This thesis examines the formative years of the Joint Army and Navy Board, 1903 to 1919. It serves as an institutional history, focusing on the function of the interservice coordination body. The Joint Board is examined within the context of formulating American military strategy and U.S. diplomatic affairs from its creation in July 1903 to its reconstitution in 1919. At present no comprehensive historical study exists focusing on the Joint Board. Currently, interservice cooperation and coordination during this period receive no more than peripheral analysis in war plan studies. Thus, this work begins the first comprehensive history of the precursor to the Joint Chiefs of Staff. This thesis analyzes the origins and creation of the Joint Board, the Board??s basic duties and responsibilities, and Joint Board actions as they impacted U.S. diplomacy and military strategy concerning the homeland and coast defense, the Caribbean and Cuba, the Panama Canal, as well as the Pacific and the Philippines. Within this geographical framework, this thesis explores the relation of the Joint Board to the Navy General Board and Army General Staff, the cooperation of the U.S. Army and U.S. Navy between the Spanish-American War and World War I, the impact of Joint Board actions on American civil-military relations, and the efficacy of interservice cooperation. This thesis is based largely on unpublished as well as published primary sources, including the records of the Joint Board, Navy General Board records, Army War College Division records, and members?? personal papers housed at the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C. In addition, secondary sources are used to place the Joint Board within the larger contextual framework of interservice cooperation, U.S. civil-military relations, and American military history during the early twentieth century.

This research is studying to the staffs of 4 army's hospitals in the same area. We believe it will be definitely helpful for the forever management of the hospitals. There are 1100 questionnaires issued totally. The questionnaire counts and retrieves 444 finally, through getting rid of 30 invalid questionnaires, effective questionnaire is 414, the effective rate of recovery of questionnaire is 37.6%. Through the Descriptive Statistical analysis , ANOVA one-way , Analysis of Correlation and Multiple Regression Analysis , the results are found as follow: a.The staffs¡¦ behaviors to the person in charge of the unit in army¡¦s hospitals are different results that will have because of factors , such as marital status , academic degree and working office ,etc.. b.The staff will have a difference because academic degree , position identity and working office are different to the organization climate of the office in army¡¦s hospital. c.The staffs involvement to work in the hospital will be different because degree , the position identity and working office. d.Too emphasize the task importance, pay less respect or consideration to staffs, I surely agree this kind of director will downgrade the staffs working. On the other hand, both the good management and interpersonal relationships will surely increase their working. e.Focus on the human nature, caring the staffs, and good interpersonal relationships are positive and helpful as well to enhance the involvement of staffs. f.The trust between each other for both unit executive and staffs will upgrade the behavior of leading and as well as the involvement of staffs working. The concrete suggestion are offered to the Army¡¦s hospitals and for the others researcher¡¦s reference.

Abstract In the era of Jiang Zemin, the core leader of third generation has not be much more powerful than other leaders. Hence, he needs to build a coalition to gathering varied interests that supported his leadership. He had to bargain and compromise with other leading officials, to generate resources in order to reward and maintain the coalition which supporting him in power. Based on such ¡§give and take¡¨ relations, he had been relatively weak when bargain with military or other interest groups within Chinese political system. And that might be the major reason to explain why the People¡¦s Liberation Army (PLA) could get the unforeseeable political influence in the Jiang era. When discussing the Party-Army relations in the Jiang era, it would be useful to view the PLA as an interest group in the Chinese political system. Therefore, I posit two basic assumptions to analyzing such relations. The first is that army and Party are engaged in a chronic and multiform conflict stemming from their incompatible outlooks and interests. The second is that Party would insist in controlling the army and keep suppressing the expression of its group interests. Besides, several variables would be introduced to identify such conflict. These include the declination of ideological indoctrination, the power reduction of the political control system in the army, the absence of regularized procedures for the transfer of political power within the ruling Party elite, the acceptance of the principle of collective leadership, and the modernization of the economy. These factors would be used to explain the transformation of the Party-Army relations.

This thesis examines the formative years of the Joint Army and Navy Board, 1903 to 1919. It serves as an institutional history, focusing on the function of the interservice coordination body. The Joint Board is examined within the context of formulating American military strategy and U.S. diplomatic affairs from its creation in July 1903 to its reconstitution in 1919. At present no comprehensive historical study exists focusing on the Joint Board. Currently, interservice cooperation and coordination during this period receive no more than peripheral analysis in war plan studies. Thus, this work begins the first comprehensive history of the precursor to the Joint Chiefs of Staff. This thesis analyzes the origins and creation of the Joint Board, the Board??s basic duties and responsibilities, and Joint Board actions as they impacted U.S. diplomacy and military strategy concerning the homeland and coast defense, the Caribbean and Cuba, the Panama Canal, as well as the Pacific and the Philippines. Within this geographical framework, this thesis explores the relation of the Joint Board to the Navy General Board and Army General Staff, the cooperation of the U.S. Army and U.S. Navy between the Spanish-American War and World War I, the impact of Joint Board actions on American civil-military relations, and the efficacy of interservice cooperation. This thesis is based largely on unpublished as well as published primary sources, including the records of the Joint Board, Navy General Board records, Army War College Division records, and members?? personal papers housed at the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C. In addition, secondary sources are used to place the Joint Board within the larger contextual framework of interservice cooperation, U.S. civil-military relations, and American military history during the early twentieth century.

Texte remanié de: Ph. D.--Hist.--Dublin--Trinity College, 1997. / Bibliogr. p. 273-281. Index.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, 2003. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 151-162).

Thesis (B.A.)--Haverford College, Dept. of History, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references.

Traditional models including the factionalism, professionalism, and the symbiosis models have helped the field for over two decades to study civil-military relations in China. New conditions of the 90s and beyond, however, have required new tools for examining this issue. Approaching China's civil-military relations from multiple approaches to include PLA conservative nationalism is better than using one explanation to understand China's civil-military relations. / text

Nepriklausomybės kovų laikotarpiu savos kariuomenės kūrimas neturėjo reikiamo populiarumo visuomenės akyse, savanorių pagrindu organizuota Lietuvos kariuomenė sunkiai galėjo apginti valstybės sienas ir įtvirtinti valstybingumą. Nemaža dalis pašauktų vyrų karo tarnybon stojo nenoriai, slapstėsi, bėgo į užsienį. Lietuvos kariuomenę palikdavo mažiausiai kas penktas-šeštas mobilizuotas ar pašauktas vyras. Bendras Lietuvos kariuomenės dezertyrų skaičius 1919-1920 m. viršijo 20 000. Didelis pabėgimų iš karo tarnybos karių skaičius buvo sąlygotas, tiek išorinių, tiek vidinių aplinkybių – išorės priešų grėsmė, karių paruošimo ir aprūpinimo klausimas, tautinių kadrų trūkumas, tautinės savivokos problema. Įgimtas neigimas valdžios ir antimilitarizmas atsispindėjo ir vykdant mobilizacijas - nemaža dalis pašauktų vyrų karo tarnybon stojo nenoriai, slapstėsi, bėgo į užsienį. Nuo tarnybos bandė išsisukti kas trečias- ketvirtas pašauktas krašto vyras (26-35 %). Daliai Lietuvos gyventojų buvo sunkiai suvokiamas valstybingumo siekis. Nemaža dalis lietuvių tarnavo Lenkijos kariuomenėje - buvo užverbuoti Vokietijos belaisvių stovyklose arba mobilizuoti Lenkijos valdžios. 1920 m. I pusmetį padažnėjo Lenkijos kariuomenės karių perbėgimai į lietuvių pusę. 48% visų Lenkijos kariuomenės perbėgelių lietuvių fronte buvo mobilizuoti iš Suvalkų, Vilniaus ir Gardino apskričių. Nepriklausomybės kovų dezertyravusių karių socialinė priklausomybė buvo pakankamai marga - tai buvo skirtingo amžiaus... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The founding of own army in the years of Wars of Independence was not considered as a necessity for a society, and the volunteer forces of Lithuanian army was poorly organized and could hardly defend the frontiers of the country and consolidate its autonomy. A great number of men did not want to join the army, so were hiding or running away to foreign countries. Every five – six mobilized or called up men refused to join the Lithuanian army. The number of Lithuanian army deserters in years 1919 – 1920 exeeded 20.000. This fact was determined by both interior and exterior reasons: the threat from external enemies, the army preparation and maintenance problems, the lack of national recruiters, the absence of national and political consciousness. Inherent negation of authority and anti – militarism during mobilization was men's prevalent attitude. Every three – four men (26 - 35%) tried to evade th military service. The great part of lithuanians did not realized the significance and necessity of independence. One part of lithuanian men were recruited in the German prisoner – of – war camps or mobilized by the government of Poland and served in the Polish army. In the first half – year of 1920 the great number of soldiers who had gone over to Lithuanian army was noticed. 48% of all Polish army men who had deserted were mobilized from the districts of Suvalkai, Vilnius and Gardin. Deserters in the War if Independence were of different age, different social status and... [to full text]

<p>The United States began to look beyond its continental boundaries and acquire a new, far-flung empire in the late nineteenth century. Two decades later, a national draft and mobilization program brought millions of men into the army when the United States intervened in the First World War. The U.S. Army also experienced several major changes in the first four decades of the twentieth century, including massive growth in the size of the army's forces, changes in the demographics of soldiers and a related effort "Americanize" the army, and increased professionalization and internal reform as the army attempted to improve its performance and increase its standing in the nation. Along with these changes came the efforts of influential Progressive social and moral reformers who sought to reform the U.S. Army and inculcate newly enlisted soldiers with middle-class values and behavior. Over time, army leaders and War Department officials found that they needed to address the perennial set of problems that soldiers' sexual relationships created for the army and its new long-term missions in Asia and Europe. While the U.S Army was initially interested in the sex lives of soldiers primarily for utilitarian reasons, it eventually assumed an institutional interest in cultivating particular kinds of masculine identities for soldiers.</p><p>This dissertation explores how the U.S. Army of the early twentieth century conceived of a host of issues related to sexuality: marriage and family life, prostitution and venereal disease, rape and sexual violence, same-sex sexuality, and conceptions of masculinity, among others. It examines how the army sought to regulate and shape the sexual behaviors of soldiers and the civilians with whom they came into sexual contact. The sexual cultures, practices, and behaviors of soldiers and their partners, along with the U.S. Army's efforts to regulate their sexuality, constitute what it describes as the "sexual economy of war." This dissertation argues that the U.S. Army first attempted to gain control of almost all aspects of soldiers' sexuality and then tried to carefully manage and regulate that sexual economy to best fulfill the army's missions. The army suppressed soldiers' sexual behaviors and expressions that it perceived as running counter to the good of the service or creating inefficiencies. It encouraged those aspects of sexual identity that the army believed benefited the service - for instance, hypermasculine demeanor and actions - eventually purging soldiers who engaged in same-sex sexual activities because these practices became linked with effeminacy and mental disorders and producing a set of militant masculinities among soldiers.</p><p>These issues are explored through five case studies of specific time periods and geographic areas: Fort Riley in Kansas from 1898-1940; the Philippines from 1898-1918; Camp Beauregard in Louisiana, 1917-1919; the American Expeditionary Forces (AEF) in France and the American Forces in Germany (AFG), 1917-1923; and Hawaii, 1909-1940. The army's new position in American society, especially after World War I, and its overseas operations opened up a host of new and different kinds of sexual politics, possibilities, and relationships for all those touched by the U.S. Army's regulation of sexuality.</p> / Dissertation