European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), which creates security and defence dimension of the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union, is today one of the most dynamically developing European projects. During the ten years of its existence it has demonstrated its sense, vitality, the momentum of development, the ability to respond to current topics, issues and trends, created strong political and military structure and committed to develop its own military capabilities, established integrated strategy for security and defence and create framework for cooperation with NATO. ESDP was able to turn the initial theoretical considerations into political and military practice. EU has launched more than twenty military or civilian missions and gradually began to build a global position as a credible security actor. The entire decade of the ESDP, however, was not only about the venerable results. At the same time, it accompanied the unsuccessful efforts to find consensus among nearly three dozens of Member States, the lack of sufficient resources and skills to empower the real defence connected with military- technical dependence on NATO, the limited flexibility of the system of political decision-making and limits set by the actual nature of the European Union. The main objective of...

Diploma thesis "the European Union's influence on the Middle East" is focused on problems of the European Union and its role and influence in that region. From this thesis is evidence that Europe or the EU took and still take interest in the Middle East and that its influence on that region from 90's of 20th century is getting bigger because of emergent common policy of EU in face of that region. EU increasing influence on the Middle East will be looked about EU foreign policy on the Middle East aimed at its economic and politic or security aims. This thesis is stressed at power-political and human-cultural structure among regions like the basis for understanding of complete influence the EU on that region. In next step the research characterizes foreign policy of the EU on the Middle East from the view of rise and development, actors, instruments and economic and politic or security aims. From the view of economic aims the thesis point out the energetic links focusing on oil and natural gas. From the view of politic or security aims the thesis approves that EU has increased its presence on the Middle East particularly by civil missions in Palestine and Iraq. The rise of Union for the Mediterranean in 2008 with the aim to institutionalize the running cooperation between the EU and...

Information security research shows that employees are a source of some of the security incidents in the organisation. This often results from failure to comply with the Information Security Policies (ISPs). The question is, therefore, how to improve information security behaviour of employees so that it complies with the ISPs. This study aims to contribute to the understanding of information security behaviour, especially how it can be improved, from an intrinsic motivation perspective. A review of the literature suggested that research in information security behaviour is still predominantly based on the extrinsic perspective, while the intrinsic perspective has not received as much attention. This resulted in the study being carried out from the perspective of the self-determination theory (SDT) since this theory has also not received as much attention in the study of information security behaviour. The study then proposed an information security compliant behaviour conceptual model based on the self-determination theory, (ISCBMSDT). Based on this model, a questionnaire, the ISCBMSDT questionnaire, was developed using the Human Aspects of Information Security Questionnaire and SDT. Using this questionnaire, a survey (n = 263) was carried out at a South African university and responses were received from the academic, administrative and operational staff. The following statistical analysis of the data was carried out: exploratory factor analysis, reliability analysis, analysis of variance (ANOVA), independent samples test (t-tests) and Pearson correlation analysis. The responses to the survey questions suggest that autonomy questions received positive perception followed by competence questions and relatedness questions. The correlation analysis results show the existence of a statistically significant relationship between competence and autonomy factors. Also, a partial significant relationship between autonomy and relatedness factors as well as between competence and relatedness factors was observed. The exploratory factor analysis that was performed on the questionnaire produced 11 factors. Cronbach alpha was then computed for the eleven factors and all were found to be above 0.7, thus suggesting that the questionnaire is valid and reliable. The results of the research study also suggest that competence and autonomy could be more important than relatedness in directing information security behaviour among employees. / School of Computing / M. Tech. (Information Technology)

The aim of this master's thesis is to design a language through which it would be possible to monitor a stream of network flows in order to detect network policy violations in the local network. An analysis of the languages used in the data stream management systems and an analysis of tasks submitted by the potential administrator were both carried out. The analysis specified resulted in the language design which represents pipelining consisting of filtering and aggregation. These operations can be clearly defined and managed within security rules. The result of this thesis also results in the Policer modul being integrated in the NEMEA system, which is able to apply the main commands of the proposed language. Finally, the module meets the requirements of the specified tasks and may be used for further development in the area of monitoring network policies.

This thesis deals with the introduction of information security management system in IT enterprise. It includes theoretical knowledge which are necessary for the understanding of this issue and their application for the analysis of the current state of information security, risk analysis and risk management. Last but not least for the actual implementation of information security management system in the company. The implementation of ISMS was divided into two phases. This thesis details the first phase.

The aim of this study is to investigate and analyse the military involvement of the USA in the security of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) during the era of the Clinton administration (1993-2001). The study is based on the assumption that the US did not have that much interest in the security of SSA during the Clinton era and that it did not want to become militarily involved in SSA. Its position as the only remaining superpower in the post-Cold War era, however placed a responsibility on the US to be militarily involved in the creation of a more secure SSA. The study relies on two theoretical constructs. On the one hand the changing nature of security in the post-Cold War world in general, but specifically in SSA, serves as a theoretical starting point. This is, on the other hand, supported by a theoretical focus on the nature of military involvement globally, but also specifically in SSA in the era after the Cold War. The latter is to a large extent related to the changing nature of military force and the use thereof in the post-Cold War era. The military involvement of the US in the management of the security of SSA during the Clinton era is analysed against the background of the US interests, policy, and strategy – specifically its security strategy – in SSA. The reality of the absence of concrete US interests in SSA is highlighted. This lack of interest led to a situation whereby SSA could not be a priority in US foreign policy. The US policy objectives in SSA were nevertheless aimed at the promotion of democracy, the improvement of the security situation and the support of economic progress. The reluctance of the US to deploy military forces in SSA underpins its security strategy and military involvement in SSA. The security strategy of the US was in essence preventive in nature since it aimed at preventing the manifestation of threats from SSA against the US by promoting the stability of SSA. However, the US was still militarily involved in SSA in a variety of ways, from the provision of military training and the conduct of military exercises to military operations. Military involvement centred around the empowerment of armed forces in SSA. It was argued that the capacity of the armed forces of SSA should be developed to support democratic governance and economic progress. The capacity building programmes of the US armed forces in SSA concentrated on defence reform, military professionalism, the creation of indigenous conflict resolution and peace support capabilities, the provision of equipment, and the improvement of health and environmental conditions. / Dissertation (MA (Security Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

Den säkerhetspolitiska situationen i Norden var under kalla kriget låst i kampen mellan öst och väst. Detta innebar att respektive lands möjligheter att fritt välja säkerhetsstrategi var begränsad. Först efter slutet på kalla kriget öppnade sig denna möjlighet och länderna kunde även se sig om efter nya samarbeten och partners. Nya säkerhetsstrategier utarbetas i Sverige och Norge där det internationella åtagandet stärks och nya samarbeten utvecklas med bland annat det nordiska försvarssamarbetet. När Ryssland i och med sitt agerande i Georgien och Ukraina återigen börjar utgöra ett potentiellt hot börjar det territoriella försvaret hamna i fokus igen. Den nya säkerhetspolitiska situationen leder till ett militärt samarbete mellan Sverige och Finland som bland annat involverar försvarsplanering för skyddandet av det andra landets territorium. Men ett sådant samarbete uppstår inte mellan Sverige och Norge. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka och beskriva likheter och skillnader i svensk- och norsk säkerhetsstrategi sedan förändringen i omvärldsläget 2008 och vidare beskriva eventuella möjligheter för utvidgade försvars- och militära samarbeten mellan Sverige och Norge, liknande det som finns mellan Sverige och Finland. Studien använder sig av kvalitativ textanalys applicerat på norska och svenska försvarsbeslut, propositioner eller underlag inför dessa. För att kunna svara på studiens syfte och frågeställningar används två olika teorier, en per frågeställning, som appliceras på textanalysens resultat. Studiens viktigaste resultat består i att de slående likheterna mellan svensk och norsk säkerhetsstrategi beror på den gemensamma strategiska miljö som länderna befinner sig i samt att hoten i den förändrade omvärlden tolkas likvärdigt. De största likheterna mellan de två ländernas utformade säkerhetsstrategier finns i de säkerhetspolitiska målen samt de tillgången till nationella medel och resurser. Den största skillnaden mellan länderna rör vald metod att genomföra sin strategi på, där Norge för en tydlig allianspolitik och bygger sitt nationella försvar kring Nato medan Sverige väljer att stå militärt alliansfritt och samarbeta genom bilaterala avtal. Denna skillnad är också den faktor som starkast negativt påverkar förutsättningarna för ett mer utvecklat militärt samarbete länderna emellan. Utöver frågan kring Nato finns det goda möjligheter för vidare militära samarbeten främst genom gemensamma förband för internationella operationer. / During the Cold War, the security situation in the Nordic countries was fixed in the battle between the East and the West. This meant that each country's ability to freely choose a security strategy was limited. Only after the end of the Cold War did this opportunity emerge and the countries could look for new partnerships. New security strategies were developed in Sweden and Norway, where the international commitment was strengthened and new collaborations were being developed, for example the Nordic defence cooperation. When Russia begun to pose a potential threat with its actions in Georgia and Ukraine, territorial defence rose in priority. The new security situation leads to enhanced military cooperation between Sweden and Finland, which involves, among other things, military planning for the protection of the other country's territory. But no such cooperation develops between Sweden and Norway. The purpose of this study is to investigate and define similarities and differences in the Swedish and Norwegian security strategies since the change in the external situation in 2008 and further describe possible opportunities for enhanced defence and military cooperations between Sweden and Norway, similar to the ones existing between Sweden and Finland. The study uses a qualitative text analysis applied to Norwegian and Swedish defence decisions, acts or reports. To be able to answer the study's purpose and questions, two different theories are being used, one per each question, which is applied to the results of the text analysis. The most significant result of this study is that the most prominent similarities in Swedish and Norwegian security strategies are results of a shared view of the strategic environment and new threats from changes in the external situation is interpreted likewise in both nations. The most notable similarities are found in the stated strategic ends for each country’s security strategy and the national means in assets and capabilities they both possess. The biggest difference between the two are in which ways they operate in the strategic environment, where Norway has chosen NATO as the foundation of their national defence and Sweden stands as non-allied military state depending on bilateral agreements for cooperation. This difference is also the most vital factor negatively effecting the possibilities for enhanced military cooperation between the two countries. Apart from the issue surrounding NATO there are relatively good possibilities for further military cooperation, primarily thru joint military units for international operations.

The thesis "Sweden and European Integration in the Field of Security" deals with the Swedish role in the military dimension of the EU"s Common Security Policy. The thesis applies the concept of "Integration Dilemma" that forms the basis of the theory of national integration policy formulated by Nikolaj Petersen. The thesis draws on Petersen"s premise that all states involved in integration sooner or later experience an integration dilemma constituted by difficult choices between preserving autonomy and exercising influence on other participants. According to Petersen the salience of the integration dilemma differs among states depending on their influence capability, stress sensitivity and degree of identification with ideological sources of integration. Petersen argues that to handle the dilemma, national governments will most likely use adaptive strategies typical for the "balancing policy" mode. Petersen also predicts that countries characterised by high stress sensitivity, limited influence capability and aloofness from the ethos of European integration will perceive the dilemma as highly salient. Petersen assumes that integration policies of those countries will also include strategies characteristic for the "acquiescent" or "quiescent" mode. Petersen"s hypotheses are tested in the analysis of...

This thesis addressed the arms export control in the Federal Republic of Germany during the tenure of chancellor Helmut Kohl and Gerhard Schröder between 1989 and 2005. To this end this thesis elaborated an analytical framework, which analyses this phenomenon thought government arms export policy. Due to lack of preceding research in this area it was necessary to devote significant space for conceptual definition of the arms export policy and contextualization of analytical framework. It was argued that arms export policy of the Federal Republic of Germany should be analyzed as a passive sub-category within security policy. Analytical framework employed to analyze the period between 1989 and 2005 thus reflected four factors or standpoints that exert influence on arms export policy (foreign pressures, security policy, European coordination and legislative and institutional framework). This thesis designed as disciplined interpretive case study posited two hypothesis based on concepts that have been partially applied to arms export phenomenon in different context and time period. First hypothesis concerns the nature of change of arms exports control, which was supposed to change between periods restriction and relaxation of export control. Second hypothesis postulates the nature of change of arms exports...

Sweden is the only state in the Baltic Sea region currently not under NATO protection, which puts the state in a particularly vulnerable position. On 18 May 2022, Sweden officially deemed NATO alignment a more effective option of security strategy in projecting deterrence and dealing with the security challenges the state is facing, compared to a strategy of non-alignment which has been Sweden’s security posture for over 200 years. The aim of the thesis is to explain this shift in Sweden’s security policy.  The thesis will explain small states’ security policy beyond the traditional explanations found in realist theory of state-centric threat balancing and sovereignty. Shelter theory claims that small states’ options for security is either to find a protecting power or join an alliance in order to be politically and militarily sustainable. The thesis will analyse Sweden’s shift in security policy by examining shelter theory’s claim that in order for small states to survive and prosper, buffering up domestic capabilities does not suffice, they need to seek political and military shelter from external security providers by implementing bi- or multilateral agreements with neighbouring states, great powers and by joining alliances.  Analysing a long-time deviant case of a non-aligned small state, this thesis argues that Sweden’s drawn-out road-map to NATO membership is problematic to explain from the perspective of shelter theory. Consequently, the thesis makes the additional claim that factors related to Sweden’s domestic policy, such as public opinion and the nearly institutionalised practice of broad political consensus in issues relating to security policy, also play an important role for the design of Sweden’s security policy. Shelter theory in combination with domestic factors’ influence on security policy change offer a more fully fledged explanation of Sweden's shift in security policy to NATO alignment. This thesis argues that its findings complement and enhance shelter theory by shedding light on the importance of domestic factors in the study of small states’ security policy.