The thesis asks two crucial questions, (a) what are the normative frameworks available for protecting the rights and status of a person migrating due to climate change related hydro-metrological changes? (b) why is there a non-uniformity and inadequacy in the deliverance of assistance from the state? To address these questions, I have analysed the perception, framing and assistance a climate change migrant receives from the state of Assam in India, while also explaining the reasons for the differential nature and deficits in protection. Based on interviews with senior bureaucratic officials (elite actors), group-discussions, field surveys, and engagements at the block and village level, the thesis makes three critical arguments. First, the sub-national government perceive climate-induced migrations as a developmental issue. Second, the way in which climate change migration is framed as a developmental issue by elite actors does not correspond with how the issue is understood by street-level bureaucratic actors. Instead, the routine judgements and discretions exercised by street-level actors are complexly tied to the political and social circumstances of local areas. Finally, while it is known that socio-political and demographic factors (such as gender, membership of a social group, and religion) contribute to forced forms of migration, the thesis argues that these demographic factors also adversely affect the performance of the programs meant to reduce climate vulnerabilities.

In the current Peruvian context, the provincial mayors face serious problems to remain inoffice or to pursue a future political race. In this scenario, the social conflicts arise as an alternative for obtaining such legitimacy; however, depending on the type of participation adopted, the mayor could or could not be benefited from such an opportunity. The paper presents an analysis of the participation of those authorities in social conflicts and its effects on his political career.It is argued that the participatory scheme, which provides a clear firmness in support of demands immediately; but, at the same time, the ability to negotiate with the State; would yield the expected political revenue. On the other hand, if the authority is very weak or very radical, his attempts to use the social conflict to their advantage could fail. To test this hypothesis, I studied the conflicts of Arequipa in 2002 and Espinar in 2012. / En el actual contexto peruano, los alcaldes provinciales enfrentan serios problemas para mantenerse en el cargo obtenido o perseguir un futuro político. En este escenario, los conflictos sociales aparecen como una alternativa para obtener dicha legitimidad; sin embargo, dependerá del tipo de participación que se adopte si es que el alcalde se ve o no beneficiado de dicha opor- tunidad. El documento plantea un análisis de la participación de dichas autoridades en los con- flictos sociales y los efectos de ésta en su carrera política.En ese sentido, se argumenta que el esquema de participación, que contempla una clara firmeza en apoyo a las demandas de manera inmediata; pero, a la vez, la capacidad de negocia- ción con el Estado; permitiría obtener el rédito político esperado. De otro lado, si la autoridad es o muy débil o muy radical, sus intentos de utilizar el conflicto social para su beneficio podrían fracasar. Para comprobar dicha hipótesis, se estudiaron los conflictos de Arequipa en el año 2002, y el conflicto de Espinar en el 2012.

Esta dissertação aborda, de maneira analítico-descritiva, um fenômeno de crescente importância nas relações internacionais: a atuação diplomática dos governos não centrais, também conhecidos como entes subnacionais. Dentro do contexto da pós Guerra-Fria e do vigente processo de globalização, após a década de 1980, é analisado como os entes subnacionais de diversos países do mundo, além do Brasil, se comportam diante das novas demandas globais e face à seus interesses específicos. A partir da premissa teórica da interdependência complexa, o trabalho estuda o início e o desenvolvimento deste processo de atuação internacional dos entes subnacionais, fenômeno conhecido como paradiplomacia. A análise se estende ao plano internacional, em um primeiro momento, demonstrando, de maneira geral, a importância da paradiplomacia em diferentes países do mundo, com ênfase nos casos de maior relevância para o trabalho. Num segundo momento, estuda-se, em particular, a prática da paradiplomacia no Brasil, relatando suas concepções e seu desenvolvimento, bem como os principais casos brasileiros e seus resultados práticos. O trabalho conclui que a democratização dos Estados nacionais, o federalismo e os processo de integração regional são tendencialmente estimuladores da paradiplomacia dos governos não centrais. / This dissertation approaches in a descriptive way a new perspective in International Relations: the international action of non-central governments, or sub national actors. Inside an after-Cold-War context and the present globalization process, started in the 80’s, is analyzed as the sub national actors from different countries in the world, besides Brazil, behaved and as yet behave facing new global demands, observing the process also in the Nation-States which they belong to. From the theoretical premise of the complex interdependence, supported by the globalization tool, it is approached the beginning and the development of this international entailing process of the sub national beings, which is known as paradiplomacy. The analysis stretches out to the international plan in the first moment, demonstrating, in a wide range, the importance of the paradiplomacy in different countries of the world, exemplifying with cases of bigger relevance to this monography, and demonstrating the misdeeds and benefits of this practice. In a second moment, it is analyzed in particular the practice of the paradiplomacy in Brazil, mentioning its conception and development, in the same way as the global cases, and also mentioning, in a wide manner, the main Brazilian cases of paradiplomacy, just like its practical results.

No description available.

This dissertation examines the process of transition to democratic governance in developing nations. In particular, it explores the role of civil society and of the progressive Catholic Church as a significant part of it in the democratization process at a sub-national level. The regional-temporal focus of this study is southern Mexico from the 1970s to the present, more specifically the predominantly indigenous state of Oaxaca. This dissertation fills a gap in the literature on the application of a concept, that of civil society, that arose in the context of the modernizing West to the democratization process of a Latin American and largely indigenous society. The choice of Oaxaca as an area for study allows for two main perspectives of analysis: first, it highlights the differences in state-society relationships that take place at a sub-national as compared to a national level, and the types of regimes resulting from these differences. Second, it emphasizes the way in which the highly indigenous character of Oaxaca's population shapes the nature and goals of this state's civil society. The central point of this dissertation is that civil society has been a significant factor in inducing democratization in Oaxaca by transforming the state-society relationship from co-optation to contestation, as well as in conveying the culturally determined political demands of the indigenous peoples to liberal political institutions. The success of civil society on this endeavor, however, depends not only on the composition of civil society itself but also on the complex array of rights, leaders, political opportunity for reform, and cultural environment in which civil society develops. More specifically, the processes of democratization and de-democratization in Oaxaca depend in large measure on the ways in which national and sub-national actors shape the balance between cooperative, confrontational, and radical forms of civil society. Where political opportunities for reform allow confrontational forces to gain great capacity to challenge categorical inequalities, the processes of democratization have greater chances of succeeding. Where national and sub-national elites are able to use cooperative and radical spaces in civil society to restrict contestation, de-democratization should be expected. / Political Science

This dissertation identifies and explores the dilemma of regional governance, namely how to address political and economic challenges which occur at the meso-, as opposed to local, national, or international scale. Drawing on a large body of theoretical work on decentralization and federalism, this dissertation addresses the question, how do different institutional arrangements for political, fiscal, and administrative decentralization influence the capacity of political systems to capture regional-scale externalities? It does so by examining the responses of four different political systems, two federal and two unitary, to the problem of capturing economic externalities through River Basin Management (RBM), a quintessential regional issue. RBM outcomes are operationalized in terms of efficacy of capture of both water quality and quantity externalities which occur within inter-jurisdictional river basins. Through close historical analysis of six paired case studies across the four country cases, the dissertation argues that the capacity of political systems to capture regional-scale externalities depends on the ability of sub-national jurisdictions to pursue localized preferences, which is in this dissertation referred to as sub-national territorial politics. These politics are most prevalent in federal systems, which typically accord sub-national territorial jurisdictions with greater political power and fiscal resources. These political systems feature fewer and weaker regional governance institutions, and generally less effective regional-scale externality capture, than their counterparts. This dissertation contributes to a growing "sub-national turn" in comparative politics in two ways. First, it identifies the geographically-rooted interests which often shape sub-national actor preferences, particularly with respect to natural resource issues. Second, the dissertation discerns the lack of political incentives for central governments to resolve disputes between sub-national administrative jurisdictions, particularly in the federal systems in which these units are the basis for political representation at the national level.

The aim of this study is to describe and explain (individual level) public political participation, with particular focus on the significance of the local, geographical context. Studies of political participation have traditionally focused on individual level explanations. Here, however, the question of the significance of place, is also raised i.e. does place have an effect on the probability of the individual to take political action? Such causal relationships are known as contextual (or neighbourhood) effects. These occur when contextual factors affect individual behaviour so that it varies systematically between different contexts, even after controlling for individual level predictors. Although empirical research has been lacking, there is a widespread assumption that place of residence can have both positive and negative effects on outcomes at the level of the individual. This is the case especially with regard to urban residential segregation, which is believed to cause self-generating, negative effects on the political engagement of citizens. My line of argument is that contextual effects cannot be taken for granted; rather they must be tested empirically in a systematic way, using individual level data and appropriate techniques. Political participation is operationalised in terms of: voting in local elections, contacting local officials, and participating in manifestations. The local, geographical context is operationalised in two ways; as Swedish municipalities and as city districts. The latter is done using case studies of two Swedish cities; Umeå, a medium-sized town with moderate socioeconomic segregation, and Göteborg, a large city with extensive polarisation. Survey data is used and analysed by means of multilevel analysis, a technique developed especially for hierarchical data and contextual analysis of individual level outcomes. The results do not provide strong support for the hypothesis of contextual effects on public political participation. There are, in several cases, strong, bivariate relationships between socioeconomic composition and political participation at the aggregate level. However, this is not confirmed in analyses of individual level data. The variation between individuals residing in different places is significant in only one case; when the context is operationalised as municipalities and the dependent variable is participation in manifestations. This variation cannot, however, be explained neither by individual level SES/political engagement nor by socioeconomic composition at the municipal level. An analysis of crosslevel interactions shows that employed persons residing in affluent districts of Göteborg have a higher probability to vote and to participate in contacting than employed persons living in poor neighbourhoods. Similarly, individuals with an immigrant background living in affluent districts in Göteborg are more likely to vote than those living in poor areas. These results give some support for the hypothesis of contextual effects on political participation. However, as the number of observations in this particular analysis is very small, the results are not robust and, consequently, must be interpreted with caution. In order to identify relevant individual level predictors, the SES and CV-models are applied. The results indicate that socioeconomic variables such as employment status and education are important predictors of voting. However, when it comes to contacting officials and participating in manifestations, socio-political resources such as political engagement and organisational membership are better as predictors of political participation.

Background: Performance based financing was introduced to Kilifi county actors in Kenya in 2015. Kilifi was identified by the Kenyan national government as one of the 20 arid and semi-arid counties (out of 47 counties) mandated to start the implementation of the scheme and potentially inform the development of a nation-wide PBF policy. This study investigates how political and bureaucratic actors at the local level in Kilifi county have subsequently influenced the extent to which PBF has been politically prioritised at the sub-national level. Methods: The study employed a single-case study design. The Shiffman and Smith (2007) political priority setting framework with adaptations proposed by Walt and Gilson (2014) was used. Data was collected through document review (n=19) and in-depth interviews (n=8). Framework analysis was used to analyse data and generate findings. Results: Throughout the study period (2015-2018), national policy elites gave sustained attention to PBF as a priority issue for implementation, this sustained attention was however not present at the sub national level in Kilifi county and funding for PBF was not prioritised post donor funding. Key factors that contributed to this in Kilifi county included: redistribution of power from national actors to sub-national actors following devolution, this affected the national Ministry of Health's ability to lead and be an effective guiding organisation; misalignment between the globally advocated idea of ‘pay for performance' and the local pre-existing centralised and rigid approaches to public financial management; and actors at the sub national level who contested the PBF intervention design features and its framing as ‘additional funding'. As a consequence, the implementation of PBF in Kilifi was for a short time only using donor resources and did not last beyond donor timelines and funding. Conclusion: This research shows that for health reforms to gain political priority in highly devolved contexts, there is need to recognise the formal and informal institutions existing at the devolved level of governance and for adequate early involvement and leadership from sub-national bureaucratic and political actors, in health and beyond the health sector. In addition, advocacy for the health reforms should embody frames that align with the political context to increase the chances of gaining political traction. Finally, the political context including political and bureaucratic power at different levels of government are crucial features that will also influence the acceptability of reform and ultimately political prioritisation.

It is increasingly acknowledged that the proper objective of government efforts towards economic development should be aimed at improvements beyond simple measures of growth, poverty and inequality towards richer measures of human well-being. Herein, the economic and non-economic quality of life, as well as the quantity of life, becomes important indicators. Economists and other social planners therefore need to develop more meaningful indicators of the quality of life. Objective and subjective indicators of the quality of life can be distinguished. For various reasons, this thesis will focus on the search for more meaningful objective indicators of the quality of life. One of the most wellknown objective indicators of quality of life is the Human Development Index (HDI). There is, however, a growing dissatisfaction with the HDI. In this thesis, two recent methodological advances in the measurement of quality of life are applied and combined and, in particular, in the measurement of the non-economic quality of life, to the sub-national quality of life in South Africa. As such, this thesis’ contribution is twofold. First, it investigates the extent to which the quality of life differs within a developing country, as opposed to most studies that focus on either inter-country differences in quality of life, or studies that focus only on spatial inequalities within countries using a restricted set of measures such as per capita income or poverty rates and headcounts. Secondly, this thesis applies a recent methodology proposed by McGillivray (2005) to isolate the non-economic (non-monetary) quality of life in various composite indices and to focus on the non-economic quality of life across 351 South African magisterial districts Indices for the non-economic quality of life are compiled for geographical quality, for demographic quality, and based on the human development index. Furthermore, given that composite indices used in the construction of measures of quality of life consist of weightings of multiple proxies, this thesis implements the method of Lubotsky and Wittenberg (2006) which proposed a new estimator for the case where multiple proxies are to be used for a single, unobserved variable such as quality of life. This thesis establishes that when the non-economic quality of life of the demographic index is considered, the top ten regions in 1001 were as follows: Pretoria, Johannesburg, Soweto, Port Elizabeth, Durban, Inanda, Pietermaritzburg, Wynberg, Mitchellsplain and Vanderbijlpark. It is important to note that, when interpreting these results, one should take caution since variables such as the number of people, number of households etc. is included in this index and as a region grows in population size the more negative consequences such as a higher crime rate can be associated with the particular region. The top ten regions in which to reside in 1004 as determined by the geography quality of life index were: Calvinia, Gordonia, Namaqualand, Kenhardt, Carnarvon, Ubombo, Williston, Hlabisa, Ceres and Ingwavuma. This geography index measures a region's natural beauty which, according to Wey (2000), contributes positively to one's perceived quality of life. Considering changes in non-economic quality of life indices between 1996 and 2004, the conclusion can he drawn that the South African government has been successful to a certain degree in addressing non-economic quality of life. Social policies such as health care, education, housing, water and sanitation appear to have had a positive effect on people's perceived non-economic quality of life in areas that were relatively deprived in 1996. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Economics))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2007

This thesis presents a sub-national comparative analysis of the nexus between migration and development using the case of two disparate migrant communities (from the Upper East and Eastern regions of Ghana) in the UK. The aim is to examine how inherent socio-economic inequalities prior to emigration impact on emigrants’ migration patterns, experiences, transnational activities and, ultimately, development outcomes at the micro and meso levels in the sending country. I argue, in this thesis, that the focus by development economists and most migration researchers on national-level macro analysis, as well as ‘location specific’ or single-site sub-national analysis, of the centrality of remittances to the enhancement of development at ‘home’ masks important nuances that are revealed by a comparative sub-national analysis. This study uses a case study approach, whereby two migrant communities are investigated in detail within their pre-migration contexts. This allows for a deeper understanding of how transnational migration practices and/or processes are influenced by, and influence their context. It examines regional socio-economic inequalities and the interconnections between migration stage, spatial scales and local development. This is achieved through a fifteen-month fieldwork using multiple research methods (key-informant interviews, in-depth structured and semi-structured interviews, surveys, participant observation and library research) in order to corroborate and triangulate findings from different sources. The thesis takes a spatiotemporal perspective in the migration-development nexus debate. Respondents for this research include economic migrants and refugees/forced migrants. Among others, I conclude that globalisation and access to effective, yet relatively cheap, technological and communications facilities have bolstered individualistic migratory decision making thus reducing the centrality of the family or household as the unit of analysis in the causes and consequences of migration discourses. Overall, the thesis aims to contribute a new, broader, and more inclusive perspective to migration research by arguing that migration-development phenomena are better appreciated through a comprehensive approach that encompasses migrants and sending communities and underlines the relationship between the two within a sub-national context.