Between Cross and Hammer. Reception of Social Thought in the Catholic Church during the First Half of the 20th Century ABSTRACT The thesis examines the construction, development, transfer, and adaptation of Catholic social thought in the first half of the 20th century. Social Catholicism is understood not only as a concept defined by the social teachings of the Church in the form of encyclicals, but primarily as a collective social practice present in society in various forms. From this perspective the thesis contributes to the debate around the secularization discourse and the role of religion in modern society. The analysis of the Social Catholic movement is done in two different national contexts: Belgium and Czechoslovakia. Comparative method finds its place dominantly in the second part of the study, which puts together the network of Social Catholic organizations and different actors in both countries. The focus on the discourse and social practices of Social Catholicism and Catholics' involvement among the working class tries to reinforce connections and links within ecclesiastical, social, and cultural history. Jakub ŠTOFANÍK

SANTOS, Jovelina Silva. Círculos Operários no Ceará: “Instruindo, educando, orientando, moralizando”(1915-1963). 2004. 270f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Pós-Graduação em Historia, Fortaleza (CE), 2004. / Submitted by Gustavo Daher (gdaherufc@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-12T11:41:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2004_dis_jssantos.pdf: 1188704 bytes, checksum: 01d21952f833d1c051f58979eb49fa80 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-09-13T12:35:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2004_dis_jssantos.pdf: 1188704 bytes, checksum: 01d21952f833d1c051f58979eb49fa80 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-13T12:35:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2004_dis_jssantos.pdf: 1188704 bytes, checksum: 01d21952f833d1c051f58979eb49fa80 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2004 / The study accosts the Circle of Workmen in Ceará in the period that comprehends the foundation of the Circle of Christian Workman and Labourers of Fortaleza in 1915 and he First Regional Congress North and Northeast of the Workmen’s Circle in the year of 1963. The 1st part analyses the circle’s organization as a theological-politic project and as an instrument of the Catholic Church for her insertion in the world of work. It still makes a brief dialogue with the historiography of the circles in different spaces. The second part analyses the circle’s organization in Ceará, seeking to understand the estabilized relation with the sindicates and other organization. In the third part the focus is for education project of the workmen’s Circle comprehended in the dimension of a job turned toward the instruction and doctrination of the cearense workers in their diverse spaces. The fourth part visualizes over the cearense circles press like an informative and formative instrument, observing doctrinary function of this press. / O estudo aborda os Círculos Operários no Ceará, no período que compreende a fundação do Círculo de Operários e Trabalhadores Cristãos de Fortaleza em 1915 e o I Congresso Regional Norte e Nordeste dos Círculos Operários no ano de 1963. Na primeira parte, analiso a organização circulista enquanto projeto político-teológico e como instrumento da Igreja Católica para sua inserção no mundo do trabalho. Faz ainda um breve diálogo com a historiografia circulista, observando os enfoques dessa produção e os matizes da experiência circulista em diferentes espaços. Na segunda parte analiso a organização circulista no Ceará, buscando entender os vínculos estabelecidos com os sindicatos e outras organizações. Na terceira parte, o enfoque é para o projeto pedagógico dos círculos operários compreendido na dimensão de um trabalho voltado para a instrução e doutrinação dos trabalhadores cearenses em seus espaços diversos. A quarta parte, debruça-se sobre a imprensa circulista cearense como instrumento informativo e formativo, observando a função doutrinária desta imprensa.

Esta tese analisa o trabalho pastoral e a participação política parlamentar do arcebispo da Bahia, D. Romualdo Antônio de Seixas (1787-1860). Liderança entre os bispos do Movimento da Reforma Católica no Brasil, o arcebispo destacou-se, na Igreja e no âmbito legislativo, por posições políticas inovadoras ao colocar-se contra o tráfico negreiro e o sistema escravista. Seus conhecimentos sobre a Amazônia também o distinguiram por defender políticas públicas distintas para os índios e a região. Notabilizou-se, no Brasil, por sua importância eclesiástica e política, o que o levou a ocupar cargos importantes tanto aqui como internacionalmente, sendo agraciado com várias distinções pela sua relevância cultural. A hipótese central da tese está em verificar, na obra restauradora no Brasil enquanto adequação do catolicismo brasileiro aos ditames de Roma e em oposição ao avanço das ideias liberais, traços de uma vanguarda católica europeia definida no catolicismo social. O trabalho organiza-se na linha de pesquisa Política e Cultura por considerar as forças religiosas como parte do tecido político, investigando as relações íntimas entre religião e política no Império brasileiro. Nossa contribuição reside, portanto, em situar a força do poder religioso por meio da História Política. Entendemos como importantes o trabalho e a personalidade de D. Romualdo Seixas por evidenciarem uma perspectiva católica de reformismo social. / This thesis analyzes the pastoral work and parliamentary political participation of the Archbishop of Bahia, D. RomualdoAntônio de Seixas (1787-1860). A leader between bishops of the Catholic Reform Movement in Brazil, the archbishop stood out, at church and the legislative sphere, for his innovative political positioning in putting himself against the slave trade and slavery system. His knowledge on the Amazon was also a distinguishing trait for he defended several public policies that favored Indians and the surrounding region. He became a notable figure, in Brazil, for his ecclesiastical and political importance, which led him to occupy important positions both locally and internationally, being graced with multiple accolades for his cultural relevance. The central hypothesis of this thesis is to verify in the restorative piece in Brazil while the adequation of Brazilian Catholicism to the dictates of Rome and in opposition to the advancement of liberal ideas, traces of a catholic-European vanguard defined as Social Catholicism. The work is organizated through Political and Culture line of research for to consider the religious forces as part of the political fabric, investigating the intimate relationships between religion and politics in the Brazilian Empire. Our contribution resides, therefore, in situating the force of religious power throughout Political History. We extend as important the work and personality of D. RomualdoSeixas for the evidencing of a catholic perspective of social reformism.

Esta tese analisa o trabalho pastoral e a participação política parlamentar do arcebispo da Bahia, D. Romualdo Antônio de Seixas (1787-1860). Liderança entre os bispos do Movimento da Reforma Católica no Brasil, o arcebispo destacou-se, na Igreja e no âmbito legislativo, por posições políticas inovadoras ao colocar-se contra o tráfico negreiro e o sistema escravista. Seus conhecimentos sobre a Amazônia também o distinguiram por defender políticas públicas distintas para os índios e a região. Notabilizou-se, no Brasil, por sua importância eclesiástica e política, o que o levou a ocupar cargos importantes tanto aqui como internacionalmente, sendo agraciado com várias distinções pela sua relevância cultural. A hipótese central da tese está em verificar, na obra restauradora no Brasil enquanto adequação do catolicismo brasileiro aos ditames de Roma e em oposição ao avanço das ideias liberais, traços de uma vanguarda católica europeia definida no catolicismo social. O trabalho organiza-se na linha de pesquisa Política e Cultura por considerar as forças religiosas como parte do tecido político, investigando as relações íntimas entre religião e política no Império brasileiro. Nossa contribuição reside, portanto, em situar a força do poder religioso por meio da História Política. Entendemos como importantes o trabalho e a personalidade de D. Romualdo Seixas por evidenciarem uma perspectiva católica de reformismo social. / This thesis analyzes the pastoral work and parliamentary political participation of the Archbishop of Bahia, D. RomualdoAntônio de Seixas (1787-1860). A leader between bishops of the Catholic Reform Movement in Brazil, the archbishop stood out, at church and the legislative sphere, for his innovative political positioning in putting himself against the slave trade and slavery system. His knowledge on the Amazon was also a distinguishing trait for he defended several public policies that favored Indians and the surrounding region. He became a notable figure, in Brazil, for his ecclesiastical and political importance, which led him to occupy important positions both locally and internationally, being graced with multiple accolades for his cultural relevance. The central hypothesis of this thesis is to verify in the restorative piece in Brazil while the adequation of Brazilian Catholicism to the dictates of Rome and in opposition to the advancement of liberal ideas, traces of a catholic-European vanguard defined as Social Catholicism. The work is organizated through Political and Culture line of research for to consider the religious forces as part of the political fabric, investigating the intimate relationships between religion and politics in the Brazilian Empire. Our contribution resides, therefore, in situating the force of religious power throughout Political History. We extend as important the work and personality of D. RomualdoSeixas for the evidencing of a catholic perspective of social reformism.

S'agit-il d'une banale société savante française créée en 1853, ou sa situation frontalière lui donne-t-elle un autre intérêt ? Les sept fondateurs dunkerquois, parmi lesquels le magistrat amateur de musique Edmond de Coussemaker, proche des frères Grimm, avaient à coeur de préserver les vestiges de leur langue populaire, le « flamand de France », participant au mouvement des « mémoires locales ». Ces notables, avec l'aide des curés de village, souhaitaient servir une société chrétienne, inspirée à la fois par les traditions médiévales des villes des anciens Pays-Bas reprises par la Contre-réforme espagnole et par une opposition au centralisme anticlérical hérité de la Révolution. Ils associaient la langue flamande à la religion catholique, comme éléments d'une identité française visant à se démarquer, à la fois de Paris et de leurs voisins flamands-belges, soumis eux aussi défis de la modernité. Un temps attirés par l'idéologie néogothique flamande, ils rentrent d'une façon originale, parfois douloureuse, dans le projet d'intégration des « petites patries » dans la grande, telle que le conçoit la Troisième République peu favorable à ces élites jugées réactionnaires. Durant la période de l'étude, notables ou prêtres, vont pourtant rester fidèles à leur ligne. La reconstruction de cette région, proche du front, après la Première guerre mondiale, donne au chanoine Looten, durant sa présidence de 40 ans, l'occasion de jouer très subtilement, parfois de façon ambigüe, un rôle moteur dans l'organisation d'un régionalisme typiquement septentrional ; tout en assurant la promotion de la langue populaire auprès des jeunes, notamment aux Facultés catholiques de Lille, il vise, avec son ami l'abbé Lemire, le recadrage de la religion dans le sens d'une plus plus grande transcendance et d'une plus grande ouverture au monde et aux questions sociales. / Is it a classic « learned society » created in 1853, or does its border situation provide it another interest? Edmond de Coussemaker, the music lover magistrate and the others fonders living in Dunkerque, were committed to preserving and maintaining the vestiges of their ancient vernacular, the "Flemish in France",participating in the movement of 'local memories'. These local dignitaries, with the help of village priests, wished to serve the Christian society, therein inspired both by the traditions of medieval towns of the Low Countries later on regained by the Spanish catholic reform and the opposition to anticlerical centralism inherited from the Revolution. They associated the vernacular with the catholic religion, as part of a French identity, to distinguish themselves, both from Paris and from their Belgian-Flemish neighbors, and also to submit the challenges of modernity. Once attracted by the Flemish neogothicism and neomedieval ideology, they joined, painfully for some, the integration project of "small countries" in the great nation-state, as conceived by the Third Republic, even though this regime was not favourable towards these elites which were considered reactionary. The reconstruction of this region, near the front, after the First World War, gave the canon Looten during his long presidency, the opportunity to play very subtly, sometimes ambiguously, a role in the organization of typically northern type of regionalism. While ensuring the promotion of the vernacular at the “Facultés catholiques de Lille”, with his friend Jules Lemire, he aims at driving religion in a direction of transcendence as well as larger opening to the word and its social problems.

Cette thèse se propose d’étudier les relations entre l’Organisation Internationale du Travail (OIT), créée en 1919 par le traité de Versailles, et les milieux chrétiens, c’est-à-dire les chrétiens organisés en Eglises, syndicats, et associations, depuis la fondation de l’OIT jusqu’au voyage de Paul VI à Genève pour son cinquantenaire, en 1969. Alors que l’OIT est, dès sa création, soumise à des influences sociales-démocrates, incarnées notamment par la personnalité du premier directeur, le socialiste français Albert Thomas, des relations sont nouées très tôt avec les syndicats chrétiens, puis avec l’ensemble des groupes se réclamant de la doctrine sociale de l’Eglise, du Saint-Siège et du christianisme social. Albert Thomas demande lui-même la nomination d’un prêtre au sein du Bureau International du Travail, le secrétariat de l’OIT, obtenue en 1926. Un fonctionnaire est également nommé pour les relations avec les milieux protestants. Il s’agit de mettre en évidence dans quelle mesure la collaboration des milieux chrétiens a pu constituer un intérêt et un appui pour l’OIT, dans les missions que celle-ci s’est vu confier à sa naissance – établissement d’une législation internationale du travail, recension d’informations sur les conditions de travail dans le monde – et après 1945 – notamment la coopération technique - et dans son développement et sa pérennité par delà la dissolution de la SDN. Il convient aussi de voir quelles ont été les conséquences pour les milieux chrétiens de l’inclusion dans le système international créé par l’OIT, tant en termes de diffusion de leurs idées que par la confrontation qui s’y produit avec les doctrines sociales-démocrates, communistes et, dans une moindre mesure, fascistes. / This thesis aims to study the relationship between the International Labour Organization, created in 1919 by the Treaty of Versailles, and Christian “milieus”. In other words, the relationship between the ILO and all the Christian churches, trade unions and associations, from the birth of the ILO to Pope Paul VI’s trip to Geneva on the occasion of the ILO’s fiftieth anniversary in 1969. Since its creation, the ILO has been heavily influenced by socialist trade unions and parties, beginning with Albert Thomas, the first Director-General, who was himself a French socialist. However, since 1921, relationships have also been established with Christian trade unions and other Christian groups which had previously been involved before 1914 in the first attempts to set up international labour standards. An official position was created in 1926 at the International Labour Office when Albert Thomas requested that a Jesuit priest be appointed as “counselor in religious matters”. From 1927 to 1940, the ILO also had a Protestant counselor in charge of the relations with Protestant churches and organizations. The objective of my research is to show, on the one hand, that ILO had an interest in a strong relationship with Christian churches and organizations in order to promote its own objectives – objectives such as establishing internationally binding labour standards, collecting information on labour around the world and, mainly after 1945, developing technical cooperation programmes. The aim here is to analyze the extent to which this relationship played a role in the ILO’s development and survival after the end of the League of Nations. Conversely, my research also intends to highlight how Christian organizations were impacted as a result of their participation in activities of international organizations such as the ILO. There are two aspects which are important to explore: first, the role the ILO played in supporting the dissemination of Christian ideas; and secondly, the ideological confrontation with socialist, communist and – to a lesser extent – fascist ideas and their supporters.

Il a été démontré que l’Antiquité gréco-romaine avait eu une très forte influence sur le discours et la pratique de la Révolution. Il est donc apparu intéressant d’étudier la présence et l’impact des Antiquités (y compris celtique et germanique) dans les débats politiques et, plus particulièrement, constitutionnels au XIXe siècle afin de vérifier la véracité de la position couramment admise selon laquelle l’Antiquité aurait été presque totalement absente. La France a connu, avant l’époque contemporaine, une succession de renaissances de l’Antiquité. Aussi, celle du XIXe siècle a-t-elle constitué une nouvelle illustration de cet éternel recommencement ou a-t-elle incarné le début d’un épuisement ? En s’appuyant sur un plan chrono-thématique couvrant la période allant de 1814 à 1875, la présente analyse combine histoires des idées et des institutions. Comment l’invocation de l’Antiquité dans les débats constitutionnels et les argumentaires politiques a-t-elle influé sur l’évolution des régimes et la transformation des institutions de la France au XIXe siècle ? Dès la Restauration, l’Antiquité gréco-romaine a effectivement connu un recul idéologique par rapport à la période précédente ; cependant, ce reflux ne fut que relatif (les humanités restaient dans la culture commune) et, pour le moins, ambivalent (car des modèles antiques comme celui du régime mixte attiraient). Cela a toutefois conduit, dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, à une neutralisation scientifique de l’Antiquité gréco-romaine : son intérêt et sa valeur furent comme subjectivisés en raison de la volonté de construire un roman national (en opposition à l’Allemagne) et un avenir politique fondé sur des principes résolument modernes (contractualisme, républicanisme, parlementarisme…). / It has been shown that the Greco-Roman antiquity had a very strong influence over the political discourse during the French Revolution. Thus, it seemed interesting to study the political debates of the XIXth and more specifically the constitutional debates, in order to validate or on the contrary to invalidate the commonly accepted view under which the antiquity would have had barely any influence during the XIXth century. Before modern times France experienced numerous revivals of Antiquity, also the question was to find out if there was another revival of the Antiquity under the XIXth century and if this revival was the beginning of something new or the swan song of the influence of the Antiquity. The present analyses propose to understand through a both chronological and thematic study, covering the period from 1814 to 1875, and by combining history of political ideas and history of the institutions, if the Antiquity had an influence on the political debates and the construction of the political models of the XIXth century. Indeed, as early as the first restoration the influence of antiquity already declined as compared to the previous period, but this backflow is in fact limited (the humanities remained in common culture) and also ambivalent (since an antic model such as the hybrid presidential-parliamentary-judicial interested the politicians). However, this led in the second half of the nineteenth century to a scientific neutralization of the Greco-Roman antiquity : its interest and value were put in perspective, because of the desire of the men of the XIXth century to write a national novel (in opposition to Germany), but also because they wanted a new political order based on some modern principles such as Contractualism, Republicanism and Parliamentarianism.

No description available.

Ce travail se propose de reconstruire une page peu connue de l'histoire de la diaspora de l'époque du Risorgimento, écrite autour d'un journal littéraire publié à Paris entre les mois de mai et octobre 1836, «L’Italiano. Foglio letterario».Conçu en Suisse par Mazzini et certains de ses compagnons d'exil, «L’Italiano» vit le jour grâce à la collaboration d'un groupe d'exilés italiens résidant dans la capitale française.Par rapport à l'idée d'origine née au sein de la Jeune Italie, le journal dut se confronter à des intellectuels aux parcours culturels et politiques divers qui collaborèrent pour « inaugurer une nationalité, soit-elle littéraire ».Contrairement à son prédécesseur parisien, «L'Exilé» (1832-1834), qui avait l'ambition d'offrir au public italien et français une histoire de la littérature italienne, «L'Italiano» proposait un programme de « critique éducatrice » en s'adressant principalement aux intellectuels de la péninsule.Outre le partage d'une conception éthique et civique de la littérature, le socle culturel sur lequel reposait le journal se fondait sur l'adhésion à une philosophie spiritualiste qui, tout en se revendiquant exclusivement italienne, était alimentée par la rencontre avec certains penseurs français de la Restauration, comme Pierre Leroux et Philippe Buchez.Le programme littéraire du journal s'appuyait sur le théâtre dramatique et sur le mélodrame, considérés comme des dispositifs de mobilisation politique aptes à transposer l'idée de nation sur un plan émotif et symbolique mais aussi à toucher les classes populaires sans avoir recours à la médiation de la parole écrite. / The research aims at reconstructing a neglected episode in the cultural life of the Italian exiles in the Age of the Risorgimento and is centered on a literary magazine published in Paris, from May to October 1836: «L'Italiano. Foglio letterario».«L'Italiano» was envisaged by Mazzini in Switzerland, together with his companions ofexile, and was eventually published with the aid of a group of Italian refugees in Paris. The journal was originally conceived within the context of the «Giovine Italia», but had to face up to a number of intellectuals whose cultural and political background was extremely various and whose intent was to cooperate in order to «principiare una nazionalità, sia pure letteraria».While «L’Exilé» (1832-1834) – the nearest antecedent of this magazine – aspired to provide an history of Italian literature for the Italian and French readers, «L'Italiano» presented rather a program of «critica educatrice» and it was especially addressed to the Italian intellectuals.The circle which arised around the journal was cemented not only by an ethic and engaged conception of literature, but also by a spiritualist philosophy: even if the proponents defended the Italian character of this philosophy, it was developed through a continuous exchange with French Philosophers of the Age of Reaction, such as Pierre Leroux and Philippe Buchez.The journal's proposal was centered on dramatic theatre and melodrama, insofar as theywere considered as instruments for political mobilization, apt to set on an emotional and symbolic dimension the idea of nation, as well as to affect the working-class, without the need for written words. / Questo lavoro si propone di ricostruire una pagina poco nota della diaspora risorgimentale, sorta attorno a un giornale letterario che si pubblicò a Parigi tra il maggio e l'ottobre del 1836, «L’Italiano. Foglio letterario». Concepito in Svizzera da Mazzini e da alcuni suoi compagni d’esilio, «L’Italiano» vide finalmente la luce grazie alla collaborazione di un gruppo di esuli italiani residenti nella capitale francese. Rispetto all’idea originaria, sorta in seno alla Giovine Italia, il giornale dovette confrontarsi con intellettuali dai percorsi culturali e politici assai diversi tra loro, che si trovarono a cooperare per «principiare una nazionalità, sia pure letteraria».Diversamente dal suo precedente parigino, «L'Exilé» (1832-1834), che ambiva a offrire al pubblico italiano e francese una storia della letteratura italiana, «L'Italiano» proponeva, invece, un programma di «critica educatrice» rivolto principalmente agli intellettuali della penisola. Oltre alla condivisione di una concezione etica e civile della letteratura, il sodalizio culturale sorto attorno al giornale si fondava sull’adesione a una filosofia di stampo spiritualista che, pur rivendicando un’origine tutta italiana, si alimentava grazie al confronto con alcuni pensatori francesi della Restaurazione, come Pierre Leroux e Philippe Buchez.La proposta letteraria del giornale poggiava sul teatro drammatico e sul melodramma, in cui riconosceva dei dispositivi di mobilitazione politica che, oltre a proiettare l’idea di nazione su un piano emotivo e simbolico, potevano raggiungere le classi popolari senza la mediazione della parola scritta.

Quelle population hétérogène que celle des Justes parmi les nations de Rhône-Alpes, et, par cette caractéristique même, peu saisissable ! S’ils ne sauraient, à eux seuls, représenter la totalité des situations de sauvetage, les Justes éclairent, par le simple fait qu’ils existent, un pan de la résistance civile sous l’Occupation. Ces hommes, ces femmes, appartiennent à une région originale, comme prédestinée à l’accueil. La diversité de ses paysages en fait le terrain d’expérimentation de toutes les formes de tourisme. Pays pratiquant, Rhône-Alpes est également le terreau d’expériences religieuses nouvelles et le berceau de la démocratie chrétienne. Région carrefour, ouverte, son pouvoir d’attraction se renforce sous l’Occupation, avec l’arrivée de flux nombreux d’exilés, de juifs notamment, qui s’efforcent d’y reprendre une vie « normale ». Les rafles de l’été 1942 font, soudainement, de l’aide dispensée aux réfugiés traqués une question de survie. Des hommes, des femmes, mus par des valeurs communes, encouragés par les ecclésiastiques qui les entourent, se mobilisent. Naissent ainsi de véritables chaînes de solidarité, transformant des bourgs ou des villages en territoires refuges, des individus anonymes en héros « ordinaires ». / What a heterogeneous population that the Righteous among the nations of Rhône-Alpes and, by this way, little comprehensible! If they don’t embody all the situations of the rescue, the Righteous enlighten, only because they do exist, a piece of the civilian Resistance under the Occupation. These people belong to an unusual region, as fated for the welcome. Its various landscapes led to the experiment of all the types of tourism. This practicing country is also the ground of new religious experiences and the cradle of the Christian democracy. The appeal of this crossroads strengthens under the Occupation with the arrival of exiles, Jews in particular, who try to take back their former life. The raids of the summer 1942 make suddenly the help to the pursued people a question of survival. Moved by common values, encouraged by the clerics who surround them, people mobilize. Thus real networks of support arise, transforming villages into sanctuaries, common people into heroes.