This thesis examines the European Peace Facility and more specifically how this off-      budget fund has been put into effect in Ukraine in light of the recent events of the Russian invasion of 2022.  This thesis will carry out a single case study about how the European Peace Facility (EPF) has been established in support of Ukraine since the end of February 2022. It will also analyse data that concerns the support provided by Member States to Ukraine to provide a better picture of how the EPF has been implemented in Ukraine. The topic can be deemed to be remarkably recent since the situation in Ukraine is still in rapid development. This is proved by the fact that European Union’s Council Decisions that are analysed in this dissertation are still being further amended. Moreover, the topic is relevant for the field of European Studies since it provides a preliminary study of these unprecedented matters that have had a profound impact on the EU. Theories of Intergovernmentalism and Supranationalism will be employed to analytically analyse the material.  This thesis will conclude that even though the EU bodies have had a marginal role in the implementation of the EPF, their response has been timely. The funds allocated by the decisions of the Council of the EU to support Ukraine are quite a substantial part of the whole financial reference of Facility. It is also discussed that the Member States have committed to a great extent to the support of Ukraine both in the training of Ukrainian troops through the EUMAM Ukraine and through the provision of weapons and arms to the UAF. In addition to this, the thesis draws considerations which connect the theory and the single case in question.

Information hanteras, lagras och används av alla typer av verksamheter i sambandmed digitaliseringens framfart. Information är en drivande resurs för verksamhetersom en viktig biståndsdel i affärsprocesser och därför finns ett behov att skydda den.Informationssäkerhet är inte bara en teknisk fråga utan påverkas av organisationskultur,anställdas säkerhetsmedvetenhet samt ledning och individ. Studien användersig av en abduktiv forskningsansats med en kvalitativ datainsamling. I studien intervjuadesnio anställda från olika kommunala förvaltningar för att undersöka hurarbetet med informationssäkerhet bedrivs. I analysen undersöker vi hur den nuvarandesituationen ställer sig mot teorier om hur ett effektivt säkerhetsarbete skabedrivas. I diskussionen belyser vi vikten av ledningens delaktighet i verksamhetensinformationssäkerhet och hur det påverkar det systematiska säkerhetsarbetet.Vi diskuterar även hur individens roll påverkar säkerhetsarbetets effektivitet. Studienvisar hur informationssäkerheten i kommunala förvaltningar inte ligger i fas medbehovet och pekar på vikten av individen samt ledningens ansvar i säkerhetsarbetet. / Information is handled, stored and used by all types of organisations in conjunctionwith the digitization. Information is an important business driver in the businessprocesses of most organisations therefore the protection of the information is crucial.Information security is not solely a technical question and therfore is affectedby the organisational culture, employees security awareness and the role of managementand individuals. The study uses a qualitative method for data collectionwith an abductive approach. In the study, we perform interviews with 9 differentemployees within different municipal administrations to examine how they workwith information security. In the analysis we investigate the correlation betweentheory and the existing situation. In the discussion we highlight the importance ofmanagement participation and the effects they have on information security, securityawareness and organisational culture. We also discuss the importance of theinvolvement of individuals in information security and how it affects its effectivness.The study shows the municiapals shortcomings within information security and theimportance of individuals and managements responsibility for an effective and secureorganisation.

This dissertation scrutinises two related claims that were particularly heightened in 2009 as the European Union (EU) was celebrating the first tenth anniversary of its European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), the implementing arm of its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). First, the two policy frameworks allegedly embodied sufficient added value for bettering EU intervention for human protection purposes in third places. Second, the ESDP supposedly enabled the EU to make a difference in its response to two bloody wars that broke out in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) successively in 1996 and 1998. This thesis argues that the alleged added value and difference have been overstated at best. While various studies have taken a similar position, they have important shortcomings for at least four reasons: lack of a comprehensive account of the CFSP motives, capacities, and response; exclusive focus on civil and military operations; focus on the post-Second Congo War period; and a lack of conceptual clarity regarding two key terms – ‘conflict resolution’ and ‘peacebuilding’. This thesis goes beyond generalisation and undertakes a forensic examination of the CFSP statements, decisions, and actions precisely through the lens of Conflict Resolution (CR): a specific subject area of study with its own normative, theoretical, and practical advantages and shortcomings; and with a more comprehensive and indeed seminal conceptualisation of peacebuilding. The outcome is a far more nuanced assessment of failure and success of the EU’s peace endeavours in this context than can be obtained through a broad-brush approach to analysis / European Community-funded Sustainable Peacebuilding (SPBUILD) Research Training Network; University of Deusto’s ‘RETOS’ research group on socio-cultural and human rights challenges in a changing world.

It is no secret that policy, to a large degree, informs what policy objectives should and can be pursued given a sector or policy domain. However, what happens when multiple levels of policy exist and regulate the same geographical area? The present study explores how complex multi-leveled policy areas affect Environmental Policy Implementation (EPI) and what happens when policy objectives from one level stand against policy objectives on another. By looking at national, supranational, and international policy governing the Swedish Exclusive Economic Zone (SEEZ) and comparing these to the Swedish government decisions on the Nord Stream I and II pipelines (2009 and 2018); the present study has explored to what extent policy objectives and underlying frames from the different policy levels have affected the decisions. The study has worked through the theoretical lenses of Environmental Policy Integration and Frame theory; and has applied thematic analysis and frame analysis methods. The study has concluded that, while policy objectives reflecting strong EPI exist in national policy, the weak EPI of the supranational and international policies policy objectives makes it implausible for effective EPI to be the outcome of decisions in the SEEZ. Without a strong value hierarchy prioritizing environmental objectives, it is unlikely that the Baltic Sea, or other similar multi-leveled policy areas, can achieve sustainable development.

No description available.

The human factor often plays a significant role in cyberattacks targeted against organisations. Therefore, controlling user behaviour is critical to companies’ cybersecurity strengthening efforts. A method used by companies for this is information security policies (ISP). User compliance is required for policies to be able to regulate user behaviour, but research suggests that compliance is often low. This study aims to improve authentication rules in ISP development by executing a systematic literature review. It does this by providing recommendations on how to better capture the user perspective based on the reviewed literature and the collected policies from the public sector.  First a database search was conducted then backwards snowballing, which left us with 61 accepted articles that then underwent coding and ultimately a thematic analysis. This process identified eight key themes: authentication stress, password strength, password changing, password sharing, password reuse, password storage, user guidance and policy design. With these themes in hand, each area could be analysed and compared to corresponding area from the collected policies. This revealed discrepancies between the research and the organizational policies, enabling recommendations on how to improve policies from a user-based perspective to be put forward. The study is limited to authentication rules found in information security policies and excludes rules that might be found in different documents. Additionally, the systematic literature review is limited to digital databases.

This assessment of European Union foreign policy towards the South Caucasus shows that while the EU has developed a coherent transport policy since 1992, paradoxically, it has had no corresponding coherent conflict resolution policy for this region. The fact that the EU deepened transport cooperation without a mediation policy in an area with a multiplicity of protracted conflicts is a puzzle. Although the EU eventually added mediation to its policy during the Russia-Georgia armed conflict in 2008, it was unable to facilitate a political solution. The research examines what has been the nature of EU foreign policy towards the South Caucasus. The dissertation argues that incoherence in conflict resolution policy has been consequent upon two causal factors: (i) preferences of the EU member states conditioned by their historical experience with Russia, and (ii) institutional framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). By contrast, with functional approach, the three dominant factors that have enabled coherence in transport cooperation are (i) legislative alignment, (ii) common transport area, including technical assistance for transit development, and (iii) restrictive measures. Examination of these two areas of EU foreign policy, shows a discrepancy, demonstrating its inconsistent nature. The theoretical framework of realism and liberal intergovernmentalism, is applied to empirically grounded EU foreign policy analysis. Adopting a case study methodology, this work examines the EU's policy towards Armenia and Azerbaijan, with special focus on Georgia between 1992 and 2014. The research combines social science methods of literature review, document analysis and expert interviews.

The Master's Thesis on the Inflow of the Federal Republic of Germany in the Western Security System, 1969-1974, consists of four and tied parts. The first part is an introduction, which has put the reader into the problem of this work. It also includes the methodology of processing of the archival sources and secondary literature and their evaluation too. The Second part is an analyses of the question of Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the importance of this Treaty for the future development and the position of the so-called Grand coaliton in relation to NPT. The third part is an analyses the question of détente policy and conception of Willy Brandt's European security policy, then the problem of the implications of the US/USSR Strategic Arms Limitation Talks for the security status of the Federal Republic of Germany and also the developing of mutual relationships of FRG with NATO in SALT process and involvement of the Nixon administrative in this policy. This chapter also includes the problem of the question of the importance of SPD/FDP security policy in an international context. The fourth chapter is a study of the internal political reasons of Willy Brandt's security policy, mainly the problem of existence of a terrorist group, the Red Army Faction. At the end of this...

La lutte contre le terrorisme, ainsi que ses conséquences sur la sphère des droits de l'Homme, n'est pas un thème nouveau en Europe. Cependant, depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 perpétrés sur le sol des Etats-Unis, «confirmés» par ceux de Madrid en 2004 et Londres en 2005, elle n'a jamais incarné une telle priorité. La majeure partie des mesures prises par l'Union européenne tombe sous le titre de la coopération en matière pénale, c’est-à-dire sousl’ex-troisième Pilier, parmi lesquelles la décision-cadre sur la lutte contre le terrorisme, la décision-cadre sur le mandat d'arrêt européen et les accords entre l'Union européenne et les Etats-Unis d'Amérique sur l'extradition et l'assistance juridique mutuelle. Sur base des mesures européennes, certains Etats, historiquement non concernés par ce phénomène, ont été pressés à adopter des mesures anti-terroristes alors que d’autres y ont vu une légitimation pour renforcer leur corpus juridique déjà existant. Quel est l'impact des mesures européennes et de celles prises par les Etats sur le délicat équilibre entre la sécurité et la liberté ? En d'autres termes, quel est le rôle de l'Etat de droit : une limitation à ces mesures ou, un principe visant au renforcement du combat contre le terrorisme? / The fight against terrorism, as well as its consequences in the field of Human Rights, is not a new theme for Europe. However, since the terrorist attacks of September the 11th 2001 in the United States of America, “confirmed” by the ones of Madrid in 2004 and London in 2005, it has never embodied such a priority. The larger part of the measures taken by the European Union falls under the heading of cooperation in criminal matters, i.e. within the scope of the former Third Pillar, among which the framework decision on combating terrorism, the framework decision on the European arrest warrant and the agreements between the European Union and the United States of America on extradition and mutual legal assistance. On basis of the European measures, some States, not historically concerned by terrorism, have been compelled to carry out counter-terrorism measures whereas, others have seen a legitimation to reinforce their existing body of law. What is the impact of the European measures and the ones taken by States on the delicate balance between security and liberty? In other words, what is the role of the Rule of Law: a limitation to those measures or, a principle aiming to the strengthening of the fight against terrorism?

Cette thèse porte sur les initiatives et les stratégies de recherches de solutions politiques au conflit nord-irlandais, engagées par les gouvernements britanniques et irlandais depuis les années 1970. L’enjeu est d’expliquer les possibilités de solutions en privilégiant l’angle d’approche de sortie du conflit, adopté par Londres, Belfast et Dublin. L’espoir de paix en Irlande du Nord s’amorce avec le cessez-le-feu de l’IRA de 1994 qui marque un tournant dans l’histoire du conflit. Dès lors, la recherche d’une issue est engagée dans la voie du compromis [partage des pouvoirs entre la minorité catholique et la majorité protestante et lutte contre les systèmes de discrimination et d’inégalités]. Avec l’engagement de ce processus de paix et l’implication de l’Union européenne, à travers des programmes de paix et de réconciliation va émerger un désir de réconciliation intercommunautaire [entre catholiques et protestants]. L’examen de l’Accord de paix du Vendredi Saint de 1998 a révélé que l’expérience nord-irlandaise fournit un mode opératoire de négociation de sortie du conflit par un compromis suis generis. Cette configuration de la paix multidimensionnelle est devenue une métaphore européenne sur les principes de prévention et de règlement des conflits. L’émergence d’un « paradigme » nord-irlandais constitue l’objet de cette étude sur les formes de mobilisation pour la paix et la prévention des conflits dans l’Union européenne. / This thesis deals with political initiatives and efforts to achieve solutions to the Northern Irish conflict, by examining policies instituted by the British and Irish Governments since the 1970s. The purpose is to explain how possible solutions to the conflict were envisioned by focusing on differing approaches to conflict resolution as adopted by London, Belfast and Dublin. The hope for peace in Northern Ireland is interconnected with the ceasefire of the IRA in 1994 that marks a turning point in the history of the conflict. Therefore, the quest for a peaceful outcome involved engagement in the path of the compromise and power sharing between the Catholic minority and the Protestant majority as well as the fight against discrimination and inequality. With the commitment of this peace process, the involvement of the European Union through peace and reconciliation programmes helped to foster a desire for inter-community reconciliation. The examination of the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 reveals that the Northern Ireland experience provides a procedure to negotiate the end of the conflict by sui generis compromise. This multidimensional approach and configuration of peace process has become a European metaphor for conflict prevention and resolution principles. The object of this study is consequently to show the emergence of a Northern Irish « paradigm » that can provide the basis for forms of mobilization for peace and conflict prevention in the European Union.