This study regards the Swedish documentation system, BBiC, which is translated from the English version LACS. BBiC is created to make sure that the children’s needs are put in centre of attention in child protection investigations. The BBiC-system becomes problematic regarding unaccompanied refugee children because of the parent-perspective which is a keystone in the system. Therefor BBiC creates discretion for the social worker which is not BBiC: s original intension. The study’s aim was to understand how BBiC: s creates discretion for the social worker that works with unaccompanied refugee children. In the results of the study we show that the social workers discretion expands when using BBiC in the work with unaccompanied refugee children. Because of the lack of guidelines from Socialstyrelsen, BBiC is used differently in different municipalities. The social workers sees BBiC in different ways, some see BBiC as a complete system and has adapted BBiC well to the work with unaccompanied refugee children and therefore the discretion increases. Some has only adapted BBiC as a way of thinking and still has a large discretion. We use Lipskys theory about street-level bureaucracy and discretion. We selected the theory and its concept because it is relevant to analyze how BBiC has created discretion for the social workers that work with unaccompanied refugee children. With a large discretion there is also a risk of injustice safety for the unaccompanied refugee child. Therefor the legitimacy of municipality can be questioned. We preformed semi-structured interviews in eight municipalities in southern Sweden and had twelve interviewees. We have also done literary studies regarding Socialstyrelsens reports about BBiC and the research that concerning the implementation of BBiC.

Miljöbalken är en svensk ramlag som syftar till att skydda människors hälsa och miljön på ett hållbart sätt, men i och med att balken är en ramlag kanden också ge upphov till tolkning. Förordningar och föreskrifter tillsätts för att tydliggöra miljöbalkens regler och minska detta tolkningsutrymme. Enyrkesverksam grupp som i sitt dagliga arbete kommer i kontakt med miljöbalken är miljö- och hälsoskyddsinspektörer. Denna kvalitativa intervjustudiesyftar till att undersöka hur inspektörers arbete och upplevelse av tolkningsutrymmet har förändrats sedan miljötillsynsförordning 2011:13 trädde ikraft, då förordningens syfte är att tydliggöra ansvarsfördelningen av kemikalietillsynen. Inspektörernas upplevelser av tolkningsutrymmet analyserasmed hjälp av Michael Lipskys teori om närbyråkrati. Studien visar på att majoriteten av miljö- och hälsoskyddsinspektörerna upplever ett tolkningsutrymme i miljöbalken, och att inspektörerna kandefinieras som närbyråkrater då de har ett stort inflytande på hur lagen implementeras. Resultatet visar även att det inte har skett någon förändring iinspektörernas arbete sedan miljötillsynsförordning 2011:13 trädde i kraft, vilket kan bero på en tröghet i implementeringsprocessen.

How does a social welfare officer know when a parent with mental illness or behavioral symptoms is harmful to the children? As a social you are confronted with different ethical dilemmas on a daily basis. The social welfare officers have to follow their own authorities, laws, guidelines and regulations while at the same time do everything to satisfy their clients’ needs. This inconsistency can sometimes be difficult to handle. The purpose of this study was to gain knowledge and a better understanding of how social welfare officers handles their elbow room in the field of actions to support the children of parents with mental illness. We have conducted a qualitative study where we interviewed six social welfare officers using the “vinjett” method. All social welfare officers included in the study are working with children of parents with mental illness. By using Michael Lipsky’s theory of Street-Level Bureaucrats we intended to get an understanding of how social welfare officers would act in specific situations. Our study shows that social welfare officers’ first contact is with the parents for a judgment of their capacity as parents. The results shows that the social welfare officers, who we interviewed, felt that they had a wide elbow room with resources to determine and shape different actions for the children of parents with mental illness but at the same time they experienced different barriers which may limit the alternatives in their decision-making. The majority of the social welfare officers in our study felt that they were aware of the power and control they possesses, which also are defined in Lipsky’s theory.

<p>How does a social welfare officer know when a parent with mental illness or behavioral symptoms is harmful to the children? As a social you are confronted with different ethical dilemmas on a daily basis. The social welfare officers have to follow their own authorities, laws, guidelines and regulations while at the same time do everything to satisfy their clients’ needs. This inconsistency can sometimes be difficult to handle. The purpose of this study was to gain knowledge and a better understanding of how social welfare officers handles their elbow room in the field of actions to support the children of parents with mental illness. We have conducted a qualitative study where we interviewed six social welfare officers using the “vinjett” method. All social welfare officers included in the study are working with children of parents with mental illness. By using Michael Lipsky’s theory of Street-Level Bureaucrats we intended to get an understanding of how social welfare officers would act in specific situations. Our study shows that social welfare officers’ first contact is with the parents for a judgment of their capacity as parents. The results shows that the social welfare officers, who we interviewed, felt that they had a wide elbow room with resources to determine and shape different actions for the children of parents with mental illness but at the same time they experienced different barriers which may limit the alternatives in their decision-making. The majority of the social welfare officers in our study felt that they were aware of the power and control they possesses, which also are defined in Lipsky’s theory.</p>

The aim of this study has been to highlight how school social workers experience their discretion, and furthermore how they feel about working in a context mainly dedicated to teachers. The study is executed with a qualitative research method where ten interviews with school social workers, in eight schools in the area of Stockholm have been conducted. The theoretical framework used to analyze the results was discretion, street-level bureaucracy and human service organizations.The main findings of this study imply that the most important ambition of the social work that was conducted in the schools was to help the students reach their knowledge goals. The assignment is, however, not clearly defined, which has lead to school social workers defining the mission and goals themselves. They all have wide discretion and great possibilities to decide how to execute their work, but how they use the freedom that was given seems to vary among them. An additional finding was that being a school social worker is often a solitary role in the organization, and therefore most of them highlight the importance of enjoying independent work and having a co-worker to discuss their work with.

The aim of the study was, through qualitative interviews with school counsellors in Swedish primary schools, to study what the counsellors are experiencing condition their ability to work proactively according to the Swedish Education Act provisions on student health. During the study, six interviews with school counsellors who worked in the same suburbs, was conducted. The theoretical approach that was used is Michael Lipsky's theory of street-level bureaucrats and the term discretion. The overall outcome of the study was that the interviewed school counsellors felt that they did not have good opportunities to work preventively as the Education Act requires. The main reason for this was the school counsellor’s heavy workload. The results of the study were divided into three categories, which in turn were followed by several themes to highlight the conditions governing school counsellor’s opportunity to work preventatively.

Syftet med studien var att undersöka hur lärare i grundskolan tänker kring, och beskriver hur de arbetar med, studie- och yrkesvägledning inom ramarna för det som i läroplanen (Lgr 11) beskrivs som ett ansvar för hela skolan. Studien genomfördes med kvalitativ metod i form av intervjuer med åtta lärare på sammanlagt fyra grundskolor inom Stockholms län. Resultatet visade att flera av lärarna likställde studie- och yrkesvägledning med studie- och yrkesvägledaren. De flesta av lärarna var inte medvetna om att de hade ett ansvar för skolans studie- och yrkesvägledning, utifrån rådande styrdokument. Det kunde sägas att lärarna ansåg att syftet med studie- och yrkesvägledning var att förbereda eleverna inför framtida studie- och yrkesval, även om det fanns skillnader i hur detta uttrycktes och vad det arbetet kunde innebära. Tidsbristen uppgavs vara ett hinder och de flesta hade svårt att knyta an studie- och yrkesvägledning till sitt eget ämne. Lärarna var främst präglade av sin egen erfarenhet av studie- och yrkesvägledning, snarare än att deras uppfattningar om området kunde härledas till styrdokumenten, information från rektor eller utbildning. Resultatet analyserades utifrån teorin om närbyråkrater i relation till begreppen förstå, kunna och vilja. Det konstaterades att det fanns en väldig variation lärarna emellan både vad gäller tankar kring innebörd och det praktiska arbetet. Studien visade sig kunna bekräfta en del av de resultat som Henryssons avhandling om syo-kulturer i skolan visat (Henrysson, 1994). Detta skulle kunna tyda på att mycket litet har utvecklats på 20 år vad gäller lärares förhållningssätt gentemot studie- och yrkesvägledning som ett ansvar för hela skolan. / The purpose of the study was to examine how teachers in elementary school think about, and describe how they work with, guidance and counselling within the confines of what the curriculum (Lgr 11) describes as a responsibility of the whole school. The study had a qualitative approach, where interviews with eight teachers in four schools within the county were conducted. The results showed that several of the teachers equated the guidance and counselling with the guidance counselor. Most of the teachers were not aware that they had a responsibility to the school's guidance and counselling, based on current policy documents. It could be said that the teachers felt that the purpose of guidance and counselling was to prepare students for future academic and career choices, although there were differences in how this was expressed and what the work could entail. Lack of time was reported to be an obstacle, and most found it hard to implement guidance and counselling to their subjects. The teachers were mainly influenced by their own experience of guidance and counselling, rather than their perceptions of the area could be attributed to the policy documents, information from the principal or education. The results were analyzed based on the theory of street-level bureaucracy in relation to the concepts of understanding, able and willing. It was found that there was a tremendous variation between teachers in terms of both ideas about the meaning and practical work. The results of the study in conjunction with a twenty year old PhD thesis may indicate that very little may have evolved in terms of teachers' attitude towards guidance and counselling as a whole school approach or responsibility.

Att arbeta med utsatta människor i en statlig verksamhet som tjänsteman kan för de flesta människor verka ofarligt – men hur är det egentligen? Tidigare forskning har visat att det finns ett stort mörkertal när det kommer till klientrelaterat hot och våld och att incidenterna inte tas tillräckligt seriöst. Syftet med denna uppsats är att få en större förståelse för vad de ökade hoten får för konsekvenser för personalen på Migrationsverket. Vi vill belysa och synliggöra spänningsfältet i klientrelationen som leder till att hot och våld mot handläggare ökar. Det teoretiska ramverk som används i uppsatsen är gräsrotsbyråkrati, makt och klientrelationer. Genom sex semistrukturerade intervjuer med handläggare på Migrationsverket har vi fått fram underlag som visar att hot och våldssituationer förekommer i större omfattning än vad det anmäls och rapporteras om. Resultatet visade att mörkertalet är stort vid incidentrapporteringen och att det råder en ”det kommer med jobbet”-mentalitet bland personalen. Maktfördelningen har en stor roll i klientrelationen och är en bidragande orsak till att incidenter uppstår. Vidare visar det sig att negativa beslut är de som tenderar att utlösa hot eller våld från klienten och att det väldigt sällan rapporteras kring eller anmäls om inte klienten tar till fysiskt våld. Slutligen visar uppsatsen att förebyggande arbete måste ske i en större omfattning. / Working with vulnerable people in a government controlled authority may for most people seem harmless - but is it really? Previous research has shown that there is large hidden statistics when it comes to client-related threats and violence and that the incidents are not taken seriously enough. The purpose of this paper is to gain a greater understanding of what the increased threats and violence towards officials in a government controlled authority can lead to. We want to shed visibility over the attributes in the client relationship that leads to threats and violence against the government officials. The theoretical framework used in the paper is street-level bureaucracy, power, and client relationships. We have performed six semi-structured interviews with officials from the Swedish Migration board, which have shown that threats and violence towards government officials occur to a greater extent than it is shown and reported on. The results showed that the hidden statistics is large in incident reporting and that there is a "it comes with the territory" mentality among officials. The distribution of power has a major role in client relationships and is a contributing factor to incidents occurring. Furthermore, it turns out that negative decisions are the ones that tend to trigger threats or violence from the client and that it is rarely reported unless the client resorts to physical violence. Finally, the paper shows that prevention work must be done on a larger scale.

No description available.

L'action éducative de la communauté d'agglomération Grenoble Alpes métropole se développe dans les quartiers défavorisés de l'agglomération, auprès des enfants et de leurs parents. La thèse analyse la fabrique quotidienne de cette politique publique, en questionnant les cadres cognitifs à l’œuvre, par l'observation des acteurs qui élaborent l'action. De prime abord, les pratiques observées donnent à voir une prépondérance de procédures de fonctionnement et d'outils et une absence de construction d'un sens politique. À partir d'une immersion au sein de l'institution métropolitaine et d'une méthodologie inductive, Manon Pesle décrypte la construction d'une vision du monde gestionnaire, celle que chaque acteur soutient pour faire fonctionner l'institution et ses instruments d'action publique dans un objectif d'efficacité. Les acteurs visent à rendre l'action réactive, rationnelle et performante. L'analyse révèle que ces principes d'action constituent une vision du monde portée et encadrée par l'institution métropolitaine, où deux matrices cognitives se développent : l'une individuelle et l'autre techniciste. Ces matrices irriguent l'institution, mais aussi les relations éducatives qui se développent avec les parents et les enfants. L'individu, qu'il soit agent métropolitain ou parent d'un enfant en difficulté d'un quartier défavorisé, est conduit à se responsabiliser face à son quotidien et à sa situation. La matrice techniciste s'ancre dans une idée de la modernité et du progrès, elle prône la croyance en l'outil dans l'efficacité et la performance. Pour autant, cette vision du monde, portée par les instruments d'action publique, n'est pas formulée et travaillée comme telle par les acteurs, fonctionnaires et élus qui, pris dans les contraintes inter-institutionnelles et politiques, l'entretiennent. Le pouvoir politique métropolitain polycentré et son leadership fondé sur la fonction de médiation ne parviennent pas à requalifier les enjeux techniques en enjeux politiques. La thèse donne à voir une politique éducative métropolitaine à qui il manque, non pas une mise en récit et en scène, mais un régime de vérité général qui soit maîtrisé par les acteurs de la métropole. / The educational policy of Grenoble Alpes Metropole (France) mainly deals with ‘educational achievement’ of the children living on the underprivileged areas. The thesis analyses the construction of this policy, by observing and questioning how people who set it up daily think and act. At first sight, we can see a supremacy of work procedures and policy instruments and a lack of political sense.From an immersion in the metropolis institution and an inductive methodology, Manon Pesle figures out how the educational action is based on an administrative perspective. This perspective is carried out by street level bureaucrats as elected members in order to make the metropolitan administration and its instruments more efficient. The analysis shows how the objective of efficiency is spread by the metropolitan institution, through two ideologies : one based on the individual and the other one on technique. Both of them drive all the practices and rules in the administration, but also the educational relationship with parents and children in the metropolitan programs of ‘educational achievement’. In one hand, individuals, as street level bureaucrats or underprivileged parents are asked to be responsible for their own situation. In the other hand, they must be competent and productive. These standpoints, carried out by policy instruments are not formulated and criticized by bureaucrats, elected members and social workers, as these ideologies structure their way of seeing their work and are embodied in the institutional rules. Finally, the educational issue, seen only as a technical question is not turn into a political question by the metropolitan political leaders.This thesis shows a metropolitan educational policy which is lacking, not political speeches or representation, but a same global way of seeing education mastered and assumed by all the metropolitan actors.