Neveu du député Alphonse Baudin tué sur les barricades le 3 décembre 1851, Pierre Baudin (1863-1917) est un homme politique de la Troisième République insuffisamment reconnu aujourd’hui. Élu radical-socialiste au Conseil municipal de Paris en 1890, il y accomplit un parcours exemplaire au service de la défense des Droits de Paris. Rapporteur général du Budget pendant trois ans, il devient viceprésident du Conseil en 1895 et président en 1896, à moins de 33 ans. Député dès 1898, il est nommé, l’année suivante, à 36 ans, à peine, ministre des Travaux publics du cabinet Waldeck-Rousseau, le seul de son groupe politique. Il opte, en 1900, pendant son ministère, pour le siège de Belley, abandonnant le 11e arrondissement de la capitale. Dissident du combisme, il doit lutter contre les radicaux orthodoxes de son département pendant la période 1903-1905. Réélu aisément à la Chambre, en 1902 et 1906, il poursuit une belle carrière de journaliste entamée en 1890. Président de l’association des journalistes sportifs, en 1905, vice-président, en 1907, de l’association des journalistes parisiens (dont il sera l’éphémère président en 1915), administrateur hors pair, il est rapporteur général du budget à la Chambre en 1905 et 1906. P. Baudin est également un homme d’affaires à partir de 1906, en devenant - pendant un an - président de la banque franco-américaine et de la Société internationale des Écoles Berlitz de 1907 à 1913. Sénateur de l’Ain, en 1909, devenu briandiste, il est nommé, en 1910, ambassadeur extraordinaire en Argentine. De retour au Palais du Luxembourg, il se montre d’une rare activité, rapportant d’importants dossiers de politique étrangère notamment. Ministre de la Marine en 1913, il conduit, en 1915, une mission de propagande en Amérique latine. Patriote exigeant, il a dénoncé inlassablement la menace allemande jusqu’à son décès, par maladie, en 1917. / Pierre Baudin (1863-1917), was the nephew of Alphonse Baudin, a Deputy killed on the barricades on December 3rd 1851, and a French statesman. Although a popular political figure of the Third Republic, Pierre Baudin has not been given sufficient recognition today. As a radical-socialist, he was elected to the Paris Municipal Council in 1890. There, he defended, with remarkable skills, the Rights of the City of Paris. After serving as a General Budget Reporter for three years, he was elected Vice-President of the Council in 1895 and subsequently elected President, before the age of 33, in 1896. He entered the chamber as Deputy as early as 1898, and, as the only member of his party, he was appointed the following year, at the age of 36, Minister of Public Works in the Waldeck-Rousseau cabinet. During his ministry, he chose to relinquish Paris’s eleventh arrondissement and run for office in Belley. A dissident of the Combiste movement, he had to oppose the orthodox radicals in his département from 1903 to 1905. He was easily re-elected to the chamber in 1902 and 1906, however, and he was even able to pursue the career of a journalist that he had launched successfully in 1890. He was elected President of the French Association of Sports Journalists in 1905 and subsequently elected Vice-President of the Association of Parisian Journalists in 1907, which he briefly chaired in 1915, and as an administrator beyond compare, he was appointed General Budget Reporter at the chamber in 1905 and 1906. He also established himself as a businessman from 1906, becoming [the first] President of the French-American bank, but only for a year, and President of the International Society of the Berlitz schools from 1907 to 1913. Turned Briandiste, he was elected to the senate by the département of Ain in 1909, and, in 1910, he was appointed Ambassador Extraordinary in Argentina. Upon his return to the Palais du Luxembourg, he was very active in contributing key reports on foreign affairs to the senate. He was appointed Minister of Marine in 1913 and was charged with a propaganda mission in Latin America in 1915. A relentless patriot, Baudin never stopped warning his contemporaries against the German threat until his death, due to a serious illness, in 1917.

This PhD. thesis is dedicated to the legal regulation of instruments presenting guarantees of the independence of the member of parliament during the performance of his/her functions. The aim of this thesis is in particular to present a comprehensive picture of the topic concerning protection of independent performance of the parliamentary mandate, evaluate the Czech legal regulation in force and, last but not the least, to find an answer to the question to what extent is the Czech legal regulation in force complete and effective as well as present possible alternatives de lege ferenda. Member of parliament must be independent with regard to all aspects of the exercise of his/her mandate. Independency of the member of parliament is necessary precondition for his/her ability to exercise the mandate in such a way, which will enable him/her to face external pressures, not only from the state bodies, but also from other subjects or phenomenons. Instruments protecting independent performance of the mandate also support the possibility of members of parliament to fulfil their role freely and as a result to constitute working parliament. Presented PhD. thesis deals with the topic of parliamentary immunity, particular focus is put on the part presenting protection of freedom of voting and freedom of...

Le domaine de Kerazan, ensemble encore méconnu, fut légué à l’Institut de France par Joseph-Georges Astor en 1929. Situé en plein cœur du Pays Bigouden, sur la route de Pont-l'Abbé à Loctudy, le manoir de Kerazan est aujourd'hui l’un des fleurons de l’art de vivre au XIXe siècle, en sud Finistère. S’étalant du XVIe siècle à 1934, toute une collection d’arts décoratifs imprègne le manoir : toiles de maîtres régionaux, meubles bretons ou encore faïence de Quimper font vivre ce bâtiment comme ils font vivre le passé. Cet ensemble éclectique fut composé par une famille de trois collectionneurs : Joseph Astor II, Maire de Quimper de 1870 à 1886, conseiller général (de 1877 à 1895) et premier Sénateur républicain du Finistère, élu en 1890, et qui le restera jusqu’à son décès, en 1901. Son fils, Joseph-Georges Astor, docteur en droit, compléta la collection familiale tout au long de sa vie, avant de léguer - sous certaines conditions - l’ensemble de la collection à l’Institut de France. Dernier membre de cette famille de collectionneurs, beau-frère de Joseph Astor II et oncle de Joseph-Georges Astor, Georges Arnoult fut élu Député de la seconde circonscription de Quimper de 1876 à 1885. Le manoir et son domaine, connurent de très amples modifications, depuis la fin du XVe siècle à nos jours, et c’est ce que nous allons aborder ici, par le prisme de différentes disciplines, à savoir : histoire politique, histoire sociale et histoire des arts.Ce fut donc sous l’action de plusieurs familles et collectionneurs que le manoir fut modifié : tant dans son architecture, que dans ses décors intérieurs. Enfin, nous analyserons, l’histoire du goût au travers de l’exemple de la constitution de la collection de Kerazan. Peintures, mobiliers et objets quotidiens demeurés en l’état méritent-ils l’appellation de « collection bretonne » ? Quels étaient les objectifs de cette collection, quelles impulsions peuvent en être dégagées, et quels processus avons-nous pu déceler ? Ces derniers peuvent-ils être comparés à d’autres collections ? / The domain of Kerazan, still an underestimated set, was bequeathed to the Institute of France by Joseph-Georges Astor in 1929. Placed right in the heart of the Bigouden County, between Pont-l'Abbé and Loctudy, the manor house of Kerazan is today one of the jewels of the lifestyle in the XIXth century, in South Finistère. Spreading out from the XVIth century to 1934, a whole collection of decorative arts fills the manor house: paintings of regional masters, Breton furniture or still earthenware of Quimper make this building live as they make the past live. This eclectic set was made by a family of three collectors: Joseph Astor II, Mayor of Quimper from 1870 to 1886, member of the “General Council” (from 1877 to 1895) and first republican Senator of Finistère, elected in 1890 until he died in 1901. His son, Joseph-Georges Astor, Doctor of Law, continued the family collection throughout his life, before bequeathing - under certain conditions - the whole collection to the Institute of France.Last member of this family of collectors, brother-in-law of Joseph Astor II and uncle of Joseph-Georges Astor, Georges Arnoult was elected Member of Parliament of the second district of Quimper from 1876 to 1885.The manor house and its domain, have known very important modifications, since the end of the XVth century up to nowadays, and that is what we are going to study here, thanks to various subjects, that is to say : political history, social history and art history.Thus, the manor house was changed thanks to several families’ and several collectors’ actions in its architecture and also in its internal decoration. Finally, we will analyze, the history of taste through the example of the constitution of the collection of Kerazan. Do paintings, furniture and daily objects deserve the name of " Breton collection "?What were the goals of this collection, which trends can be observed, and which processes could we identify ? Can the latter be compared with other collections ?

Rex Stout maintained his popular readership despite the often controversial and radical political content expressed in his detective fiction. His political ideals often made him many enemies. Stances such as his ardent opposition to censorship, racism, Nazism, Germany, Fascism, Communism, McCarthyism, and the unfettered FBI were potentially offensive to colleagues and readers from various political backgrounds. Yet Stout attempted to present radical messages via the content of his detective fiction with subtlety. As a literary traditionalist, he resisted using his fiction as a platform for an often extreme political agenda. Where political messages are apparent in his work, Stout employs various techniques to mute potentially offensive messages. First, his hugely successful bantering Archie Goodwin-Nero Wolfe detective duo—a combination of both the lippy American and the tidy, sanitary British detective schools—fosters exploration, contradiction, and conflict between political viewpoints. Archie often rejects or criticizes Wolfe's extreme political viewpoints. Second, Stout utilizes the contradictions between values that occur when the form of detective fiction counters his radical political messages. This suggests that the form of detective fiction (in this case the conventional patterns and attitudes reinforced by the genre) is as important as the content (in this case the muted political message or the lack of overt politics) in reinforcing or shaping political, economic, moral, and social viewpoints. An analysis of the novels The Black Mountain (1954) and The Doorbell Rang (1965) and the novellas "Not Quite Dead Enough" and "Booby Trap" (1944) from Stout's Nero Wolfe series demonstrates his use of detective fiction for both the expression of political viewpoints and the muting of those political messages.

Over the last sixty years, voting patterns in the United States have changed dramatically, and this is especially true in the state of Florida. Though there is some literature in the field of political science that outlines the voting and election history of Florida and identifies some trends, this literature is extremely limited and is not comprehensive of the data that is available up to the present day. This study seeks to find Florida’s voting patterns and to explain how they can be understood by both the casual observer and the political scientist. To do so, unique methodology was applied that used the "relative margin" of both a county and a region in a particular election to give the Democratic nominee’s performance context both in the election in question and in history, by comparing the actual margin of victory or defeat of the Democratic nominee to the statewide margin of victory or defeat. This was an illuminating process that ultimately revealed some truths about the election history of Florida: the counties and regions most likely to vote for Democratic nominees in the 1950s and early 1960 are now among the least likely to do so, and the counties and regions most likely to vote for Republican nominees in the 1950s and early 1960s are now considered to be "swing" or "tossup" areas that are regularly and alternatively won by Democratic and Republican nominees. Additionally, the pattern of each region in how it voted in presidential elections was compared to forty seven other states in the country to provide further context as to how the election patterns can be understood in context.