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論及影響美國外交政策產出的因素，地緣政治一向扮演著重要角色。無論是馬漢的海權論、肯楠的圍堵理論，乃至後冷戰時期布里辛斯基的歐亞大棋盤、杭亭頓的文明衝突論，都是地緣政治學門裡獨到的見解。而地緣政治基本要素—空間、邊界、權力—的交互作用也已然內化於外交政策制訂中，深刻影響美國對外政策走向。冷戰後在缺乏明顯單一的敵對目標、本身又成為超級大國的情況下，美國面對的是更為複雜難測的國際局勢：區域衝突、文化糾葛、全球化進程與波折、世界經濟體系萎縮等等問題，外交政策維護國家利益的功能也隨之彰顯。 本研究以911事件為轉捩點，觀察美國對中亞五國外交政策的調整，分析導致政策轉變的地緣因素與動機。本研究指出，中亞地區在蘇聯解體之後，政治局勢長期呈現真空狀態，基於能源安全的考量，中亞豐富的油氣資源是吸引美國聚焦於此區的關鍵。輸油管道計畫提供政治框架讓美國影響力得以介入，而反恐作戰則正式讓美國勢力進駐此一政治真空帶。中亞五國位處具有重大地緣政治意義的心臟地帶，但獨立時間尚短，國內民主建制、經濟發展未臻完備，伊斯蘭基本教義派與分離主義是導致此區紛擾不斷的主因。美國藉由反恐合作，對此區提撥大量經濟挹注與軍事協助，中亞五國的重要性在911事件之後陡升，美國也成為此區優勢領導者。簡言之，美國在911事件後更加強對區域穩定的關注，全面揚棄冷戰時代的圍堵思維，採取主動的先發制人戰略，企圖在中亞掌握政治、經濟主控權，鞏固國家安全與保障美國在此區的國家利益。

This paper delves into the realms of tragedy, memory and representation. Drawing upon the phenomenon of the Phantom Limb and extending it towards a theory of Phantom Bodies, various artworks - literary, theatrical and visual - are examined. After the conflagration of the terrorist attack, how are these absences grieved over and remembered through artistic representation? The essay examines this question by positioning itself amongst the scarred landscapes of post-September 11 New York and suicide bombings in Israel (2000-2006). Furthermore, it investigates whether humanity can be restored in the aftermath of an event in which certain individuals have sought to eradicate it. The fragmentation of the affected body in these scenarios is understood as further complicating processes of grief and remembrance. Artists who reject political polemic and engage with the dimensions of human loss are seen to have discovered means of referring to the absence caused by the act of terrorism. Three such recurring representations present themselves: ash and remnants, presence/absence and memory building. Phantom Bodies are perceived as simultaneously functioning as a reminder of the event itself, insisting upon the response of bearing witness, and as a symbol of the overwhelming power of humanity. Challenges arise when individuals or sections of the affected society deem these artworks to be inappropriate or explicit. Works considered include: Neil LaBute's play The Mercy Seat, Sigalit Landau's art installation The Country, Jonathan Safran Foer's Extremely Loud & Incredibly Close, Spike Lee's 25th Hour, Daniel Libeskind's architectural plans for the World Trade Center site, Eric Fischl's sculpture 'Tumbling Woman', Honor Molloy's autodelete://beginning dump of physical memory and A.B.Yehoshua's A Woman in Jerusalem. The accompanying play, Tales of Ash: A diptych for the theatre, is set in Melbourne, New York and Tel Aviv and deals with life in the face of and after terror. It veers between naturalism, poetic monologue and the epic. Tales of Ash contains two plays. The first centres on Mia, a young sculptor living in New York, who loses both her lover and her creativity on September 11. Upon returning to her home in Melbourne, she finds familial bonds still entwined with guilt and family trauma. The second play revolves around Ilana and Benny, two people living in Tel Aviv, who find themselves suddenly thrust together after a devastating bombing. As they attempt to resume rhythms of life, in the face of all the inherent ferocity of a modern existence in Israel, the struggle between The Ash Woman and The Ash Takers escalates.

The tragic and devastating September 11 attacks resulted in a variety of original musical responses. Exemplary works expressed their reactions through overt 9/11-concentric dialogues to express themes of mourning, military retribution, dissent and commemoration. An examination of such works concludes that effective musical responses express a direct message clarified by supporting musical and/or textual materials. Musical materials can accentuate the specific thematic message of the responsive work as they often evoke images and emotions reminiscent of the attacks and their aftermath. Compositional techniques used in these works are often reminiscent of historical works written in similar circumstances. The recurrence of these historical approaches illuminates the timeless compositional design of historical examples and exemplifies modern advancements in music composition and production. A comparison between classical and popular post-9/11 musical compositions concludes that certain classical and popular genres deal with responsive themes more effectively than others. A recommendation for further study is enclosed.

Questo lavoro analizza le relazioni tra Stati Uniti ed alleati europei dal 1989 ad oggi, con particolare approfondimento del periodo successivo all'undici settembre 2001. L'ipotesi di ricerca è basata sulla convinzione che gli attentati del 2001 abbiano avuto un impatto fondamentale sulla relazione euro-atlantica, accelerando tendenze centrifughe già presenti nel rapporto. La tesi è composta da un'analisi storica, da sette capitoli e dalle conclusioni. L'analisi storica esamina i cambiamenti strutturali nella relazione transatlantica dopo il 1989. I capitoli 1 e 2 presentano le correnti politiche determinanti nel formulare la politica estera americana dopo il 2001, con particolare riferimento al movimento neoconservatore. I capitoli 3 e 4 analizzano la definizione di impero moderno , la questione se gli Stati Uniti siano o meno un impero e la possibilità che l'Unione europea (UE) diventi una superpotenza. I capitoli 5, 6 e 7 approfondiscono tre nodi gordiani : il futuro della NATO; la Russia tra Stati Uniti e UE; e la relazione triangolare tra Stati Uniti, Cina e UE. Infine, le conclusioni riassumono le debolezze del rapporto tra Stati Uniti ed alleati europei, evidenziano come esse siano peggiorate dopo gli attentati del 2001 e presentano i pericoli in cui la relazione potrebbe incorrere in futuro. / This dissertation studies the relationship between the United States and its European allies from the end of the Cold War to the present, with a focus on the period following the terror attacks on September 11, 2001. The primary conclusion is that 9/11 accelerated divisive trends within transatlantic alliance. The dissertation has an historical introduction, seven chapters and the conclusions. The historical introduction analyzes the structural changes occurred within the transatlantic relationship after 1989. Chapters 1 and 2 discuss the political movements and ideas that shaped American foreign policy after 9/11, with a focus on the neoconservative movement. Chapters 3 and 4 define the idea of modern empire ; its use in reference to the United States; and the idea that the European Union is becoming a superpower able to counterbalance the United States. Chapters 5, 6 and 7 focus on three looming challenges within the transatlantic relationship: the future of NATO; relations with Russia; and the rise of China. The conclusions summarize the weaknesses of the relationship between the United States and its European allies; highlight how they deteriorated after 9/11; and describe the dangers that lay ahead for the transatlantic alliance.

Zeit/Geschichte: Amerikanische Alternate Histories nach 9/11 untersucht die Entwicklung kontrafaktischer Geschichtstexte, sogenannter alternate histories, vor dem Hintergrund des öffentlichen Diskurses in den USA nach dem 11. September 2001. Dabei konzentriert sich die Studie auf die formalen und generischen Eigenschaften neuerer „Mainstream-alternate histories“ seit den Terroranschlägen. Obwohl keiner der drei untersuchten Texte – Philip Roths The Plot Against America, Michael Chabons The Yiddish Policemen's Union sowie Quentin Tarantinos Inglourious Basterds – von den 9/11-Anschlägen handelt, geben doch alle drei Einblicke in die Beziehungen zwischen dem 9/11-Diskurs und jüngeren Entwicklungen im literarischen bzw. kulturellen Feld. Dabei erweist sich alternate history als ein Genre, das mit seiner thematischen, strukturellen und medialen Variabilität ermöglicht, 9/11-spezifische Veränderungen darzustellen und gleichzeitig den 9/11-Diskurs selbst zu beeinflussen. Die vorliegende Studie zeigt auf, wie sich die untersuchten Texte aktiv in den 9/11-Diskurs einschreiben, um nicht nur zeitgenössische Erfahrungen, Entwicklungen und Empfindungen, sondern auch Fragen nach Geschichte und Vergangenheitsdarstellungen zu beantworten.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The Iraq War and the War on Terror were pivotal issues in the presidential race for the White House in 2004. Competing frames about the meaning of September 11, 2001, terrorism, and American power were constructed by the rival candidates and established a limited debate that marginalized alternative interpretations of war and peace. It is likely that the dilemma over U.S. forces in Iraq and the War on Terror will continue to be a major issue in the upcoming 2008 Presidential Election. Therefore, the campaign speeches of the presidential candidates, President George W. Bush and Senator John Kerry, during the 2004 Election regarding terrorism were important to understanding the themes that initiated public debate in the U.S. about the conflict in Iraq and the War on Terror. In this document analysis, these candidates’ public addresses illustrated how the role of the U.S. power to combat terrorism shaped a particular perspective about the post-9/11 world. Ideas that challenged “official” debate about war and national security were excluded from mainstream media coverage of the campaign. In order to examine the narrow debate over terrorism and how alternative “ways of seeing” war have been and continue to be marginalized, this study compared how the candidates framed the war in contrast to anti-war voices. Cindy Sheehan, who is an emergent leader in the peace and social justice movement, and more “official” voices of dissent like Representative Dennis Kucinich, have criticized “official” framing of the war. Dissenting perspectives about the Iraq War and the War on Terror invite a different understanding about U.S. hegemony, terrorism, and the consequences of the War on Terror for foreign and domestic policies. The impact of the war upon domestic policy and national crises, such as the widely televised and heavily criticized federal response to Hurricane Katrina Summer 2005, were examined to explore how domestic crises undermine “official” framing of the Iraq War and the War on Terror and empower alternative understandings of war and peace.