Cette thèse a pour objet l’analyse des potentialités et limites de la microfinance dans la création ou la consolidation d’emploi au Sénégal. Elle combine une analyse de la demande et de l’offre, en étudiant à la fois le fonctionnement de certaines filières d’activité et le rôle qu’y joue la microfinance, les stratégies d’implantation des IMFs puis la crise des impayés et de surendettement au Sénégal qui est actuellement en émergence. Dans cette thèse trois grandes questions essentielles sont abordées. S’inspirant d’une approche en termes de filières, une première question s’intéresse à la demande et analyse les potentialités et limites de la microfinance dans le financement de différents secteurs d’activité comme la pêche artisanale, le mareyage, la transformation de produits halieutiques, le commerce et l’artisanat. Nos analyses mettent en évidence d’une part l’existence de barrières multiples à la dynamisation de ces filières, qui vont bien au-delà de l’accès au crédit, et d’autre part la présence de diverses formes de financement informel, souvent peu couteux, facilement accessibles et plus adaptés à l’irrégularité et la saisonnalité des activités. Au final, dans le contexte actuel, la microfinance se révèle peu adaptée. S’inspirant des économies de proximité, une seconde question s’intéresse à l’offre et étudie les stratégies d’implantation des institutions de microfinance. Nos analyses mettent en évidence deux stratégies principales : celles qui privilégient l’agglomération dans des zones à fort potentiel humain et économique, créant ainsi une concentration de la microfinance et une forte concurrence ; et celles qui en revanche se spécialisent et s’ancrent sur un territoire spécifique. Une troisième question combine les deux points de vue – offre et demande – pour étudier la crise émergente des impayés. Nos analyses suggèrent que cette crise combine différents facteurs, les dérives de mission, le relâchement dans les règles de gestion et de gouvernance et des facteurs politiques. / The object of this thesis is to analyze the potential and limits of microfinance in the creation or preservation of employment in Senegal. It combines an analysis of supply and demand, by studying together some value chains and the role played by microfinance therein, MFIs’ establishment strategies, and issues related to unpaid-loan and over-indebtedness in Senegal that is now emerging. Three main questions are addressed in this thesis. Inspired by a value chain approach, the first question concerns the demand and analyses the potential and limits of microfinance in the financing of different sectors like artisanal fishing, fish trade, processing of marine products, trading and craftsmanship. The analysis reveals on one hand the existence of multiple barriers to the dynamism of these value chains which go far beyond access to credit and on the other hand the presence of diverse forms of informal financing, often less costly, easier to access and more adapted to the irregularity and seasonal nature of the activities. One conclusion is that, in the present context microfinance is not well suited. Using the model of local economy, the second question is related to supply and studies microfinance institutions establishment strategies. Findings evidence two main strategies: one that is centered on cities with a high human and economic potential, creating therefore a concentration of microfinance and strong competition; and the other that are more specialized and are territory-specific. The third question combines the two points of view – supply and demand – to study the emerging unpaid-loan issue. Our results show that several reasons preside to this issue, including a loss of cap in the mission, loose management and governance rules enforcement and political factors.

La migration en provenance des pays dits du « Sud », dont le Sénégal fait partie, se trouve au cœur du débat politique européen, enfermé dans des logiques de contrôle et de répression du fait de la peur d’une invasion de migrants indésirables. Cette thèse explore la migration du point de vue des migrants, leurs imaginaires, leurs perceptions et leurs expériences de la migration dans deux villes du « Nord » : Paris et New York. Elle s’appuie sur trois enquêtes de terrain, au Sénégal (196 répondants), à Paris (30) et New York (20). L’enquête sénégalaise est fondée sur un questionnaire et des entretiens qualitatifs non directifs, les enquêtes française et américaine sur des entretiens qualitatifs non directifs, ainsi que des récits de vie des Sénégalais de Dakar, Paris et New York, et des entretiens avec des responsables d’association. L’émigration apparaît essentiellement motivée par l’expérience du malaise social plus que de la pauvreté stricto sensu, le désir de réussir et de rentrer au pays s’y réintégrer dans des conditions favorables en gravissant l’échelle sociale. Mais les réalités, aussi bien étrangères que sénégalaise, rendent ce retour très problématique. Au plan des destinations, l’attrait de la France, et de Paris en particulier, a beaucoup baissé, alors que New York s’est imposée comme choix principal dans le désir d’ailleurs des candidats au départ. La préférence des Sénégalais pour les États-Unis par rapport à la France se justifie par les possibilités d’épanouissement plus avantageuses à New York qu’à Paris pour les migrants sénégalais. Il semble à ces derniers notamment que le « plafond de verre » y est plus bas qu’aux États-Unis. / Migration from developing countries finds itself trapped into a European debate over control and restrictions. Meanwhile, the migrants’ experiences in their host countries, as well as their choices and aspirations, have often been overlooked in academic research. Thus, we propose to explore migration from the migrants’ perspective, along with their imaginaries, perceptions and experience of migration in two “northern” cities: Paris and New York. Our analyses will mainly dwell on a qualitative field survey based on a questionnaire in Dakar which gathered 196 respondents. We also interviewed Senegalese migrants in Paris (30 interviewees) and in New York (20 interviewees), as well as members of Senegalese associations. As revealed in our research, rather than poverty, stricto sensu, social unease appears to be the main push factor for Senegalese migrants, because the prospect of becoming successful and the possibility to climb up the social ladder are their main motivations. As for their choice of destination, the decrease of Paris’ traditional appeal is noticeable among the Senegalese would be migrants and New York has become their first choice. The Senegalese’s preference for the United States over France could be justified by better opportunities for self-fulfillment in New York than in Paris for Senegalese migrants. The American multiculturalism, although fragmented, allows them to remain within their communities and reproduce the Senegalese social life without being stigmatized, holding on to their dream to return to their homeland, despite the hardships found in the American reality.

[pt] O colonialismo europeu teve um grande impacto nas sociedades africanas e é sentido até os dias de hoje. Mesmo com as lutas de independência no pós Segunda Guerra Mundial, o peso do domínio colonial se faz presente, especialmente no campo da cultura. A descolonização das mentes foi um desafio assumido pelos intelectuais engajados nas lutas de independência, principalmente aqueles de origem africana. O cinema se tornou uma importante ferramenta nesse processo, surgindo pela primeira vez a proposta de um Cinema Africano, no âmbito da antiga África Ocidental Francesa durante a década de 1960. Este trabalho analisa a produção cinematográfica do senegalês Ousmane Sembène durante o período supracitado. Sua proposta de cinema e sua militância influenciaram muitos artistas e intelectuais africanos, sua busca por uma estética que rejeitasse os padrões europeus e de Hollywood é considerada por muitos a fundação do que se costuma chamar de Cinema Africano. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo contribuir para a análise dos elementos que compõe essa proposta estética e o debate sobre a possibilidade de um Cinema Africano. Além disto, o trabalho se propõe ainda a se debruçar sobre a trajetória de vida de Sembène, seu processo de formação intelectual e seu exílio numa tentativa de estabelecer a conexão entre o artista formado e suas origens, através de sua biografia e suas entrevistas, investigando dessa maneira as relações sociais que deram origem ao cineasta. / [en] European colonialism had a great impact on African societies and is felt to this day. Even with the struggles for independence in the post World War II, the weight of colonial rule is present, especially in the field of culture. The decolonization of the minds was a challenge taken up by intellectuals engaged in the process of decolonization, especially those of African origin. The cinema has become an important tool in this process, appearing for the first time a proposed African Cinema, under the former French West Africa during the 1960s. This paper analyzes the cinematic of the senegalese Ousmane Sembène during the stated period. His proposal for an african cinema and his activism influenced many African artists and intellectuals, his quest for an aesthetic that rejected the European and Hollywood standards is considered by many the foundation of what is called African Cinema. This dissertation aims to contribute to the analysis of aesthetic elements that make up this proposal and the debate about the possibility of an African Cinema. In addition, the study aims to further look into the life trajectory of Sembène, the process of intellectual formation and his exile in an attempt to establish the connection between the artist and his origins, through his biography and his interviews, investigating this way the social relations that gave rise to the filmmaker.

Conteste l’une des grandes priorités pour l’Etat et les organisations internationales. Derrière l’écolepublique ou « école française », une offre éducative « arabo-islamique » répond aux demandes socialeset religieuses des parents sénégalais. Les écoles coraniques communément appelées daara, écolesfranco-arabes ou Instituts islamiques, sont autant de dénominations faisant référence à ces institutionsd’éducation islamiques et de langue arabe, dont l’objectif premier repose sur la mémorisation du Coranet la transmission du message islamique.Cette recherche a pour ambition de suivre la trajectoire de la politique éducative de l’éducation arabo -islamique, en scrutant ses premières formulations dès l’époque coloniale (1857-1940), sesambivalences au cours de la formation de l’Etat sénégalais postcolonial (1950-1980) et en décrivant aucours des années 1990 le passage d’une politique de l’action sociale à son institutionnalisation dans lesecteur éducatif au début des années 2000. Ces écoles font l’objet de débats souvent animés, deconflits entre acteurs de divers horizons publiques ou privés et de réformes abouties ou avortées.L’autorité publique doit en effet composer avec une multiplicité d’acteurs (religieux, internationaux ,associatifs, etc.), qui influencent et interagissent au sein d’un processus de négociation.Etudier la construction de cette politique publique d’éducation à travers la structuration d’un secteur,les revendications des uns, les actions ou « non-actions des autres », nous amène à révéler certainesdes transformations de la société sénégalaise et de son rapport à l’Etat. Et plus globalement, à nousinterroger sur le modèle classique du rapport entre le politique et le religieux. / Over 40% of Senegal’s population is under 15 years old. Education is therefore one of the main priorities ofthe Senegalese State and international organisations. In parallel to the State-schools or “French” speakingschools, Islamic schools are an answer to social and religious demands asked by Senegalese parents. Theseeducation institutions are called daara (Qu’ranic schools), or écoles franco-arabes, and are mainly based onthe memorization of the Qu’ran and the transmission of Islamic values.This research will focus on the education policy’s trajectory, from its first formulation during the colonialperiod (1857-1940), its ambivalence during the formation of the postcolonial State (1950-1980), and the shiftfrom a social policy (1990s) to its integration in the sector of education in 2000. This type of school offer haslong been the object of debate and controversies. Indeed, actors from a variety of horizons and interests (bothfrom the public and private sectors) have taken part in this policy process. The Senegalese State musttherefore compose and negotiate with numerous actors (religious, international, associative, etc.), who have apower to influence the process of negotiation.Throughout the analysis, the reader will get an insight into the educational public policy’s structure, and willunderstand the asks of all actors and the actions (or non-actions) of others. Overall, this research provides ahistorical understanding of the transformation of the Senegalese society and its constant interaction with theState. On a wider scale, it also brings us to question the traditional relationship between political andreligious spheres.

Introduction: The search is on to find a cure for HIV/AIDS, but for the time being the adage ‘prevention is better than cure’ could not be more relevant to the HIV/AIDS context. Recently, attention to social and behavioral risk factors gave researchers the opportunity to explore new ways of developing interventions. Objectives: In an attempt to further explore these risk factors this study is comparing the difference in prevalence between the genders, and assessing the HIV-related knowledge, attitudes, and behavior in two populations; Zimbabwe, an African country with high HIV prevalence, and Senegal, an African country with low HIV prevalence. Method: The 2010-2011 Senegal DHS and the 2010-2011 Zimbabwe DHS were used secondary data for this study. They were both nationally representative datasets. Sample sizes of study population were 16,271from Zimbabwe and 20,102 from Senegal. IBM SPSS 22 was used to run chi-square tests for descriptive results of all independent and dependent variables, and binary logistic regression for associations between HIV-related knowledge, attitudes, and behavior and HIV status, as well as the women’s status and HIV status, and associations between these factors. Results: The results showed that n both countries, HIV infection had significantly positive associations with having more than one sex partners (Zimbabwe OR 1.117, Senegal OR 2.779). Moreover, the variables of women’s status varied between Zimbabwe and Senegal. HIV status in Zimbabwe was negatively associated with women's participation in decision-making about their own health, while it associated with this variable positively in Senegal (Zimbabwe OR 0.651, Senegal OR 1.969). Conclusion: Having more than one sexual partner were important indicators for HIV infection in both countries. Women in Zimbabwe seem to be more powerful than women in Senegal. Continued intervention research is warranted as there are clear patterns of risk between Zimbabwe and Senegal that highlight opportunities for more tailored prevention efforts surrounding gender roles, HIV knowledge, attitudes, and sexual risk-taking behavior.

International actors from International Organizations, Western States, Think tanks, risk management consultancies, NGOs, and private security companies understand borderless threats like clandestine migration, drug trafficking, and international terrorism to emanate from ‘ungoverned spaces’ in the Global South. The Sahelian sub-region of West Africa has taken a prominent place in global discourses of insecurity and borderless threats. These non-traditional security concerns have been translated into an expanding array of transnational governance initiatives that bring together the activities and practices of a wide range of state and non-state, global and local, and public and private actors in efforts to deal with the challenges that borderless threats are assumed to present. This dissertation argues that attempts to govern drug trafficking in the Sahel are producing global assemblages of security intervention: shifting, multi-scalar, institutional orders that reorient and reconfigure the security practices, knowledges, mentalities, technologies, and priorities of multiple sets of governance actors across disparate jurisdictional spaces. The effects of the transnationalized security governance and capacity-building initiatives that unfold in simultaneous, connected spaces of intervention amplify and alter positions of social power and prominence in local fields of conflict. Through the practices and projects of global security experts and capacity-builders in the Sahel, new forms of international capital are introduced and become realized in local settings that intensify rivalries between local, national, and regional security institutions over the question of the recognition of their authority over security matters. In their relationships with international capacity-builders and other global actors, sets of local recipients of security governance interventions practice forms of extraversion whereby their structural positions of dependence and differentials of power and resources are leveraged to accumulate forms of international capital that they then use to dominate the fields of power in which they are embedded. The dissertation examines three components of the assemblages of security intervention in West Africa: the effects of the transnational field of capacity- building in the Sahelian interior; the establishment and operation of the UNODC Airport Communications drug interdiction project (AIRCOP) at Dakar’s International Airport, and the joint UNODC/World Customs Organization Container Control Programme operating at the port of Dakar. It advances new empirical material from these case studies, and makes contributions to debates in three sub-fields of International Relations: critical security studies, global governance, and international statebuilding.

A main objective of my diploma paper is analysis of different growth strategies of economic policy in two africain countries in the time of their independency. The focus of this paper will be devoted to comparison of growth factors from the point of institucional economics. These factors will be investigated together with both economics -- Senegal and Kenya in 1960s and 1970s in connection with different colonial policies of Great Britain and France. In the final part, I 'd like to make some perspective strategies of both economic policies from the point of institutional economics.

Le Sénégal est un carrefour humain et géographique où cohabitent et interfèrent trois grandes civilisations : une négro-africaine, une arabo-musulmane et une occidentale. La part francophone de son identité est née de l’héritage culturel laissé par sa rencontre avec la France. Si cette affinité culturelle explique en partie la présence du pays dans la communauté francophone, son attachement à la Francophonie est lié aussi à la figure emblématique de Léopold Sédar Senghor et à sa représentativité diplomatique et symbolique au sein des institutions francophones. Paradoxalement, la francophonie ne suscite pas l’enthousiasme au sein de la jeunesse sénégalaise, perçue souvent comme assez ringarde ou peu utile dans la mondialisation actuelle. Le pourcentage de Sénégalais parlant français peine à dépasser les 20%. Sans perdre son importance, la francophonie semble y perdre son ampleur, confrontée à la wolofisation et à l’arabisation progressive de la société. Mais, ce sont effectivement les défis de la mondialisation qui continuent à donner toute sa place à la francophonie au Sénégal. Organisée comme union géoculturelle, la Francophonie actuelle, avec ses valeurs de diversité, de dialogue, de solidarité, constitue un pôle dans la mondialisation. Le pays en a besoin pour préserver son identité dans la mondialisation libérale qui a tendance à tout uniformiser et dans une Afrique où les géants sont anglophones et où les États francophones sont affaiblis par les conflits et la mal gouvernance. Il faudra donc beaucoup de volontarisme de la part de l’État sénégalais pour la promouvoir et de la part de l’OIF, qui pourrait se servir du Sénégal comme tête de pont de la Francophonie en Afrique, ce continent qui en est le cœur vivant. / Senegal is a human and geographic crossroads where coexist and interfere three major civilizations: an African, an Arab-Muslim and Western. The francophone part of his identity is born of the cultural heritage left by the encounter between France and Senegal. If this cultural affinity partly explains the country's presence in the Francophone community, his commitment to the Francophonie is also linked to the emblematic figure of Leopold Sedar Senghor and his diplomatic and symbolic representation within Francophone institutions. Paradoxically, the Francophonie does not arouse enthusiasm in the Senegalese youth, often seen as rather old-fashioned or very useful in today's globalization. The percentage of french-speaking Senegalese hardly exceeds 20%. Without losing its importance, the Francophonie seems to lose its size, faces the progressive wolofisation and arabization of the society. The challenges of globalization continue to give its full place to the Francophonie in Senegal. Organized as a geocultural union, today's Francophonie, with its values of diversity, dialogue, solidarity, is a center into globalization. The country needs to preserve its identity in liberal globalization that tends to unify everything and in an Africa where the giants are Anglophone and where Francophone states are weakened by conflict and poor governance. This will require a lot of voluntarism on the part of the Senegalese government to promote it and on behalf of OIF which could be use Senegal as a bridgehead of the Francophonie in Africa, a continent that is the living heart of the francophone community.

The challenging living conditions of many Senegalese families, and the absence of a providing spouse, have led women to covet new economic opportunities, such as microcredit loans. These loans offer Senegalese women the possibility to financially support their households and become active participants in their economies by starting or sustaining their micro businesses. The study takes place in Grand-Yoff, an overpopulated peri-urban area of the Senegalese capital city Dakar, where most people face daily survival issues. This research examines the impact of microcredit activities in the household of Senegalese female loan recipients in Grand-Yoff by examining socio-economic indicators, in particular outcomes of health, education and nutrition. The research total sample is constituted of 166 female participants who engage in microcredit activities. The research combines both qualitative and quantitative methods. Data for the study were gathered through interviews, surveys, participant observation, focus-groups with the study participants and some of their household members, and document analysis. While some women in the study make steady profits from their business activities, others struggle to make ends meet from their businesses’ meager or unreliable profits. Some study participants who are impoverished have no choice but to invest their loans directly into their households’ dire needs, hence missing their business prerogative. Many women in the study end up in a vicious cycle of debt by defaulting on their loans or making late payments because they do not have the required household and socio-economic conditions to take advantage of these loans. Therefore, microcredit does not make a significant impact in the households of the poorest female participants. The study finds that microcredit improves the household well-being - especially nutrition, health and education - of the participants who have acquired significant social capital such as a providing spouse, formal education, training, business experience, and belonging to business or social networks. The study finds that microcredit’s household impact is intimately tied to the female borrowers’ household conditions and social capital. It is recommended that microcredit services and programs offer their female clients assistance and additional basic services, financial guidance, lower interest rates, and flexible repayment schedules.

La capacité de reconnaître des différences, parfois extrêmement ténues, entre chacune des têtes de bétail qui compose son troupeau, implique pour le berger Peul un long apprentissage. D'un berger devenu "expert" dans l'art de savoir lire des différences qui échappent à d'autres bergers moins expérimentés, l'on peut dire qu'il a le ganndal, le savoir. L'aptitude à saisir de menues différences entre les unités du troupeau sur la base de plusieurs critères (couleurs et "marques" de la robe, formes et dimensions des cornes, etc..) relève d'un ganndal qui, certes est très valorisé mais qui ne suffit pas à faire de l'homme qui a une telle aptitude, un véritable "savant". En revanche, la capacité à découvrir sous l'ensemble des traits qui font de tel ou tel individu une entité singulière, des formes d’agencements de signes au travers desquelles peuvent se lire les marques d'un destin, vaut à ce découvreur une réputation d'une toute autre nature. L'homme qui jouit d'une telle réputation est considéré comme une sorte de visionnaire du monde invisible, un Siltigui, et se trouve tout à la fois craint et respecté. On dira de celui qui a atteint ce stade de ganndal qu’il sait le sifa. C'est le sifa comme mode spécifique de vision et de savoir qui constitue dans la culture peule l'idéal intellectuel et éthique. Cet idéal n'est pas à proprement parler un idéal individuel. Chaque famille, chaque segment de lignage, chaque groupe local, chaque tribu, cherche à se valoriser en se prévalant du patrimoine de richesse que détient son groupe en matière de ganndal. Ce patrimoine est jalousement gardé et l'on prend toutes sortes de mesures pour empêcher les groupes rivaux de se l'approprier. / Learning to recognize the differences, sometimes extremely fine, between each head of cattle in his herd is a long process for the Fula cowherd. The man who has become an "expert" in telling differences that other, less experienced cowherds overlook is said to have ganndal, knowledge. The ability to notice tiny differences between cows by using several criteria (the color of the coat and "marks" on it, the shape and size of horns, etc.) is a form of ganndal that, though valued, does not suffice to turn the cowherd into a "true scholar". On the other hand, the ability to discover, under the set of traits identifying an individual cow, patterns that can be used to read the "signs" of fate endows the cowherd with a quite different reputation. The man with such a reputation is considered to be a sort of seer of the invisible, a siltigi; he will be both feared and respected. The cowherd who has attained this degree of ganndal is said to know sifa. Sifa, a specific form of vision and knowledge, constitutes in Fula culture an intellectual and ethical ideal. Strictly speaking, this is not an individual ideal. Every family, lineage segment, local group or tribe seeks to enhance its status through the heritage of ganndal to which it lays claim. This heritage is jealously kept with all sorts of measures being taken to keep rival groups from seizing it.