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The centralised control over curriculum framing and pedagogy, the generally poor quality of teaching with little sensitivity to children’s sociocultural environment; and very high drop out rates, even at the primary school level, are some of the challenges facing school education in many of the regions of India. However, one of the successful approaches to these challenges has been the Digantar school system, working in rural communities. The study is based in one Digantar School in Rajasthan and employs concepts derived from the Vygotskian tradition to interrogate the methods employed in Digantar school system. The study took Edwards’ (2010a, 2011, 2012) idea of common knowledge and Hedegaard’s (2008, 2012, 2013) idea of institutional demand in practices as conceptual lenses through which to investigate the components of the pedagogical practices that help Digantar teachers to align the motives of the school with those of the child in classroom activities. In doing so it analyses the institutional practices that lead to the development of common knowledge that in turn facilitates how teachers engage pupils as learners. Data were gathered over six months and comprised around 120 hours of school-based video data together with interviews and detailed observations with teachers and community members. Data were gathered in classrooms, teacher meetings, meetings between parents and teachers and at school-community meetings. Analyses focused on the construction of common knowledge and the use made of it by the school to achieve a mutual alignment of motives between the practices of the school with the community and the families. The study has revealed that teachers’ engagement with the knowledge and motives of other teachers and community members helped to create common knowledge, i.e. an understanding of what mattered for each participating group, which facilitated teaching-learning in the school. The analysis also points towards a form of democracy, which enhances children’s participation in their learning. It was found that building and sharing of common knowledge and creating a socially articulated ‘space of reasons’ (Derry 2008) produced a pedagogical model that engaged children in creating their social situation of development, seeking and recognising the curriculum demands being placed on them.

The shari‘a, or the inherited legal tradition, has tended to dominate discussions of contemporary Islam. Relatively little attention has been given to the Qur’an, however, despite its importance both in terms of Muslim theology, in which it is understood as the actual Word of God, and of Islamic reformist thought. Far from being marginal, the Qur’an has emerged as a rich resource for theological reflection and sociopolitical action. Specifically, it has become a source of empowerment, speaking to contexts of oppression. This thesis examines the commentaries of four Muslim intellectuals who have expounded the Qur’an as a liberating text – namely, the South African Farid Esack (b. 1956), the Indian Asghar Ali Engineer (b. 1939), the American Amina Wadud (b. 1952) and the Pakistani Asma Barlas (b. 1950) – supplemented by in-depth interviews. In so doing, this study seeks (i) to fill a major gap in the literature by offering the first comprehensive survey and analysis of their readings and (ii) to challenge common portrayals of justice-based exegesis as being an obscure, fundamentalist scripturalism; as being rooted in North America; and as being focussed primarily, even exclusively, on gendered oppression. Indeed, the centring of the Qur’an in Islamic thought, I argue, is an increasingly mainstream practice – a global hermeneutic – as Muslims throughout the world seek answers in scripture to the pressing problems of the present. Furthermore, justice-based exegesis has been holistic, addressing (in addition to patriarchy) poverty and racism, communal violence and imperialism. Liberationist and women’s readings are significant, I conclude, for two reasons. Firstly, they shed new insights into the rise of ‘thematic commentary’ (tafsir mawdu‘i) in Qur’anic exegesis. Secondly, their expressly political character exposes the hegemony of Islamism over our understanding of ‘the political’ and ‘the radical’ in an Islamic context, thereby forcing us to redefine political and radical Islam.

This thesis is about food practices and change among Mexican migrants living in West Queens, New York City. Public health research suggests that Mexican migration to the US has a negative impact on food practices, with diets being less nutritious over a migrant’s stay in the United States and obesity being more common among longer-term than more recently-arrived individuals. Through ethnography, I explore how migration shapes food practices and examine the nuanced process of nutritional change that is often obscured in large-scale epidemiological studies. Food practices are important not just because they shape vulnerabilities to chronic diseases but also because they serve as prisms by which to examine migrants’ lives, pressures and aspirations. The three aims of this ethnography are to explore the food practices that Mexicans engage in after migration; to examine the social, temporal and political-economic contexts shaping food practices and change; and to describe how migrants themselves makes sense of nutritional change. I explore these themes using the approach of structural vulnerability, which views health practices and outcomes as influenced by social structures, relationships and inequalities. In so doing, I provide a critique of the public health literature’s use of the concept of acculturation to explain food practices, which largely obscures the role played by structural contexts and constraints. Through participant observation, conversations and interviews with Mexican migrants in West Queens, NYC, I have identified three contexts shaping food practices and change after migration: household dynamics and labour division; time constraints and work schedules; and the ‘food environment’, referring to the availability of food items and weight loss products. Gender dynamics, documentation status and class modified the way in which these contexts were perceived and negotiated by informants, which had further consequences on food practices. In these settings, informants were often encouraged to consume high-energy foods and large portions, to replace meals with snacks, to eat prepared or convenience foods, and to experiment with weight loss products. To rationalize nutritional change and body size disparities, informants employed multiple discourses. Some discourses emphasized the role of structural contexts and constraints related to time, money and documentation status, while others emphasized the role played by cultural beliefs, habits and acculturation. An ethnographic approach informed by structural vulnerability serves to articulate how the everyday lives and social contexts in which Mexican migrants are embedded, shape experiences of nutritional change. This thesis exposes a disconnect between the way in which the public health literature conceptualizes nutritional change and how it is lived ‘on the ground’.

Thesis (MPhil (Sociology and Social Anthropology))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study gives us insight into the daily lives and battles for survival of poor women in an age of HIV/AIDS in rural areas of the Western Cape, South Africa. I set out to get an understanding of the shortcomings of the current interventions aimed at combating HIV and AIDS. Soon after I commenced my fieldwork I realised that it is the socio-economic circumstances of the people I encountered that was mostly responsible for their HIV positive status or the reason why they are living with HIV/AIDS rather than the choices they make. However, most of the interventions aimed at combating the global HIV/AIDS epidemic focuses on behavioural interventions or the provision of medical care. By entering the spheres in which women living with HIV/AIDS live their daily lives I aimed to get a better comprehension of the challenges they encounter and why the interventions that focus on behaviour and medical treatment fail to address the needs of these women. In doing so I learned about their struggles to merely stay alive and that protecting yourself against a disease like HIV/AIDS can appear as a luxury. A luxury you cannot afford when your only means of an income is your body which you need to barter in exchange for money or food and shelter. I learned about their powerlessness in protecting themselves against the disease and the loneliness they have to endure once they learn they are infected with the virus. In addition to this, it also came to my attention that their conditions of poverty are of such an extent that even ‘free’ medical treatment can sometimes be too expensive for them to afford because of hidden costs such as transport. At the end of my study it was my conclusion that we need to pay more attention to the root causes of the spread of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in order to combat it successfully, also at the entry levels of the healthcare system. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie bied insig in die daaglikese lewens en stryd om oorlewing van arm vroue in ‘n tyd van MIV/VIGS in die landelike gebiede van die Wes-Kaap, Suid-Afrika. Ek het die studie begin met ‘n poging om die tekortkominge van die huidige intervensies om MIV/VIGS te bekamp beter te verstaan. Kort nadat ek met my veldwerk begin het het ek reeds tot die besef gekom dat die die sosio-ekonomiese omstandigehede die oorsaak is dat die vroue met die virus leef, eerder as die keuses wat hulle vrywilliglik maak. Ten spyte van my bevinding fokus meeste intervensies tans op gedragsveranderinge en mediese behandeling. Ek het die lewensruimtes van hierdie vroue binnegegaan in ‘n poging om die daaglikse uitdagings te verstaan, asook die redes hoekom die huidige intervensies nie hierdie vroue se behoeftes aanspreek nie. Deur dit te doen het ek geleer hoe dit as ‘n luuksheid beskou kan word om jouself teen infeksie met die virus te beskerm. ‘n Luuksheid wat jy nie kan bekostig indien jou lyf jou enigste bron van inkomste is wat jy moet gebruik om geld mee in te win of kos en woonplek te verseker nie. Vroue is dikwels magteloos om hulself teen infeksie met MIV/VIGS te beskerm en die eensaamheid waarmee hul moet saamleef wanneer hul wel met die virus ge-infekteer is. Dit het ook onder my aandag gekom dat die armoede van so ‘n aard is dat selfs ‘gratis’ mediese behandeling soms onbekostigbaar is as gevolg van versteekte kostes, soos vervoer. Aan die einde van my studie was dit my gevolgtrekking dat daar meer aandag geskenk moet word aan die oorsake wat aanleiding gee tot die verspreiding van die MIV/VIGS epidemie indien ons dit suksesvol wil bekamp, ook op die intreevlakke van die gesondheidstelsel.

Syftet med uppsatsen var att undersöka Pantrarna genom att se på vad för typ av social rörelse Pantrarna är. Sociala faktorer som låg bakom bildandet, deras förebilder, metoderna de använde, hur de organiserade sig och vad de ville uppnå undersöktes. Bakgrunden till bildandet av en social rörelse som Pantrarna var komplex och flera teorier och begrepp fick därför användas för att försöka förklara kontext såväl som Pantrarna som social rörelse. Uppsatsen är gjord genom en kvalitativ metod bestående av intervjuer, innehållsanalys på filmen om dem, observation vid deras festival, netnografisk studie av rörelsen där Facebook,Youtube och deras hemsida studerats. De viktigaste resultatet som hittades var att Pantrarna är en social rörelse som bygger på ett konfliktperspektiv där de använder metoder som att storma politikers möten och genom demonstrationer. De anordnar även föreläsningar och en årlig musikfestival som är gratis. Medlemmarna upplever ett utanförskap och upplever att de inte har möjligheter att uppnå sina mål och drömmar som boende i andra områden utanför förorten. Men möjligen är det så att deär fast i sin egen upplevelse av alienation mot det omgivande samhället och snarare bidrar till den än att, som de vill, motverka den.Nyckelord: Social rörelse, Förorten, Alienation / The purpose of this paper was to investigate Pantrarna by looking at what kind of social movement Pantrarna are. Social factors behind the founding, the rolemodels, methods used, how they were organized and what they wanted to achieve was studied. The background ofthe founding of the social movement like Pantrarna was complex and therefore several theories and concepts were used to try to understand the context as well as Pantrarna as a social movement. Qualitative method consisting of interviews, content analysis of the movie about them, observation at their festival, a netnographic study of the movement through Facebook, Youtube and on their website.The most important findings was that Pantrarna is a social movement that rests on a conflictperspective where they use methods like storming politicians meetings and through demonstrations. They also arrange lectures and a yearly music festival that’s free. The members experience an exclusion and they feel that they don’t have the same possibilities to achieve their goals and dreams like the residents in other areas outside the suburbs. But maybe they are stuck in their own experience of alienation towards the surrounding society and rather contribute to it, as oppose to doing what they want, counteract it.Keywords: Social movement, Suburb, Alienation.

This thesis examines the relationship between ethnicity and violent group mobilisation in Liberia’s civil war (1989-2003). It focuses on Gio, Mano and Mandingo mobilisation to investigate how and why internal dynamics about moral norms and expectations motivated leadership calls for violence and ethnic support. Much of the existing literature interprets popular involvement in violent group mobilisation on the Upper Guinea Coast as a youth rebellion against gerontocracy. I argue that such an approach is incomplete in the Liberian case, and does not account for questions of ethnic mobilisation and the participation of groups such as the Gio, Mano and Mandingo. At the onset of hostilities, civilians in Liberia were not primarily mobilised to fight based on their age, but rather as members of ethnic communities whose membership included different age groups. I explore constructivist approaches to ethnicity to analyse mobilisation for war as the collective 'self-defence' of ethnic groups qua moral communities. In the prelude to the outbreak of civil war, inter-ethnic inequalities of access to the state and economic resources became reconfigured. Ethnic groups—as moral communities—experienced external 'victimisation' and a sense of internal dissolution, or threatened dissolution. In particular, the understanding of internal reciprocal relations between patrons and clients within ethnic groups was undermined. Internal arguments about morality, personal responsibility, social accountability/justice, increased the pressure on excluded elites and thus incentivised them to pursue violent political strategies. Mobilisation took on an ethnic form mainly because individuals believed that they were fighting to protect the moral communities that generate esteem and ground understandings of good citizenship. Therefore, ethnic participation in the Liberian countryside differed from the model peasant rebellion that seeks to overthrow the feudal elites. Rather than a revolution of the social order, individuals regarded themselves as protecting an extant ethnic order that provided rights and distributed resources. Even though some individuals fought for political power and resources, and external actors facilitated group organisation through the provision of logistical support, the violence was also an expression of bottom-up moral community crisis and an attempt by politico-military elites to keep their reputation and enforce unity.

Les études sur les milieux de vie et la santé ont traditionnellement porté sur le seul quartier de résidence. Des critiques ont été émises à cet égard, soulignant le fait que la mobilité quotidienne des individus n’était pas prise en compte et que l’accent mis sur le quartier de résidence se faisait au détriment d’autres milieux de vie où les individus passent du temps, c’est-à-dire leur espace d’activité. Bien que la mobilité quotidienne fasse l’objet d’un intérêt croissant en santé publique, peu d’études se sont intéressé aux inégalités sociales de santé. Ceci, même en dépit du fait que différents groupes sociaux n’ont pas nécessairement la même capacité à accéder à des milieux favorables pour la santé. Le lien entre les inégalités en matière de mobilité et les inégalités sociales de santé mérite d’être exploré. Dans cette thèse, je développe d'abord une proposition conceptuelle qui ancre la mobilité quotidienne dans le concept de potentiel de mobilité. Le potentiel de mobilité englobe les opportunités et les lieux que les individus peuvent choisir d’accéder en convertissant leur potentiel en mobilité réalisée. Le potentiel de mobilité est façonné par des caractéristiques individuelles (ex. le revenu) et géographiques (ex. la proximité des transports en commun), ainsi que par des règles régissant l’accès à certaines ressources et à certains lieux (ex. le droit). Ces caractéristiques et règles sont inégalement distribuées entre les groupes sociaux. Des inégalités sociales en matière de mobilité réalisée peuvent donc en découler, autant en termes de l'ampleur de la mobilité spatiale que des expositions contextuelles rencontrées dans l'espace d'activité. Je discute de différents processus par lesquels les inégalités en matière de mobilité réalisée peuvent mener à des inégalités sociales de santé. Par exemple, les groupes défavorisés sont plus susceptibles de vivre et de mener des activités dans des milieux défavorisés, comparativement à leurs homologues plus riches, ce qui pourrait contribuer aux différences de santé entre ces groupes. Cette proposition conceptuelle est mise à l’épreuve dans deux études empiriques. Les données de la première vague de collecte de l’étude Interdisciplinaire sur les inégalités sociales de santé (ISIS) menée à Montréal, Canada (2011-2012) ont été analysées. Dans cette étude, 2 093 jeunes adultes (18-25 ans) ont rempli un questionnaire et fourni des informations socio-démographiques, sur leur consommation de tabac et sur leurs lieux d’activités. Leur statut socio-économique a été opérationnalisé à l’aide de leur plus haut niveau d'éducation atteint. Les lieux de résidence et d'activité ont servi à créer des zones tampons de 500 mètres à partir du réseau routier. Des mesures de défavorisation et de disponibilité des détaillants de produits du tabac ont été agrégées au sein des ces zones tampons. Dans une première étude empirique je compare l'exposition à la défavorisation dans le quartier résidentiel et celle dans l'espace d’activité non-résidentiel entre les plus et les moins éduqués. J’identifie également des variables individuelles et du quartier de résidence associées au niveau de défavorisation mesuré dans l’espace d’activité. Les résultats démontrent qu’il y a un gradient social dans l’exposition à la défavorisation résidentielle et dans l’espace d’activité : elle augmente à mesure que le niveau d’éducation diminue. Chez les moins éduqués les écarts dans l’exposition à la défavorisation sont plus marquées dans l’espace d’activité que dans le quartier de résidence, alors que chez les moyennement éduqués, elle diminuent. Un niveau inférieur d'éducation, l'âge croissant, le fait d’être ni aux études, ni à l’emploi, ainsi que la défavorisation résidentielle sont positivement corrélés à la défavorisation dans l’espace d’activité. Dans la seconde étude empirique j'étudie l'association entre le tabagisme et deux expositions contextuelles (la défavorisation et la disponibilité de détaillants de tabac) mesurées dans le quartier de résidence et dans l’espace d’activité non-résidentiel. J'évalue si les inégalités sociales dans ces expositions contribuent à expliquer les inégalités sociales dans le tabagisme. J’observe que les jeunes dont les activités quotidiennes ont lieu dans des milieux défavorisés sont plus susceptibles de fumer. La présence de détaillants de tabac dans le quartier de résidence et dans l’espace d’activité est aussi associée à la probabilité de fumer, alors que le fait de vivre dans un quartier caractérisé par une forte défavorisation protège du tabagisme. En revanche, aucune des variables contextuelles n’affectent de manière significative l’association entre le niveau d’éducation et le tabagisme. Les résultats de cette thèse soulignent l’importance de considérer non seulement le quartier de résidence, mais aussi les lieux où les gens mènent leurs activités quotidiennes, pour comprendre le lien entre le contexte et les inégalités sociales de santé. En discussion, j’élabore sur l’idée de reconnaître la mobilité quotidienne comme facteur de différenciation sociale chez les jeunes adultes. En outre, je conclus que l’identification de facteurs favorisant ou contraignant la mobilité quotidienne des individus est nécessaire afin: 1 ) d’acquérir une meilleure compréhension de la façon dont les inégalités sociales en matière de mobilité (potentielle et réalisée) surviennent et influencent la santé et 2) d’identifier des cibles d’intervention en santé publique visant à créer des environnements sains et équitables. / In place and health research the exclusive focus on the residential context has been criticized for overlooking individuals’ daily mobility and the activity settings where they work, study or play, i.e. their activity space. While researchers are increasingly considering daily mobility in health studies, few have been concerned with social inequalities in health. This is so despite evidence suggesting that different social groups may not have the same capacity to reach healthy and favourable settings. Whether social inequalities in daily mobility contribute to social inequalities in health remains to be explored. In this thesis I first develop a conceptual proposition that anchors daily mobility in the concept of mobility potential. Mobility potential encompasses the opportunities and places that individuals can choose to access by converting their potential into realized mobility. Mobility potential is shaped by individual characteristics (e.g. income), geographic circumstances (e.g. proximity to public transit), and rules regulating access to certain places and resources (e.g. rights). All of these have been shown to be socially-patterned. It follows that social inequalities in realized mobility may result, both in terms of the extent of spatial movement and of contextual exposures in the activity space. I discuss various pathways linking inequalities in realized mobility to health inequalities. For example, lower social classes may be more likely to live and conduct activities in disadvantaged areas, compared to their more affluent counterparts, and this may contribute to health differentials between these groups. This conceptual proposition is then tested in two empirical studies conducted using cross-sectional data from the Interdisciplinary Study on Inequalities in Smoking (ISIS), Montreal, Canada (2011-2012). In this study 2,093 young adults (18-25 years-old) provided socio-demographic, smoking and activity location data in a self-completed questionnaire. Their highest education level attained was used as a proxy for their socio-economic status. Residential and activity locations were used to create 500-meter road-network buffer zones and to derive measures of area-level disadvantage and tobacco retailer availability. In a first empirical study I compare social inequalities in exposure to area-level disadvantage measured in the residential area and non-residential activity space. I also identify individual- and area-level correlates of non-residential activity space disadvantage. I find that there is a social gradient, across educational categories, in both residential and non-residential activity space disadvantage: the level of disadvantage experienced increases as education level decreases. Social inequalities in exposure to area-level deprivation are slightly larger in the non-residential activity space than in the residential neighbourhood for the least educated, but smaller for the intermediate group. Lower educational attainment, increasing age, not being in education nor in employment, and higher residential disadvantage are correlated with conducting activities in more disadvantaged areas. In the second empirical study I investigate the association between smoking status and two contextual exposures (area-level disadvantage and tobacco retailer availability) in both the residential neighbourhood and non-residential activity space. I also assess whether inequalities in these exposures help explain inequalities in smoking. I find that smoking is positively associated with conducting activities in the second least deprived areas and with tobacco retailer counts in residential and non-residential areas. Living in the second most deprived areas is protective of smoking. However, none of the contextual variables significantly affect the education-smoking association. Findings from this thesis advance conceptual reflection and empirical knowledge regarding the importance, in contextual studies of social inequalities in health, of not only considering where people live but also where they conduct daily activities. I discuss daily mobility as a factor of social differentiation among young adults. Furthermore, I conclude that identifying factors enabling or constraining individuals’ daily mobility is required to: 1) gain a better understanding of how social inequalities in mobility (potential and realized) arise and influence health; and 2) identify entry points for public health interventions aimed at creating healthy and equitable environments.

The collapse of the communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe in 1989-1990 heralded the beginning of an economic transition from central planning to market economies. The subsequent period was marked by malfunctioning of these countries’ social sectors, including their health care systems, raising serious issues of equity. This thesis examines the impact of the transition period and the introduction of social insurance on equity in health care provision in Bulgaria. Equity in health care is investigated with respect to function - i.e. financing (according to ability to pay) and delivery (according to need) - and outcomes - i.e. health status, income inequality and poverty. Differences in health, health care financing and delivery are explored by income, education, ethnic, employment, marital status, age and sex groups. Furthermore, the thesis outlines the impact of health care provision, in particular social insurance, on poverty and health inequalities. The thesis employs empirical analysis based on household data. Its methodology includes concentration and decomposition analysis, and provides new ways of modelling health care financing and delivery, as well as the link between health and health care delivery. The thesis concludes that social insurance does not provide a uniform means of improving equity and that the root cause of the problem lies in the large proportion of out-of-pocket payments and the rather limited size of the health insurance sector. Inequity in health care provision leads to poverty and untreated illness. The data suggests that there are differences between socio-economic groups as regards their likelihood to seek treatment for their ill health, which result in differences in their health status. The social factors that have impacted the most on health are low education and low income.

Varieties of Capitalism theory predicts that the skill specificity of workers determines their demand for social protection. In this thesis, I test this assumption using a measure of occupational mobility between pre- and post-unemployment, which I apply to European workers in different skill groups as defined by Fleckenstein et al., (2011). Using this measure as an indicator of the portability of workers' skills, I then evaluate whether the lower marketability of human capital investments is associated with greater demand for unemployment protection. The findings demonstrate that whilst this relationship is apparent in certain countries, notably Coordinated Market Economies such as Germany, the assumptions do not apply across institutional settings. Consequently, skill specificity cannot explain variation in attitudes towards unemployment protection policies between countries.