. A partir de agora, o verdadeiro representante do governo deve ser o povo, mais precisamente a commonwealth, formada por indivíduos capazes de dominar as paixões que os podem transformá-los em escravos e viver de acordo com a vontade da razão e da prudência. A liberdade interior dos membros desta república se dá dentro desta commonwealth, onde eles podem exercer a liberdade civil (em que o indivíduo pode viver com tranqüilidade desde que respeite as leis da república), a liberdade doméstica (em que se pode escolher qual é o tipo de educação que pretende ter, quais são as pessoas com quem pretende se relacionar, etc.) e a liberdade religiosa (a possibilidade de escolher uma religião sem a interferência do governo ou de qualquer outra seita religiosa que se classifique como oficial). / John Milton (1608 - 1674) is known not only for his epic Paradise Lost, but also as one of the great theorists and polemicists of the period of the English Civil Wars. Its main theme is the problem of freedom in a kingdom that has become a tyranny of kings and religious potentates, where the subject was not properly represented by his sovereign; according to Milton, as the king was no longer the right representative of the kingdom, he should no longer perform his duties, requiring the deposition and in some extreme cases, the regicide (as argued by him); thus, the proposed solution along with other anti-royalist pamphleteers, who never reached Milton´s rhetoric and the theoretical boldness is the emergence of an English republic. From now on, the true representative of the government should be the people, specifically the commonwealth, made up of individuals able to master the passions that can turn them into slaves and live according to the will of reason and prudence. The Freedom of the Republic takes place within this commonwealth, where its members can exercise civil liberty (in which the individual can live with peace of mind provided if it complies with the laws of the Republic), domestic freedom (where you can choose what kind education you want to have, who are the people you want to relate, etc.) and religious freedom (the ability to choose a religion without interference from the government or any other religious sect that classify them as \"official\").

Ao longo da história da filosofia, John Locke tem sido frequentemente apresentado sob o rótulo de pai do liberalismo, o que decorre, invariavelmente, de um modo peculiar de interpretação da noção de liberdade para o filósofo, que estaria estruturada em torno da ideia de não-interferência. Derivada frequentemente de propostas analíticas realizadas em um vácuo histórico, em que as ideias de Locke são tomadas como uma estática coleção, tal conclusão expressa uma perspectiva que não considera o caráter essencialmente discursivo da filosofia política e o campo problemático em que os conceitos foram pensados pelo filósofo. Se tomarmos a obra de Locke a partir de um campo mais abrangente, constituído por diferentes atos de discurso, em que sejam considerados as condições e o contexto em que os elementos textuais foram enunciados, recuperando-se o aspecto polêmico do texto, pode ser evidenciado um traço marcadamente republicano no conceito de liberdade formulado pelo autor. Partindo da perspectiva de John Pocock acerca do processo de formação do republicanismo inglês, segundo a qual as matrizes republicanas foram recebidas na Inglaterra a partir do século XVI, desencadeando um longo processo de anglicização da república, no qual diferentes momentos podem ser identificados, e tomando como pressuposto a ideia de dupla filiação do conceito moderno de liberdade, proposta por Jean-Fabien Spitz, o propósito deste trabalho é colher os elementos que apontam em que medida a noção de liberdade defendida por Locke em sua obra política pode ser considerada tributária dos argumentos desenvolvidos nos momentos precedentes em que se expressou o pensamento republicano na Inglaterra, o que permitiria incluí-la como referência de um importante ato do longo discurso que culminou na formulação do conceito republicano de liberdade. / Throughout the history of philosophy, John Locke has often been presented under the label of \"father of liberalism,\" which invariably follows from a peculiar way of interpreting his concept of freedom, as structured around the idea of non-interference. Coming from analytical proposals often elaborated in a \"historical vacuum\", in which Locke\'s ideas are taken as a static collection, such a conclusion expresses a perspective that does not consider the essentially discursive character of political philosophy and the \"problematic field\" in which some concepts were thought by the philosopher. On the other hand, if we take Locke\'s work from a broader field, made up of different \"acts of discourse,\" taking into account the conditions and contexts in which the textual elements were enunciated, and recovering the controversial aspect of the text, we can reveal a republican feature in the concept of liberty formulated by the author. Starting from John Pocock\'s perspective about the English republicanism, according to which republican matrices were received in England from the sixteenth century, triggering a long process of \"anglicization of the republic,\" in which different \"moments\" can be identified, and considering the idea of double affiliation of the modern concept of freedom, proposed by Jean-Fabien Spitz, the purpose of this work is to gather the elements that indicate to what extent the notion of freedom defended by Locke in his political work can be considered tributary of the arguments developed in the previous \"moments\" in which the republican thought in England was expressed, which would allow to include it as reference of an important \"act\" of the long discourse that culminated in the republican concept of liberty.

O objeto da pesquisa é a vasta produção textual de José Feliciano de Oliveira, abolicionista, positivista e professor da Escola Normal de São Paulo no final do século XIX e início do XX. Os objetivos gerais do trabalho consistem na análise da vida e obra do autor de forma a situá-lo nos campos da instrução pública brasileira e do positivismo brasileiro e francês, além de esclarecer aspectos de sua atuação de forma a compreender seu pensamento educacional como um mestre de vocação positivista em ação na história republicana brasileira. Para a análise, o conjunto da obra foi categorizado conforme a classificação de gêneros textuais de Dolz e Schneuwly e dividido em três agrupamentos principais: construção da nacionalidade brasileira, doutrina positivista e educação. As fontes consultadas foram as obras bibliográficas, artigos para a imprensa, notadamente em O Estado de S. Paulo, e correspondência, tendo o autor se dedicado a escrever obras sobre personagens exemplares para a sociedade brasileira, como Tiradentes, Santos Dumont e José Bonifácio. Voltado à escrita de uma história de integração luso-brasileira, filiado a instituições como o IHGB, tratou de temas clássicos como o descobrimento do Brasil e a bandeira nacional. Nos escritos sobre o positivismo, abordou tanto os princípios da doutrina quanto as disputas que ele protagonizou no campo, notadamente com a liderança carioca da Igreja Positivista do Brasil e com a direção da Maison dAuguste Comte de Paulo Carneiro. Como educador, defendeu a regeneração social através do ensino, com a incorporação do negro, do índio e do proletariado, e a preparação adequada para a vida moral em sociedade, possibilitada pelo ensino integral. O professor deveria ser para ele um exemplo de comportamento voltado à pátria, que incentivasse os alunos a se comportarem com urbanidade a fim de que pudesse haver progresso. Como testemunha entusiasmada e protagonista na Escola Normal do início da República, preocupou-se também com a elaboração memorialística do que havia vivenciado na instituição. A inserção institucional de Feliciano, anterior à organização universitária brasileira, não foi suficiente para que sua obra fosse devidamente lembrada pelas gerações seguintes. O mestre paulista procurou o reconhecimento social de sua obra ao mesmo tempo em que precisava lidar com os limites impostos pela doutrina positivista que condenava a ênfase no individualismo. / The object of the research is the vast textual production of the abolitionist, positivist and teacher of the Normal School of São Paulo José Feliciano de Oliveira in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The general objectives of the work are to analyze the author\'s life and work in order to situate him in the fields of Brazilian public education and Brazilian and French positivism, as well as clarifying aspects of his work understanding his educational thinking as a master of positivist vocation during Brazilian republican history. For the analysis, the whole of the work was categorized according to the classification of textual genres of Dolz and Schneuwly being divided into three main groups: construction of Brazilian nationality, positivist doctrine and education. The sources consulted were bibliographical works, press articles notably in O Estado de S. Paulo and correspondence. Aimed at writing a history of Portuguese-Brazilian integration, affiliated with institutions such as the IHGB, he dealt with classical themes such as the discovery of Brazil and the national flag, devoting himself to writing works on exemplary characters for Brazilian society, such as Tiradentes, Santos Dumont and José Bonifácio. Considering his writings on positivism, he dealt with both the principles of doctrine and the disputes he played in the field, notably with the leadership of the Positivist Church in Brazil and with the direction of Maison d\'Auguste Comte by Paulo Carneiro. As an educator, he defended social regeneration through education, with the incorporation of the black, indigenous people and the proletariat, adequately preparing for moral life in society made possible by integral education. Furthermore, in his view, the teacher should be an example of behavior toward the homeland, which would encourage students to behave with civility so that progress could be made. During the Republics first years, he was witness and protagonist in the Normal School, posteriorly worring about the memorialistic elaboration of what he had experienced in the institution. The institutional insertion of Feliciano, prior to the Brazilian university organization, was not enough so that his work was properly remembered by the following generations. The São Paulo master sought the social recognition of his work while dealing with the limits imposed by the positivist doctrine that condemned the emphasis on individualism.

Instituto Federal de EducaÃÃo, CiÃncia e Tecnologia do Parà / A presente tese tem como objeto a institucionalizaÃÃo dos Grupos Escolares no Estado do Parà a partir de 1890 atà 1910, tendo como enredo o republicanismo e o modelo escolar. O estudo tem suas bases na histÃria cultural e contou com a abordagem da Micro-histÃria de Ginzburg (1987) e Espada (2006). No Ãmbito dos estudos da histÃria da educaÃÃo foi problematizado em relaÃÃo à escola moderna, dentro dos moldes do projeto civilizador traÃado pela RepÃblica, atravÃs das categorias: Republicanismo e modelo escolar em Souza (2012). Mediante os aportes sobre o conceito de âcompreensÃo e de apropriaÃÃoâ; alÃm do neologismo ârepresentÃnciaâ, para a definiÃÃo de reprÃsentance em Ricoeur (1997/ 2010), no sentido de compreender o que foi dito e como foi narrada a experiÃncia do tempo, destacando o significado do que foi atribuÃdo, por diferentes sujeitos em diferentes situaÃÃes; com centralidade Ãs aÃÃes dos sujeitos (WEBER, 2001). Respondendo, assim, à seguinte questÃo-problema: Como ocorreu a criaÃÃo do Grupo Escolar na EducaÃÃo PrimÃria no Estado do Parà (1890-1910), a partir do republicanismo e do modelo escolar, em suas articulaÃÃes com o ideÃrio pedagÃgico, religioso e polÃtico? Com Ãnfase à anÃlise nas narrativas expressas, nas fontes documentais primÃrias: relatÃrios, regulamentos, decretos, livros, diÃrio oficial, cartas e jornais; ancorada em SchÃtze (2010), Ricoeur (2010), Creswell (2007) e Strauss e Corbin (2008). Os resultados expressam que o Parà foi o terceiro Estado a implantar os grupos escolares, a institucionalizaÃÃo dos mesmos iniciou por um municÃpio do interior, em Alenquer em 1899, a partir da necessidade da reorganizaÃÃo do ensino primÃrio atravÃs do regulamento de 1899 e no inÃcio do sÃculo XX foram criados os grupos na capital, num cenÃrio de modernizaÃÃo da cidade de BelÃm, mediante a urbanizaÃÃo, Bellà Ãpoque e o apogeu do ciclo da borracha. / This thesis has the purpose of institutionalization of School Groups in the State of Parà from 1890 to 1910, and republicanism as plot and the school model. The study has its basis in cultural history and had the approach of Micro-history of Ginzburg (1987) and Sword (2006). Within the study of the history of education has been questioned in relation to modern school, along the lines of the civilizing project outlined by the Republic, through the categories: Republicanism and scholastic model Souza (2012). Through the contributions on the concept of "comprehension and appropriation"; beyond the neologism "representÃncia", for defining reprÃsentance in Ricoeur (1997/2010), in order to understand what was said and how it was narrated the experience of time, highlighting the significance of what has been ascribed by different subjects in different situations; centrality with the actions of individuals (Weber, 2001). Responding, thus the question-problem: How did the creation of the Group in Primary School Education in the State of Parà (1890-1910), from republicanism and of the school model, in its articulations with the educational, religious and political ideas? With emphasis on the analysis in the narratives expressed, in the primaries documentary sources: reports, regulations, decrees, books, official gazette, letters and newspapers; anchored in SchÃtze (2010), Ricoeur (2010), Creswell (2007) and Strauss and Corbin (2008). The results show that the Para was the third state to implement school groups, the institutionalization of them started by a municipality in in Alenquer in 1899, from the necessity of reorganization of primary education by 1899 Council Regulation and early twentieth century groups were created in the capital, in a scenario of modernization of the city of BelÃm, through urbanization, Belle Epoque and the height of the rubber boom.

A presente dissertação se ocupa em analisar a relevância da melhor técnica legislativa, para a formulação e efetivação de políticas públicas, dentro de nossa contemporaneidade democrática. Nesse aspecto, um instrumento recente aparece no cenário político e jurídico: a Legística. Em linhas gerais, a Legística sintetiza o estudo dos aspectos formal e material do texto legal, além de perquirir, à luz da ciência jurídica, se seria possível que a lei, com todas as suas características e com as garantias que visa promover, fosse instrumento apto à determinada dinâmica que permitisse adaptações de conteúdo, em face de sua aplicação no curso do tempo. E, ainda, antes mesmo da vigência do texto normativo, qual o trâmite que viabilizasse participação e técnica. Ao discorrer sobre o tema, pareceu-me mais adequado definir um foco e cercá-lo das informações relevantes, visando consolidá-lo como síntese de inúmeros processos. A lei é esse foco. O mandamento legal, na Ordem Constitucional, que fundamenta o poder estatal, e todas as influências que correm como pano de fundo, inclusive as históricas, porém, sem longas digressões. O tempo presente parece-me sintetizar, em si próprio, toda experiência acumulada e variantes decorrentes do local, da política e das ambições econômicas e, com igual relevância, dos anseios por um mundo melhor, de homens e mulheres. Penso que a presente dissertação terá cumprido seu papel, se permanecer coerente com as fontes de pesquisa, seus próprios termos, e se instigar ao leitor chegar ao seu final. / The present essay is concerned with analyzing the relevance of the best legislative technique for the enforcement and execution of public policies within our contemporary democracy. According to this, a recent instrument appears in the political and legal scene:Legistics. In general Legistica summarizes the study of both formal and material aspects of the legal text besides questioning with scientism - whether it was possible to the law, with all its features and with the assurances that promotes would be a capable instrument to a specific dynamic that would allow content to be adapted due to the concreteness of time. And yet, even before its term, which could be the procedure which would enable participation and technique? Discussing the topic, it seemed more appropriate to define a focus and surround it with relevant information in order to consolidate it as a synthesis of many processes. The law is this focus. The legal command in Constitutional order that underlies state power. And all the influences that run in the background, including the historical, but without long digressions. It seems to me that the present time summarizes the whole experience and variants arising from local, politics, and economic ambitions and, with equal relevance, the yearnings for a better world of men and women. I think that the present work will have fulfilled its role, if it remains consistent with its research sources, its own terms that urges the reader to get to its end.

Thesis prepared for a joint degree (cotutelle) between Université de Montréal and École Normale Supérieure de Cachan, Université Paris-Saclay. / Depuis la loi interdisant le port de signes religieux "ostensibles" dans les écoles publiques (2004), un changement progressif s'est opéré en France. De l'interdiction du port du foulard intégral dans l'espace public (2010) aux mesures touchant les parents d'élèves (2012) et les employées des crèches privées (2014), les femmes portant le foulard islamique ont graduellement été exclues de différents espaces publics. Ces mesures sont souvent justifiées au nom de la nécessité de défendre la République ou de revitaliser les valeurs qui la sous-tendent. À travers quels processus politiques y compris discursifs l'exclusion des femmes voilées est-elle devenue une composante de la promotion des valeurs républicaines ? Ma recherche se penche sur cette question à l'aide d'une approche conceptuelle et discursive de l'étude des idéologies politiques. Plus précisément, en ancrant mon analyse dans les discours publics entourant quatre "affaires du voile", ma recherche met en lumière la transformation graduelle du républicanisme français – une construction complexe à travers laquelle les concepts politiques acquièrent un sens. Cette analyse de l'idéologie républicaine française dans le contexte des "affaires du voile" révèle et continuité et changement. Continuité, car les anciens principes de liberté, égalité et fraternité y demeurent centraux ; et changement, car de nouveaux idéaux ont modifié la signification de son noyau conceptuel. Dans le chapitre 4, "Le foulard de l'étudiante : Le succès du séxularisme", j'analyse le début de ce processus. En examinant la controverse publique au sujet du port du foulard islamique dans les écoles publiques, je démontre comment les acteurs politiques français ont graduellement construit la question de l'égalité des sexes – qui, historique¬ment, a été plutôt marginale dans la pensée républicaine française – comme une valeur contiguë au principe de la laïcité, ouvrant ainsi la porte à d'autres redéfinitions. Dans le chapitre 5, "La burqa dans l'espace public : L'ordre social républicain", mon analyse démontre comment les hommes politiques et les juristes, en visant à interdire le port du voile intégral, ont revivifié et transformé la notion de l'ordre public à travers la construction d'une nouvelle définition de l'ordre social. Dès lors, le républicanisme français s'oriente vers la protection de "valeurs communes". D'un point de vue théorique, je soutiens que ce glissement implique une transformation naissante au sein même du noyau républicain : la priorisation de fraternité aux dépens de liberté et d'égalité. Le chapitre 6, "Baby-Loup et l'emploi privé : de discrimination à la cohésion sociale", et le chapitre 7, "Mères 'voilées' et sorties scolaires : une extension de la norme sociale républicaine", analysent la consolidation et les conséquences du noyau républicain transformé : la priorisation de l'intérêt public au détriment des droits et libertés individuels. Ces chapitres démontrent comment les acteurs politiques et juridiques ont appliqué ce républicanisme remanié aux nouveaux espaces et aux nouveaux groupes. Ce faisant, ils ont contribué à l'émergence et à l'enracinement d'un nouveau discours de cohésion sociale, imprégné par l'exigence de neutralité religieuse individuelle et conditionné par l'exclusion des femmes "voilées" d'une variété d'espaces publics. / Since the law prohibiting the wearing of conspicuous religious symbols in public schools (2004), a gradual development has taken place in France. From the law banning full-face covering in public space (2010) to measures concerning the parents of students (2012) and the employees of private nurseries (2014), women wearing the Islamic headscarf have step-by-step been excluded from different spheres of public life. These measures have been publicly justified by the necessity of defending the French Republic or of reinvigorating its underlying principles. Through which political including discursive processes did the public promotion of republican values come to signify the exclusion of headscarf-wearing Muslim women from public spaces? My research tackles this question by employing a conceptual and discursive approach to the study of political ideology. More specifically, by focusing on the public discourses surrounding four so-called "veil affairs," my research sheds light on the gradual transformation of French republicanism – a complex construct through which political concepts gain meaning. Examining contemporary French republicanism through the context of the "veil affairs" reveals both continuity and change. Continuity, because the age-old principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity still form its cornerstone; and change, because newer ideals have modified the meaning of its conceptual core. In Chapter 4, "The Student's Headscarf: The Success of Sexularism," I analyze the beginning of this process. By examining the public controversy surrounding the wearing of the Islamic headscarf in public schools, I show how French political elites gradually constructed the question of gender equality – which, historically, has been rather marginal in French republican thought – as a value adjacent to the principle of laïcité, thereby opening the door for further redefinitions. In Chapter 5, "The Burqa in Public Space: The Republican Social Order," my empirical analysis demonstrates that, in aiming to ban face-covering veils, French political and legal actors ended up reviving and transforming the notion of public order through the construction of a new definition of republican social order. Thus, French republicanism took an important turn towards the protection of "shared values." From a theoretical point of view, I argue that this shift implies a nascent transformation within the very core of the republican-ideological construct: the prioritization of fraternity over liberty and equality. Chapter 6, "Baby-Loup and Private Employment: From Discrimination to Social Cohesion," and Chapter 7, "'Veiled' Mothers and School Outings: Extending the Republican Social Norm," examine the consolidation and consequences of the transformed republican-ideological core: the prioritizing of the "common good" (intérêt public) over individual rights and freedoms. These chapters shed light on how political and legal actors applied the transformed republican ethos to new spheres and new groups of people. In doing so, they contributed to the emergence and entrenchment of a new discourse on social cohesion – one permeated by the requirement of individual religious neutrality and dependent on the exclusion of headscarf-wearing Muslim women from a variety of public spaces.

La place assignée à Gabriel Bonnot de Mably (1709-1785) au sein de l'historiographie contemporaine est ambigüe. Il a été longtemps considéré comme l'une des influences majeures de la Révolution française puis comme l'un des précurseurs de la doctrine communiste. Il a fallu attendre les travaux de l’École de Cambridge en particulier ceux de Pocock, pour qu'un consensus s'opère : Mably est devenu l'archétype du républicain classique en France au XVIIIe siècle. L'objectif de cette thèse est d'interroger l'inscription de Mably dans cette tradition républicaine, en prenant en compte deux éléments fondateurs de sa pensée : i) Sa vraisemblable proximité avec Jacques Vincent de Gournay et la « science du commerce », ii) les influences du droit naturel moderne et en particulier celle de John Locke. Ces éléments conduisent à réévaluer la controverse entre Mably et les physiocrates. Il est proche d'accepter une société fondée sur l'intérêt personnel et le calcul individuel, mais seule une solution républicaine : la participation à la vie collective de chaque citoyen, est en mesure de garantir la théorie, dite libérale, du droit naturel. Et si Mably s'oppose à la libéralisation du commerce des grains défendue par les physiocrates, c'est pour défendre les principes de la « science du commerce », c'est-à-dire un libre-échange encadré. Ainsi, en portant une attention particulière aux influences intellectuelles de Mably, en particulier celles de Locke et de Gournay, cette thèse met en lumière une nouvelle grille interprétative, une position médiane, dans laquelle le langage républicain de Mably est au service de sa théorie du droit naturel. / The place assigned to Gabriel Bonnot de Mably (1709-1785) in contemporary historiography is ambiguous. He is portrayed as a main influence of the French Revolution then as a precursor to the communist doctrine. Recently, the Cambridge School works' and in particular Pocock's works led to a consensus: Mably was the archetype of classical republicanism in France in 18th century. The aim of this thesis is to examine the membership of Mably in this republican tradition taking into account two fundamental elements of his thought: i) his connection with Vincent de Gournay and the "science of commerce"; ii) the influences of modern natural law and in particular that of John Locke. This leads to reassess the controversy between Mably and Physiocrats. He seems close to accepting the Physiocratie argument for a society based on self-interest and individual calculation. But only a republican solution, the participation in the collective life of every citizen, is able to secure the theory, called liberal, of natural law. His opposition to the liberalization of grain tracte results from a defense of the "science of commerce" i.e. a framed free trade. Thus, paying particular attention to Mably's intellectual influences particularly those of Locke and Gournay, this thesis highlights a new interpretative grid, a rniddle position, in which the republican language of Mably secures his theory of natural law.

It has become something of a cliché for contemporary scholars to assert that Madison turned Montesquieu on his head and thereafter give little thought to the Frenchman’s theory that republics must remain limited in territorial size. Madison did indeed present a formidable challenge to Montesquieu’s theory, but I will demonstrate in this dissertation that the authors of the Federalist Papers arrived at the extended sphere by following a theoretical pathway already cemented by the French philosopher. I will also show that Madison’s “practical sphere” ultimately concedes to Montesquieu that excessive territorial size and high levels of heterogeneity will overwhelm the citizens of a republic and enable the few to oppress the many. The importance of this dissertation is its finding that the principal mechanism devised by the Federalists for dealing with factions—the enlargement of the sphere—was crafted specifically for the purpose of moderating interests, classes, and sects within an otherwise relatively homogeneous nation. Consequently, the diverse republic that is America today may be exposed to the existential threat anticipated by Montesquieu’s theory of size—the plutocratic oppression of society by an elite class that employs the strategy of divide et impera.

No description available.

This dissertation uses Critical Discourse Analysis to study debates among elite members and affiliates of the Democratic Party from 1988-2008 on class issues and their relevance to the party's environmental agenda. This research builds off of several related historical and theoretical accounts (both primary and secondary) of new social and economic divisions between college-educated and non-college educated workers that have shaped American politics since the 1970s. I focus on how Democratic interest in environmentalism changed as a 'professional-managerial-class' or 'new class' supplanted unionized, industrial workers as the primary social base of the Democratic party. I trace how related people and groups associated with the party understood the relevance of these different classes to consolidating enduring electoral power, and how these informed specific arguments for what ideological views or policy proposals the party should publicly embrace. Furthermore, I identify 'green' narratives related to environmental protection, as an emerging thematic framework that some Democrats felt could help them build a coalition based primarily around support from educated, white-collar workers. I contend that the ideological character of the party's environmental rhetoric, as articulated in this debate, has been influenced mostly by attempts to tailor the party's agenda to the perceived sensibilities of the college-educated, rather than the older working-class base. My analysis proposes three overarching core concepts most often ascribed to the professional class and its members' ideological disposition. I use the discursive method described above to explore their relationship to the framing of the climate issue and its connection to broader ideological values. These are (A) Meritocracy (B) Technocratic Rationality, and (C) Individualism. I argue these professional-oriented climate narratives can be understood as adapting the conceptual reasoning of an older liberal tradition to the structural conditions of the post-70s, globalized economy. Specifically, that the frequent emphasis on these three concepts implicit to the PMC-centric discourse is consistent with a liberal view of freedom as 'non-interference', and a related hostility to democratic interventions into the market. This ideological analysis is significant to the dissertation's focus on framings of climate change because an account this conceptual logic reveals the potential limits of the Democrats' efforts to create majoritarian, political support for environmental protection. / Doctor of Philosophy / This dissertation provides an analysis of debates among elite members and affiliates of the Democratic Party from 1988-2008 on class issues and their relevance to the party's environmental agenda. This investigation is informed by existing accounts of the social and economic divisions between college-educated and non-college educated workers that have shaped American politics since the 1970s. I focus on how Democratic interest in environmentalism developed as a 'professional-managerial-class' or 'new class' supplanted unionized, industrial workers as the primary social base of the Democratic party. I trace how related people and groups associated with the party understood the relevance of these different classes to winning future elections, and how these informed specific arguments for what ideological views or policy proposals the party should publicly embrace. Furthermore, I identify 'green' narratives related to environmental protection, as an emerging thematic framework that some Democrats felt could help them build a coalition based primarily around support from educated, white-collar workers. There are two narratives about class and its relevance to the party that recur frequently in these sources. The first advocates for a coalition made up primarily by the working-class, conceived of as wage-earning, high-school educated voters working in domestically bound, blue collar industries. The second argues the party should build a coalition made up of a professional-managerial class—referred to as the "symbolic analysts", "the rising learning class", "ideapolis dwellers", or "wired workers"— conceived of as affluent, well-educated professionals working in globally integrated sectors of a high-tech "new economy". Each of these views are based on identifying specific ideological sensibilities with the respective classes, which then justify arguments for particular framings of the party's identity and policy agenda. I contend that the ideological character of the party's public philosophy, as articulated in this debate, has been influenced mostly by attempts to tailor the party's agenda (or rhetoric) to the perceived sensibilities of the college-educated, rather than the older working-class base. I show that this was motivated by a belief that a coalition built around votes from the PMC would serve as a more reliable electoral base in a political environment where it was difficult to build support through redistributive, New Deal-style policies as the party had done since the 1930s. Some members perceived the professionals' investment in a post-material "New Politics" or "progressive centrism" as an alternative. The college-educated, they argued, could be motivated to support the Democrats on cultural grounds, allowing the party to embrace more free-market policies. In addition, several figures, including Chuck Schumer, Bill Clinton, and Al Gore argued that environmentalism could or should serve as the foundation of this progressive centrist version of the party, because of green issues' supposed compatibility with a 'pro-business', market-based agenda.