The purpose of this study is to examine teachers’ experiences of power relations as psychological violence and the impact it has on their health. This study, using a qualitative approach, thus investigates the association between power relations and the dimensions thereof and how it manifests as psychological violence. In turn, it may have detrimental effects on the health of the teacher and the whole teaching-learning process. Based on the findings, recommendations for this - and future research - are proposed. Open-ended phenomenological interviews were used to collecct the qaulitative data. Eleven participants indicated their willingness to be individually interviewed for the study. The qualitative findings indicated that teachers experience power relations as psychological violence, it is experienced severely and emanates mostly from colleagues in management positions. The most prevalent and severe forms of power relations as psychological violence as experienced by teachers include being subjected to power abuse from principals; being subjected to autocratic management styles and management’s power abuse through the abdication of responsibility. The most severe physical health consequenses as experienced by teachers include feeling tired and experiencing physical ill health. It further emerged that the most severe phychological health consequenses were experienced in the form of feelings of helplessness and feeling emotional or wanting to cry. Teachers’ lack of work productivity and motivation were the most severe behavioural consequense because of the experience of power abuse as psychological violence. Teachers’ personal and family relations and teachers withdrawing socially were the most evident social consequense due to negative experiences. The findings from the study indicated that teachers experience power relations as psychological violence in various forms and that it is highly prevalent. The research results have shown that teachers identified many dimensions of power relations, such as management styles, the perception or experience of someone’s power or “weak point”, possessing no power or status, female teachers being treated in a subordinate manner and racial or cultural differences of others as a contributer to abuse power in relationships at school. This study contributes towards the power relations and psychological violence literature in general and in particular, teachers’ experiences in South Africa. In the light of the findings the study recommends that teacher support programmes should be put in place in order to address the experience of power relations as psychological violence. It further recommends that teachers and students studying to become teachers should be provided with information about power relations as psychological violence to create awareness. / Thesis (MEd (Educational Psychology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013

Ausgehend von einem sozialkonstruktivistischen, pragmatisch-kognitiven Verständnis von Namen untersucht die Studie die diskriminierenden Wahrnehmungen, die über Personen-namen in Deutschland und Schweden aufgerufen werden. Durch Anwendung der kritischen Theorien und Zugänge der Black Feminist, Postcolonial, Postmigrant, Trans und Disability Studies auf Namensdiskurse werden gegenwärtige sowie historische hegemoniale Normen dekonstruiert. Mit Hilfe des durch intersektionale Machtverhältnisse konstituierten Dispositivmodells wird die Intelligibilität von Personennamen zur Diskussion gestellt. Vergewohnheitung (accustoming) als neues analytisches Konzept macht nachvollziehbar, wie hegemoniales Wissen zu Namensgebung auf strukturalistische und essentialisierende Weise erworben und internalisiert wird. Die Analyse administrativer und legislativer Diskurse zeigt, wie hegemoniale Namensnormen historisch und institutionell vergewohnheitet wurden. Dass ein Personenname institutionell auch durch individuelle Wahrnehmung bestimmt wird, illustriert die Analyse des ‚Kindeswohl‘, einem zentralen Argument für Namensentscheidungen auf Standesämtern. Ein weiteres Beispiel für die Rechtfertigung ent_wahrgenommener diskriminierender Namenspraktiken ist das Sprachgefühlkonzept, dessen Verwendung daraufhin untersucht wird, inwiefern es nationalistische Vorstellungen des Eigenen und des Anderen aufruft. Schließlich wird die An- und Aberkennung von Menschsein als Konsequenz diskriminierender Namenshandlungen adressiert. Eine Sammlung empowernder Interventionen in diskriminierende Namenspraktiken sowie Empfehlungen für eine kontra_diskriminierende, antistrukturalistische Wahrnehmung von Personennamen runden die Studie ab. Mit ihrem transdisziplinären Ansatz veranschaulicht die Arbeit, wie disziplinäre Grenzen überschritten und Diskursfelder und -materialien, die traditionellerweise in den Rechts-, Geschichts-, Sprach- und Literaturwissenschaften analysiert werden, in die Genderforschung integriert werden können. / Based on a social constructivist, pragmatic cognitive understanding of naming, the study investigates the discriminatory hegemonic presuppositions and perceptions that are interpellated with personal names in Germany and Sweden. The critical lens of Black Feminist, Postcolonial, Postmigrant, Critical Trans and Disability Studies is applied in order to deconstruct current and past hegemonic naming norms. By regarding the un/intelligibility of names as constituted by intersecting power relations, racism_genderism_ableism_migratism_ classism, the dispositive model helps to identify what personal names and naming practices are made un/thinkable. Accustoming is introduced as an analytic tool to understand how hegemonic knowledge on naming is acquired and internalized in a structuralist and essentializing way. The analysis of administrative and legislative discourses demonstrates how hegemonic naming norms have been historically and institutionally accustomed. That a personal name is not only determined by institutional but also by individual decision-making is illustrated on the example of the child’s well-being, a commonly used argument for name decisions at registry offices. The feel for language as another norm to justify de_perceived name discrimination is analyzed against the background of how sprachgefühl as an emotive concept interpellates nationalist images of the self and the Other. The final chapter addresses the consequences of discriminatory naming practices: the definition and denial of personhood. The study concludes with a collection of empowering interventions in discriminatory naming practices and recommendations for a contra_ discriminatory anti-structuralist perception of personal names. By employing a transdisciplinary approach, the study illustrates how disciplinary boundaries are transgressed and how different discourse areas and material that traditionally are investigated in law, history, linguistics and literature is integrated in Gender Studies research.

Concept des Relations Internationales justifiant l'action extérieure des États, l'intérêt national est une notion toujours omniprésente dans les discours des gouvernants, mais dont la nature et la finalité s'avèrent à la fois subtiles et diversifiées. L'avènement du Multilatéralisme et son objectif de la sécurité internationale, en constitue une parfaite mise à l'épreuve. En effet, malgré l'émergence des structures légitimes, l'État, par un discours et une implication opérationnelle dans ses actions extérieures, s'affirme en tant qu'acteur de la sécurité internationale. Cet investissement, loin du discours sur des objectifs relevant du symbolique, participe dans la réalité, à une stratégie minutieusement orchestrée au nom de l'intérêt national. Sur le continent africain, on assiste ainsi à une émergence de politiques étrangères et d'actions diplomatiques étatiques apparemment vouées à la sécurité internationale mais relevant de l'intérêt national. La présente analyse, par une approche constructiviste, entend ainsi démontrer que la pratique des médiations entreprise par le Burkina Faso dans la sous-région de l'Afrique de l'Ouest, loin des discours sur la sécurité de la zone véhiculés, est une illustration de cette tendance. / As concept of International Relations justifying foreign action of States, the national interest is a notion always present in the governement leaders speeches about foreign affairs. But its meaning and its purpose are subtle and diversified as the introduction of Multilateralism and its objective of international security show. Despite the emergence of legitimate structures, the State gets involved for international security in foreign actions through discourse and implication. This implication, far from a discourse of symbolic objectives, takes part in an accurately orchestrated strategy in the name of national interest. Thus, on the African continent, we attend the emergence of foreign policies and national diplomatic actions dedicated to international security. This analysis demonstrates by the constructivist approach that the practices of mediation by Burkina Faso in West Africa participates in this trend - in contrast to the disseminated discourse of security in this subregion.