Southwest Washington labor history has received little examination by scholars. Focusing mainly on Seattle, Everett, Centralia, and Spokane, historians view Southwest Washington, a traditionally conservative community, to be of little importance in the state's overall historical narrative. This thesis corrects that assumption and the omission of Southwest Washington. The failure of the unionization effort in Camas impacted organization in Pacific Northwest paper mills for nearly a decade. Although workers failed to sustain their union, the events in Camas between 1913 and 1918 present an excellent new laboratory and case study to explore the intersection of gender, labor, and politics. Despite rough edges and sometimes missing voices within the extant record of the time, this thesis suggests the potential for historians to dig deep into the archives, produce original scholarship, and tell a forgotten story. This work is also ambitious, striving to examine the role gender, labor, and leftists' politics played in the paper mill city of Camas and Washington State. Chapter one examines the first-ever strike of forty women in the Camas bag factory. Chapter two explores the organization of the mills' first union. Chapter three accounts for the rise and fall of the town's only Socialist mayor. Each of these chapters alone could be the topic of a single study and each involves a particular segment of historical scholarship. The chapters are layered and refer to each other, with layers of context added in each one. The themes of this thesis also orbit around a fight over meaning and historical memory. My research shows that during the tumultuous social, economic, and political events from 1913 to 1918 there was an active erasure and forgetting of people and events. These silencings amid a major uproar in a "labor village" partly accounts for the thinness of the archives and the haunted, subjugated quality of the memory of working peoples' activism in Camas. I suggest that labor, management, and the political establishment were all invested in a particular mythos of Camas as a "labor village." Camas was, and is, a company town and "labor village." Camas had a face-to-face quality to its social relations and members of the community felt pressure to maintain this quality, sometimes in opposition to "outside" voices. This scenario put special demands on the people involved with organizing and activism, as they functioned without the big city anonymity of Seattle or Portland. The Camas story is shorter, more concentrated, and more intimate than the stories of these large urban centers. The brief moment of change around the war strained the fraternal bonds of the town. The pain and injury of this strain in Camas were rhetorically covered and hidden. Most of the residents either never spoke of what happened or willed themselves to forget. The memory and knowledge of the events remain to this day imprisoned within their minds and town. This work intends to, after nearly a hundred years, bring back the memories and question the story told about Camas and about ourselves.

No description available.

Examining Israel's measures against the nuclear weapons programs of Iraq, Syria, and Iran was the aim of this study. The research question is: Based on Walt's defensive realism and the balance of threat theory, why did Israel act/is acting against the Iraqi, Syrian and Iranian nuclear weapons programs?. Walt's defensive realism and the balance of threat theory, which is based on four separate threat components, are used to discuss and provide an answer to the main question of the research. Comparative case study was used as a method, and materials including speeches from government officials, databases of scientific research, and yearly assessments were used. The researcher came to the conclusion that Iraq 1981, Syria 2007 and Iran in 2009–2021 are considered to be threats to the state of Israel because they have supported anti-Israel militias and engaged in armed conflicts with Israel. The researcher used a comparative case study to draw this conclusion. With ballistic missiles that may reach Tel Aviv, the Tehran regime has frequently sponsored anti-Israel Shia-Sunni militias in the Middle East. In order to stop totalitarian governments in the area from compromising Israel's security, it was concluded that Israeli aggressive policy and assaults on the nuclear programs in Iraq, Syria, and Iran were important and rational.

MA.CRM / Department of Criminal Justice / The policing response to increasing violent community violent protests in South Africa has received global attention in the last decade. The study was conducted with a backdrop of increased concern over skirmish and sporadic fighting and violence during service delivery protests. Criticisms have been voiced by various role-players in violent protests concerning arrests, injuries and killing of civilians by police during these demonstrations. Hence the study aims to evaluate the effectiveness of POP strategies in curbing common acts of violence during violent protests particularly in Vuwani area of Vhembe District, Limpopo Province. The study adopted a mixed methods (qualitative and quantitative method). Purposive sampling was used to select POP officials wherein Focus Group Discussions (FGD) were conducted in 9 difference POP units, each FGD was comprised of approximately 5 members which total to 45 POP members. A total of 200 questionnaires were randomly distributed to community members of Vuwani within 5 were found invalid. Quantitative Data was analysed using Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) and qualitative data was analysed using thematic analysis. The findings indicated that (86,2%) of participants believed that Vuwani protest was caused by municipal demarcation issues. The favourite methods of protests include littering with (80,0 %) and burning tyres with (76,4%) of participants. A total of (52,8%) community members argued that police presence perpetuate violence during service delivery protest. Common crimes that occurred during the protests was vandalism with (82,6%) and arson with (81,0%). Furthermore, (83,6%) community members agrees that rubber bullets was used as a strategy by the police at Vuwani protests. The overwhelming majority of participants with 80,0% believe that negotiation during protests can curb death and injuries. On the other hand, the study finds that POP official strategies start by negotiating with the protestors, identifying the leader, use of water cannon, tear gas and rubber bullets as the last resort. Further emphasized that lack of manpower and resources are barriers that hinders effective policing of violent service delivery protests. It is therefore recommended that provision of resource and recruitment of manpower should be taken as a first priority by the SAPS national office. Lastly, the public should be educated about police presence during violent service delivery protests. / NRF

Text in English, abstracts and keywords in English, Afrikaans and Zulu / Secondary educational institutions need to constantly scan their environment for crises that could hamper their operations and hinder the achievement of their organisational objectives. These institutions should also engage their strategic stakeholders in a mixed motive communication to collaboratively discuss the crises and find amicable solutions; thereby avoiding crises like the proliferating student strikes in secondary educational institutions in Kenya. This study explored the need for a customised Proactive Crisis Communication Process (PCCP) framework for secondary educational institutions in Kenya to avoid student strikes. A two-phased approach was adopted to collect the data. The first phase involved 12 one-on-one semi-structured interviews with the principals of the secondary educational institutions in Mirangine Sub-County, while the second phase involved five focus group discussions with the students of Ruiru Secondary School. The results indicated that student strikes in secondary educational institutions in Kenya were proliferating and that despite this, these institutions lack proactive measures to avoid strikes. Hence, this study posited a PCCP framework that proposed various proactive measures to avoid student strikes in secondary educational institutions in Kenya. / Sekondêre opvoedkundige instellings moet konstant hul omgewing ondersoek vir krisisse wat hul bedrywighede kan belemmer en die bereiking van hul organisatoriese doelwitte kan verhinder. Hierdie instellings moet ook hul strategiese belanghebbers by gemengdemotief- kommunikasie betrek om gesamentlik die krisisse te bespreek en minlike oplossings te vind; en sodoende krisisse soos die toenemende studentestakings in sekondêre opvoedkundige instellings in Kenia te vermy. In hierdie studie is die nodigheid vir ʼn doelgemaakte ProaktieweKrisiskommunikasieproses (PCCP)-raamwerkvir sekondêre opvoedkundige instellings in Kenia ondersoek om studentestakings te voorkom. ʼn Tweefase-benadering is gevolg om die data in te samel. Die eerste fase het 12 halfgestruktureerde onderhoude behels wat een-tot-een met die hoofde van die sekondêre opvoedkundige instellingsin Mirangine Sub-Countygevoer is, terwyl die tweede fase bestaan het uit vyf fokusgroepbesprekings met die studente van RuiruSecondarySchool. Die resultate het getoon dat studentestakings in sekondêre opvoedkundige instellingsin Kenia vinnig toeneem en dat hierdie instellings, ten spyte daarvan, nie oor proaktiewe maatstawwe beskik om stakings af te weer nie.Gevolglik het hierdie studie ʼn PCCP-raamwerk aangeneem wat verskeie proaktiewe maatstawwe voorstel om stakings deur studente in sekondêre opvoedkundige instellings in Kenia te verhoed. / Izikhungo zemfundoyomkhakhawamasekhondari kumele zihlale ziqaphele ukuthi akukho yini endaweniezikuyookungasusaudweshubesekuphazamisaukusebenzakwazokuvimbe impumeleloyazoezinhloswenizayo.Lezizikhungokumelezibuyezisebenzisane nabathintekayo balawule amasu okusebenza ukuba kubenokuxhumana okunhlobonhlobo kuxoxwe ngokubambisana ngodweshu olungavela nokuthi lungasonjululwa kanjani ngendlela egculisayo; ngaleyo ndlela-ke ingagwemeka imibhikisho yabafundi elokhu isabalala ezikhungwenj zamasekhondari eKenya. Lolu cwaningoluhlola isidingo sohlaka lwekhethelo lokusheshe kusukunyelweudweshu lungakenzeki,i-Proactive Crisis Communication Process (PCCP) olungasebenza ezikhungweni zemfundo yamasekhondari eKenya ukuze kugwenywe imibhikisho yabafujni. Kwemukelwaindlela ezigaba zimbili yokuqoqainingwane. Isigaba sokuqala ngokuxoxisana okuyi-12 komuntu ebhekene nomuntu okuthi akuhleleke nje, okwenziwa nothishanhloko bezukhungo zemfundi yamasekhondaribaseMiringane Sub-County, kanti isigaba sesibili sabandakanya izingxoxo eziyisihlanu zamaqembu agxike kokuthile nje, zenziwa nabafundi besikole iRuri Secondary School. Imiphumela yaveza ukuthi imibhikisho ezikhungweni zemfundo yamasekhondari eKenya yabe yanda nokuthi nangaphandle kwalokhu izikhungo lezi zazingenazo izinyathelo ezingazithatha ngaphambi kwesikhathi ukuvimba ukwenziwa kwemibhikisho. Yikho-ke lolu cwaningo luphakamisa uhlaka lwe-PCCP oluncoma izinyathelo ezahlukene okumele zisheshe zithathwe ukugwema imibhikisho yabafundi ezikhungweni zamasekhondari eKenya. / Communication / M.A. (Communication)

This dissertation is a critical analysis of the provisions of sec 64(l)(b) and (c), 66(2)(b) and 77(l)(b) and (d) of the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 which prescribe notice of industrial action as a requirement of protected industrial action in South Africa. It traces the historical background of the requirement. It also addresses issues such as the purpose(s) of the notices, their scope of application, meaning, implications, who must give notice, to whom must notice be given, timing, computation, their duration, the consequences of failure to comply with them and various potential difficulties in the practical application of the notice requirement as well as the unintended consequences flowing from the provisions. Recommendations are made for the amendment of the Act in certain respects. The dissertation concludes that there is no justification for the inclusion in the Act of this requirement. The law is stated as at 30 September 2005. / Jurisprudence / LL.M.

The researcher used the integration of both qualitative and quantitative approaches. The respondents were drawn from three district, one regional, one academic and two private hospitals. Data was collected by means of questionnaires. The open-ended questions in the questionnaire allowed the respondents to respond in their own words (“etic” description). This enhanced the organisation and reduction of the relevant data for analysis as well as the validity and trustworthiness of the study. The study revealed that even though most of the South African government health policies were very advanced and among the best in the world, some crucial policies appeared to have encountered problems with implementation, from conflicting ideologies and opinions from hospital management, different unions, professional associations, the provincial government, the South African Nursing Council (SANC) and patients. Too many groups appeared to have discussed nurses‟ issues with government and made decisions for nurses, leaving nurses disillusioned. The majority of the respondents attributed this to poor representation at government level. Furthermore, some decisions, resolutions and strategies agreed upon between the unions and bargaining councils appeared to have worked against nurses, further dividing RNs and failing to accomplish the intended purpose. Although most of the respondents had hoped that the Occupational Specific Dispensation (OSD) for nurses would address chronic low salaries for all nurses in the PHS, it favoured certain specialty qualifications (which were based on the description of post-basic courses in R212 and R48, which were not clearly delineated). In addition, RNs were not informed about the meaning and implications of the OSD prior to implementation. The study thus found an information gap between government and RNs at the production level, which appeared not to be with the government and the nurses, but in between. Most importantly, nurses seemed to be represented more by unions to government and bargaining councils, as opposed to nurses, while most of the respondents did not favour the division of nurses between professional associations and unions. Decisions in the PHS appeared to have been dominated by leaders who had no experience with pragmatic issues of health care services (HCS), particularly at the operational level, and the dynamics of the nursing profession. The study therefore concluded that, if the right people (nurses, doctors and systems) were put in place, and nurses were represented by nurses at government level, bargaining councils and parliament, discontent among RNs in the PHS could be reduced significantly. Existing strategies were found to deal with the symptoms and not the root cause of discontent among RNs in the PHS. / Health Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Health Studies)

A study of silences: as a metaphysics of the law, juridification silences the text of the law in order to enable an allegorical reading of the law. This silencing of the legal text can only be avoided through a non-metaphysical archaeological reading. Similarly, the programme of comparative labour law is silent at its most pivotal points, leaving some concerns of the programme indeterminate and indeterminable. As context, the dominant discourses of the labour law systems of the Federal Republic of Germany (Tarifautonomie), Great Britain (collective laizzesfaire) and South Africa (fairness) are identified and the agents of the jurisprudence (the courts) are briefly outlined. The silence operating within the phenomenology of the labour judiciary and the concept of a 'court' is also examined. The study then proceeds to read, in an archaeological manner, the industrial action jurisprudence in Germany, Great Britain and South Africa, such readings again yielding silences within the discourse of the law. The silences occurring throughout (and the resulting normative breaches in the rationality of the legal discourse) are the prerequisites for juridification, a process in terms of which the metajuridical standard is imported into the legal normative system and thereby rendered part of the archival discourse of the law. / LL.D.

Text in Afrikaans, summary in Afrikaans and English / Die navorsingsondersoek is toegespits op arbeidsverhoudinge in die opvoedingspraktyk van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika. Arbeidsregsterme is aan die lig gebring wat onderwysers sal moet ken. Enkele menseregte en daarvan afgeleide regte van onderwysers word bespreek. Die diensverhouding tussen die onderwyser en sy werkgewer met betrekking tot individuele en kollektiewe verhoudinge, word bespreek. Arbeidsverhoudinge is onlosmaaklik van die juridiese en daarom word na verskeie regsaspekte, soos die dienskontrak van openbare en onafhanklike skole verwys. Raakpunte ten opsigte van wetgewing en hofsake voortspruitend daaruit, word aangedui. Implikasies van stakings deur onderwysers ingevolge arbeidswetgewing en hoe dit onderwysers se professionalisme raak, word deurgaans bespreek. Arbeidswetgewing reel die verhouding tussen werknemer en werkgewer. Wanneer die werknemer-werkgewer-verhouding vertroebel word, kan geskille besleg word deur middele soos arbitrasie en versoening. Huidige onderwysvakbonde het verteenwoordiging op die Raad vir Arbeidsverhoudinge in die Onderwys (RAVO) wat op 'n kollektiewe basis namens onderwysers beding. Onderwysers by onafhanklike skole (privaatskole) kan egter individueel beter beding vir byvoorbeeld diensvoorwaardes. Verskeie sagte vakbonde en harde vakbonde bestaan vir die onderwys. Redes waarom onderwysers by vakbonde aansluit word aangedui. Daar is eerstens die behoefte aan 'n bestaanswaardige salaris om basiese behoeftes te bevredig; tweedens om die sekuriteit van reels en prosedures wat fisiese veiligheid in die werkplek bevorder, te kan ervaar; derdens om deur vakbondlidmaatskap 'n spreekbuis te he waardeur 'n gemeenskaplike gevoel van magteloosheid teenoor die oorheersing van bestuur en eienaarskap (van die staat of provinsiale owerheid) uitgedruk kan word. Vierdens is daar 'n behoefte aan betekenisvolle werk wat uitdagings en werkbevrediging bied. Vyfdens word 'n ondersteuningsl iggaam verlang in geskille wat kan ontstaan as gevolg van 'n behoefte aan werksekerheid, veral om waarborge teen arbitrere ontslag te verseker. Laastens kan die bevordering van politieke oogmerke moontlik deur 'n vakbond se voorspraak bereik word. Arbeidsverhoudinge in die onderwys verander voortdurend met nuwe wetgewing. Die werknemer-werkgewer-verhouding moet deeglik geken word in die veranderende omstandighede in die Republiek van SuidAfrika ten opsigte van wetgewing en die bepaling van regte en verpligtinge van al die belanghebbende partye. Kennis van arbeidsverhoudinge in die onderwys sal hopelik tot beter begrip van arbeidsverhoudings in die onderwysstelsel lei. / This research focused on labour relations in education practice in the Republic of South Africa. Legal terms concerning labour relations are brought to the attention of teachers. Some human rights and subsequent rights of teachers, as well as labour relations between teacher and employer, both individual and collective, are discussed. Labour relations are connected to laws, therefore various legal aspects such as the service contract of teachers employed at public and independent schools are discussed. Connections with existing laws and relevant lawsuits are discussed. Legal implications of strikes by teachers and the effect on their professionalism are dealt with throughout. Labour laws regulate the relations between employer and employee. When these relations are troubled, differences can be resolved by arbitration and reconciliation. Existing teacher unions are represented in the Education Labour Relations Council (ELRC) that acts collectively on behalf of teachers. However, teachers at independent schools (private schools) are in a more favourable position to negotiate more easily for better conditions of service. Various "soft" and "hard" unions exist in education. Reasons for desiring membership of labour unions are given. Firstly, there is a need to negotiate a reasonable salary to provide for basic needs; secondly, to experience security of rules and procedures ensuring physical safety in the work-place; thirdly, through membership to have a voice to express a shared feeling of helplessness against the domination of governance and ownership (of the state or provincial governments). Fourthly, there is the need for meaningful, challenging and satisfying work. Fifthly, support is necessary in settling differences arising from a need to experience job-security and to counteract arbitrary dismissal. Lastly, political goals might be attainable through a voice provided by the unions. Labour relations in education change continually, subject to new laws. The employer-employee relation should be mastered in changing circumstances in the Republic of South Africa in accordance with new laws and degrees of the rights and responsibilities of all parties concerned. Knowledge of labour relations in education will hopefully ensure better professional relations in education generally. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

L’État membre de l’Union européenne a longtemps été occulté des études de droit communautaire, devenu droit de l’Union européenne. Seule l’adaptation interne de l’État était étudiée. Le « retour de l’État » marqué par le traité de Lisbonne invite cependant à penser la place que ce droit accorde à l’État membre. Ce dernier s’intègre en effet dans un ensemble normatif qui comprend un panel de droits et d’obligations réglant les modalités de son appartenance et de sa participation à l’Union européenne. L’étude de cet ensemble normatif, du point de vue de l’ordre juridique de l’Union, permet alors d’identifier deux sous-ensembles, l’un concernant l’appartenance de l’État à l’Union principalement maîtrisé par ce dernier, l’autre concernant sa participation institutionnelle à la production et l’exécution du droit de l’Union, par lequel l’Union instrumentalise l’État membre afin d’assurer l’effectivité de son droit et d’affirmer l’autonomie de son ordre juridique. / Until recently, European studies did not consider the Member State of the European Union. It has mainly been studied from a national point of view. However, the Lisbon treaty suggests that the Member State is not as neglected by European Union law as one could think. The European Union legal order includes a diversity of rights and duties concerning the membership and the participation of the Member State to the European Union. The norms concerning its membership are controlled by the Member State, while the norms concerning its participation are used by the European Union in order to ensure the effectivity and the autonomy of the European legal order.