Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Freiburg, 2005/2006.

Proefschrift Universiteit Maastricht. / Met lit. opg., reg. - Met samenvatting in het Engels. Bibliogr.: p. 459-474.

Proefschrift Universiteit Maastricht. / Met lit. opg. - Met samenvatting in het Nederlands.

Denna studie syftar till att undersöka hur massmedia och regeringen framställer socialtjänsten samt att undersöka om och hur de massmediala framställningarna korresponderar med regeringens framställningar. För att besvara studiens syfte har 37 stycken artiklar som publicerats i Dagens Nyheter under perioden 2017-07-01 – 2017-12-31 och 21 stycken av regeringens egenproducerade artiklar som publicerats på regeringens hemsida under perioden 2017-01-01 – 2017-12-31 analyserats med hjälp av kritisk diskursanalys. Anammandet av den kritiska diskursanalysen innebär att analyser (kvalitativa och kvantitativa innehållsanalyser) genomförts inom tre olika dimensioner av texten: text (textens innehåll), diskursiv praktik (textens produktion) och social praktik (hur texten knyter an till en bredare samhällsmässig struktur). I studien framkommer det att framställningarna av socialtjänsten i Dagens Nyheter har utgått från tre olika diskurser: handlingarnas diskurs, den organisatoriska diskursen och förpliktelsernas diskurs. Hur socialtjänsten framställs beror på vilken av diskurserna skribenterna i DN aktualiserar när de gör sina uttalanden. I de flesta fall är det handlingarnas diskurs som framträder. Detta innebär att socialtjänsten oftast framställs som en kontrollerande, vårdslös, likgiltig och maktfullkomlig verksamhet. Dessa egenskaper måste, enligt skribenterna, ifrågasättas och förändras.     I regeringens artiklar framkommer det att samtliga uttalanden inom ramen för artiklarna har utgått från en enda diskurs: den socialpolitiska diskursen. Utifrån diskursen framställs socialtjänsten som en verksamhet som är en del av en bredare välfärdsapparat som finns till för att hjälpa människor när behov för det finns. Det framkommer emellertid också att socialtjänsten för närvarande omfattas av en rad problem som är upp till politiken att lösa. När diskurserna i Dagens Nyheter relateras till den socialpolitiska diskursen så framträder ett mönster. Två av diskurserna i Dagens Nyheter (den organisatoriska diskursen och förpliktelsernas diskurs) framställer socialtjänsten på ett likartat sätt som regeringen medan den tredje diskursen (handlingarnas diskurs) förmedlar en motstridig bild. / The purpose of this study is to explore how the mass media and the government represent the social services as well as explore if and how the mass media´s representations correspond with the government's representations. 37 articles from the daily newspaper Dagens Nyheter who were published between 2017-07-01 and 2017-12-31 as well as 21 of the government´s own articles who were published on the governments website between 2017-01-01 and 2017-12-31 have been examined to answer the purpose. The form for examination have been critical discourse analysis which means that the material has been analyzed (with qualitative and quantitative content analysis) within three different dimensions of the text: text (the content of the text), discursive practice (the production of the text) and social practice (how the text relates to a broader societal structure).  The study shows that the representations of the social services in Dagens Nyheter have been based on three different discourses: the discourse of action, the organizational discourse and the discourse of obligations. How the social services are represented depends upon which discourse the different authors base their statements on. The majority of the statements can, however, be found within the discourse of actions. This means that the social services in most cases are represented as controlling, wreck less, careless and autocratic. These are characteristics that, according to the authors, need to be questioned and changed.   In the government's articles it´s shown that all statements within the articles have been based upon one single discourse: the discourse of social policies. This discourse describes the social services as an organization that´s only one part of a wider welfare apparatus, which solely purpose is to help individuals when needed. It also shown, however, that the social services nowadays are subject to a number of problems and that it is up to the government to resolve them. When the discourses in Dagens Nyheter are compared to the discourse of social policies, the study argues, that a pattern appears. Two of the discourses in Dagens Nyheter (the organizational discourse and the discourse of obligations) represent the social services similarly to the discourse of social policies. However, the third discourse (the discourse of actions) conveys a contradictory and different picture of the social services.

Since 2010 The Islamic State (IS) has resurrected from virtual extinction and has conquered vast territories in Iraq and Syria. It has transformed from a simple group of insurgents to a conventional army which has claimed to be a state of its own since it announced the for-mation of the Caliphate in mid-2014. Researchers have used many different theories to un-derstand the success of IS which has increased our knowledge of the phenomenon. Even so there are still questions that need to be answered in order to fully understand what we are facing in the Middle East (ME) today and what we might encounter in other parts of the world tomorrow. This essay uses revolutionary theories about Communism and Nationalism with the intent to expand our view of modern insurgencies. More precisely it investigates why IS has been so successful in its conquests, which are done through the narrative of its attitude towards the population of Iraq and Syria. The result reveals that IS uses a combination of the two above-mentioned ideologies. IS keeps conflicts going through constant terror against specific groups thus creating a gap be-tween the governments and the Sunnis in the region. Simultaneously it is trying to create an environment where the inhabitants can experience normal living conditions. The future of the ME is worrying since IS and its way of gaining conquests is hard to battle for whoever is intervening.

In four years, ISIS managed to conquer vast areas in both Iraq and Syria and have proven themselves capable of conducting sophisticated military operations. Using terrorism, they have also shocked the world numerous times, most recently in Sri Lanka during the spring of 2019, in an attack leaving more than 250 people dead. Even today there seems to be a discrepancy in how this organization should be defined. Therefore, this thesis examines ISIS through the years of 2010-2015. The ambition is to explain how this organization can be understood through the contrasting theories of hybrid warfare and insurgency from Frank G. Hoffman and David Galula respectively. This thesis concludes that while ISIS’s initial progression bore strong resemblance to the historically typical insurgent, like gaining publicity through terror and using guerilla warfare to acquire supplies and grow, they became something more. They evolved into a hybrid organization capable of mixing conventional combined arms warfare with the deadly effectiveness of irregular methods, essentially converging terrorism with their conventional units. Using modern technology, they managed to turn both social media and commercial products alike, into effective tools of war. This spectacular metamorphosis that is ISIS, illuminates the requirement for development of new theories, or at the very least, to expand on those present today.

Den här studien är en totalundersökning av hur svenska tryckta medier skrivit om europeiska kvinnor som anslutit sig till Islamiska staten (IS), under perioden 1 januari 2015 till 11 april 2016. Studien bygger på två metoder, kvantitativ innehållsanalys av 96 artiklar och kritisk diskursanalys på sex uppslag. Vi har valt en eklektisk ansats i vårt teoretiska ramverk och haft utgångspunkt i fyra teorier, gestaltningsteori, genusteori, kriminologisk teori om det idealiska offret samt postkolonial teori om skapandet av ”den andra”. Frågorna som besvaras berör hur kvinnor som ansluter sig och deras handlingar framställs och hur man kan förstå varför kvinnorna framställs på det sättet. Studien visar att i 65 % av artiklarna ger medierna tydliga förklaringar till varför subjekten anslutit sig, men endast i 9 % av artiklarna vi har gått igenom framställs subjekten som att de fattat ett eget medvetet beslut. I övrigt fann vi fyra typiska inramningar kring kvinnors anslutande till IS. Dessa är att hon har blivit lurad dit, att hon gör det för en partner, att hon åker för att hon har en tom tillvaro hemma och att hon har lockats via internet. I undersökningen kommer vi också fram till att subjekten sällan själva får komma till tals. Kvinnorna som har anslutit sig eller som varit på väg att ansluta sig framställs nästan genomgående som att de fallit offer för IS propaganda. Med vårt teoretiska ramverk förstår vi att kvinnorna inte skrivs om som gärningsmän för att de framställs med stereotypt kvinnliga egenskaper. Kvinnorna framställs som antingen ofullständiga eller som att vara i motsats till det som männen är. I en dikotom relation till mannen tillskrivs kvinnorna egenskaper såsom passiv, underordnad, svag och irrationell.

A content analysis of "Islamic State" (IS) propaganda material released around the movement's proclamation of a Caliphate in 2014, this study is an attempt at analysing ways in which presented arguments express a coherent narrative of symbolic meaning. Using Robert Benford & David Snow's ideas on the so-called three core framing tasks as a clarifying template, I discuss ways in which the analysed material argues for the legitimacy and relevance of the IS movement. IS propagandists argue that the Muslim umma is under attack, and that Muslims need to unite under a common authority that can protect their religion, restore their strength, and counteract their humiliation. The IS Caliphate is presented as a hopeful sign, but is in need of committed recruits who are willing to sacrifice for what is presented as the greater good. As the analysed propaganda is particularly focused on this latter (motivational) aspect of the narrative, it focuses extensively on formulating arguments that reinforce it. I hold that many of these arguments can be traced back to what can be described as appeals to virtues like sincerity, authenticity, and truthfulness – and that all of these are also used to argue for the credibility of the IS Caliphate as an Islamic authority. Arguing that this Caliphate will serve the role of an aiding sword of Islam, it is furthermore presented as a necessary and vigorous structure aimed at protecting "truth" and at eradicating "falsehood".

The study researches the media habits and attitude of the Swedish youths toward the Swedish film industry. By using official sources and literature about the Swedish film industry and media statistics it becomes clear that Swedish film attracts a minority of the Swedish cinema attenders, and that the media habits of the Swedish youths favors foreign movies. It becomes clear that youths have a relatively negative attitude towards Swedish movies, which is seen as dull in comparison to foreign movies.

Individuals who have travelled from Sweden and affiliated to the Islamic State in Syria will, after the fall of the caliphate, return home to Sweden. The concept of ISIS returnees has begun to dominate the debate and there is a common concern that individuals who possess radicalized opinions should return to Sweden only to commit terrorist crimes. The study is based on a qualitative research method, specifically an interview methodology with semi-structured interviews. The study identifies the capacity Sweden possesses, according to experts, both socially and legally, to deal with the problems of Swedish citizens who wants to return from ISIS-controlled areas. The study also aims to examines measures that is the most suitable to apply to returnees from the expert’s perspective. An analysis based on the Transitional Justice framework identified the importance of applying both legal aspects, as well as social processes in order to handle the problems with returnees. Through a review of previous research, three courts were identified, because they previously had the ability to prosecute individuals who committed criminal acts, these are: The Ad-hoc Tribunal, the Hybrid Court and the International Criminal Court. It was therefore considered important to examine these in order to review whether the courts were a legal alternative in the discussion of returnees who committed terrorist crimes. All actors, both international and national, have lack of capacity and efficiency regarding how to handle the ISIS-returnees. The study therefore contributes to an understanding of the capacity Sweden possesses in order to handle the problem of individuals who are now returning from ISIS, and also proposes new ways to handle the problematic aspects about ISIS-returnees to Sweden.