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Architecture and domestic culture in eighteenth-century ChinaMah, Kai Wood January 2003 (has links)
This thesis examines architectural discourse and spatial practices as manifestations and experiences of order in eighteenth-century Qing dynasty China. It reviews the development of the historiography of Chinese architectural history as an academic discipline, and proposes that in the Qing there was an unprecedented rupture between domestic architectural style from that of the court. An alternative design strategy in spatial planning and detailing was adopted. It is argued that the Qing architectural discourse, its intertextuality, was implicitly linked to the historical formation of the Qing self, and that it was pivotal to the rise of domestic culture. The study approaches architecture as historical statements and arguments, and focuses on the production of space, human agency, gender, and subject positioning in early modern China. The study analyzes the Yugong mansion, Beijing, the Rong mansion in the Qing novel The Dream of the Red Chamber, and the Manchu imperial city, as examples.
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論明清中國士人信徒對祭祖禮的探討以耶穌會羅馬館藏明清士人信徒祭禮文獻28篇為考察範圍= An analysis of Ming and Qing dynasties Chinese scholor-believers' studies on ancestral offering ritual: based on 28 documents, collected by the society of Jesus Roman archives, written by Ming and Qing dynasties Chinese scholar-believers on the offering ritual陳文寧, 19 July 2016 (has links)
由14位作者寫於17世紀、收於耶穌會羅馬館的28篇祭禮文獻,是迄今所見最早一批出自中國士人信徒之手,在禮儀之爭期間就傳教士對祭祖禮的顧慮作出回應的文章。按內容來看,傳教士的顧慮可歸納為兩類,一是採取詢問的方式,向這批士人信徒請教與祭祀相關的問題,二是對祭祖禮已持有否定態度,致令這批作者撰文予以反駁。從祭祖禮的觀點方面來說,28篇文獻作者主要是從祭祖本義、祭祖禮是否真的含有與天主教信仰相牴觸的成份等兩方面,進行論述。對於前者,他們認為祭祖源於人情、德育及治國三方面的需要;對於後者,他們指祭祖禮既無求福的成份,亦不認為祖先仍會來格來饗於祭祀現場,因此祭祖之槍祭"與祭上帝之槍祭"在本質上迥異。雖然在該如何理人死後的靈魂狀態、嘏辭是否在當時社會中已無人應用等細節上,個別作者有不同的意見,然而他們基本上是一致認為祭祖禮應允許中國信徒繼續奉行。從立論方式來說,28篇文獻作者中縱使有個別作者對某些儒家經典的可信性存疑,但他們大多仍是主要採用經學進路,強調先王、孔子、儒學的地位及中國文字用法有其特別之處,援引儒家經典、尤其是《禮記》對祭祖禮的描述,以及宋儒的觀點、當中又尤以朱熹為主,作為探討時的論據. 以28篇與其所身處的明末清初時期經學主流相較而言,他們的確反映了當時整體經學風氣所尚--以朱熹為宗、漸開漢宋兼爭之勢。不過,對於祭祖禮本義的理解,比對作為當時經學相關方面的代表人物--朱熹及其學派的陳澔、納蘭性德等人的觀點,在情、德、治三方面之外,朱熹等人並不否認祭祖求福、相信祖先能來格來饗,朱子甚至認為祭祖的本義之一,就是在於以祭祀之誠讓祖先的魂魄能夠得以安頓。以28篇與其所身處17世紀來華傳教士、教廷相較而言,耶穌會傳教士的觀點最與28篇相近,他們注意到祭祖禮在情、德方面對中國人的意義,認為仍有允許中國信徒奉行祭祀的價值。然而,多明我會、方濟各會傳教士則持定相反意見,他們的關注點不在於祭祖禮對中國人的意義、價值,而是禮儀中所存在的求福於祖先、相信祖先仍能來格來饗等成份,與天主教信仰相悖。至於教廷,則會按傳教士上呈的資料,而對祭祖禮是否仍能奉行於信徒之間,在答覆時作出相應的調整。立論方式上,除耶穌會與多明我會的萬濟國,會引用中國儒家經典作為討論依據外,托缽修會的傳教士主要是按眼見當時社會上祭祖禮情況作出判斷。雖然在論述過程中,28篇文獻一方面與明末清初經學主流對於祭祖禮本義的理解存在歧異,另一方面亦出現對經典的錯解、邏輯上的謬誤等若干不足;但是,不管是讓後世得以更全面地認識禮儀之爭這段歷史,抑或是為當代有關槍祭祖"問題的研究帶來參考與啟發,這批文獻皆具有重要的價值。Abstract The 28 documents, collected by the Society of Jesus Roman Archive, were written in 17th century by 14 authors. They were possibly the earliest Chinese scholar-believers that discussed with the western missionaries about the concept of ancestral offering ritual during the Chinese Rites Controversy. Since the ancestral offering ritual had been held negative attitude, the scholars had to write these documents for refuting. For the ancestral offering ritual, the authors mainly discussed the original meaning of ancestral offering ritual, and consider whether it is in contravention of the Catholic faith. They believed that ancestral offering ritual contained three elements: humanity(人情), morality(德育) and social order(治國). They neither looked for blessings from ancestors nor thought that the spirits of ancestors would be present to the ritual, thus, the ancestral offering and the offering sacrifice to God were different in nature. Though individual authors had different views on the state of the spirits of ancestors, they agreed that ancestral offering ritual should be allowed to continue to practice among Chinese believers. Most of the authors mainly used the Confucian Classics Approach(經學進路) to make their arguments. They took Confucian, especially the "Book of Ritual", and Zhu Xi of Song Dynasty as the main sources to present their.;arguments of ancestral offering ritual. However, apart from the three elements, Zhu did not deny that ancestral offering ritual was to seek blessings, and believed that the spirits of ancestors would be present to the ritual. Zhu even believed that ancestral offering ritual was for settling the spirits of ancestors. The view of the Society of Jesus was closed to that of the authors. They noted that the significances of ancestral offering ritual to Chinese people were more about humanity and morality, and thought that it was worthy for Chinese believers to practice the ancestral offering ritual. However, the Dominican and the Franciscan missionaries held of opposite view. Their concerns were not the significances and values of ancestral offering ritual, but the behaviour of seeking blessings from ancestors and the belief of the presence of the spirits of ancestors. In the Chinese Rites Controversy, the Society of Jesus and the Francisco Varo of Dominicans referred Confucian as the basis for their discussions. The Mendicant missionaries mainly depended on the situation at that time in the society to make judgments. The Vatican was only according to the information from missionaries to make corresponding judgments that whether the ancestral offering ritual was being allowed to practice among Chinese believers. Although there are discrepancies and some logical fallacies between the 28 documents and the Confucian Classics of Ming and Qing Dynasties about the understanding of the original meaning of ancestral offering ritual, these documents can bring great inspiration on the contemporary research of ancestral offering ritual and make a more comprehensive reorganization of the history of Chinese Rites Controversy.
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Batangský incident: Konec tradičního Khamu a počátek expanze dynastie Qing v sichuansko-tibetském pohraničí / The Bathang Incident: The end of thraditional Kham and the beginning of the Qing Dynasty Expansion in Sichuan-Tibetan FrontierVařil, Ondřej January 2016 (has links)
The present paper deals with the event known as the Bathang incident, in the Sichuan- Tibetan border area in 1905, during which there was an uprising against the Chinese imperial administration, leading to the murder of Feng Quan, the Assistant High Commissioner to Tibet, and his retinue. In addition to the secondary literature, the paper utilizes mainly Chinese primary sources, along with travelogues and diaries written by Western missionaries and travellers. The initial portion of the first chapter describes the geographical characteristics of the broader area of Kham. Next follows a summary of the historical and political development of the territory, with an emphasis on the development of relations between Kham, Tibet, the Mongols and China, including the internal development and formation of its specific environment and culture. The second chapter turns to Bathang itself. The first subchapter is dedicated to the exceptional natural conditions in Bathang. The second section provides an overview of the historical development of the Bathang area and its gradual integration, first into the Mongol empire and then into the realm of the Qing dynasty. The introduction of the native chieftains system is also described. The third chapter contains an analysis of Bathang's inner power relations, with...
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晚淸上海小說的城市書寫 = City writing in late Qing Shanghai fictions麥樹堅, 01 January 2004 (has links)
No description available.
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Guns, Boats, and Diplomacy: Late Qing China and the World’s Naval TechnologyFong, Sau-yi January 2022 (has links)
Previous historiography on late Qing naval technology has been geared toward locating the root causes of the Qing’s defeat in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895. Pushing back against this teleological view of late Qing naval development, this dissertation underscores the global, multidirectional, and highly contingent processes undergirding the Qing’s naval rebuilding project in the late nineteenth century. Starting from the 1860s, the Qing empire strove to reassert itself as a competitive naval power by establishing new dockyards and arsenals; procuring arms, warships, and machineries from abroad; as well as dispatching educational missions to European naval schools, technical institutes, factories, and shipyards. The Chinese diplomats and students that the Qing sent overseas served as transnational agents who cultivated close-knit networks with Western diplomats, merchants, shipbuilders, military officers, and arms manufacturers. These networks formed the basis upon which the Qing navigated a global marketplace of warships and armaments spanning Asia, Europe, and the Americas.
Tracing the personal, material, and institutional networks connecting late Qing China to the world’s naval technology reveals how the Qing engaged actively in a global regime of arms production and arms trading. This regime, driven by the transnational sourcing of raw materials and the export-oriented tendencies of Western arms manufacturers, gave rise to a shared, decentralized, and surprisingly open terrain of material circulation and technological transmission. It produced highly fluid circuits of military industrial products and knowledge that blurred the boundaries between the arms race and the arms trade, secrecy and openness, competition and collaboration. This dissertation shows how the Qing tapped into these tensions through intertwining networks of trade and diplomacy. It also shows how the material and logistical processes underlying the importation of warships, machineries, and shipbuilding components constituted crucial channels for the transfer of naval engineering knowledge from the West to China.
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Architecture and domestic culture in eighteenth-century ChinaMah, Kai Wood January 2003 (has links)
No description available.
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A study of the ordeal stories in Chinese popularfictions陳器文, Chen, Chi-wen. January 1998 (has links)
published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy
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論清朝前期的滿洲文化復興運動 / none蔡偉傑, Tsai, Wei-chieh Unknown Date (has links)
在清朝前期的康雍乾三朝中,清朝皇帝曾經復興入關前的滿洲傳統文化。在本文中將這些措施整體稱之為滿洲文化復興運動(Manchu cultural revitalization movement)。大致上來說可以分為三個方面:1. 提倡國語振興騎射;2. 整理滿洲歷史與傳統;3. 維持八旗制度運作。康雍乾三朝所推行一系列的復興滿洲文化的措施,表現了清朝皇帝對於滿洲文化的重視。學界過去對於此一現象的詮釋,認為清朝皇帝的作法是擔心滿洲人被漢人所同化而失去統治的特權。然而更基本的問題是:為何政經特權的維持,需要透過文化的復興運動來達成?國語騎射、滿洲源流與八旗制度等代表滿洲文化的符號,對於清朝皇帝具有什麼樣的意義?而本文試圖從清朝入關前與入關後的滿漢關係,以及相關的滿洲身分與文化變遷過程來討論前述的問題。
首先,清朝以少數民族的征服王朝之姿,建立了廣土眾民的多民族帝國。為了爭取漢人以及滿洲人支持清朝的統治,清朝皇帝一方面透過宣示滿漢一體,尊崇儒家思想與傳統中國的官僚制度來建立其統治漢人的正當性;另一方面,出於對漢人反滿意識的防備,又必須崇滿抑漢,以維持本民族的優勢地位。因此,如何在首崇滿洲的原則下,又不至於激起漢人對清朝統治的反感,是清朝皇帝在統治上所面臨的重要課題之一。
然而,推行崇滿抑漢政策的前提在於區分滿漢。在清朝發展的歷史中,滿漢接觸的經驗形塑了滿洲與漢人的文化意義。而清朝皇帝對於滿漢的區分也受到這種文化意義的影響。而這種文化意義也隨著歷史事件的介入而有所改變。
在滿漢接觸的歷史中,滿漢之分主要是建立在身分與文化上的差異。入關前的滿洲文化對於清朝皇帝而言,是征服民族優勢的象徵。清朝皇帝透過復興滿語、騎射與八旗制度等滿洲文化符號,以及排斥漢習的做法,來重申(或重塑)滿洲性(Manchuness),藉此重新鞏固滿漢對立的二元意義結構,以及相應的滿洲統治地位。
滿洲文化復興運動的推行,必須透過在傳統中國文化與當時清朝的政治制度中所賦予皇帝的至高獨裁權力,才有可能達成。但由於官僚體制與基層旗人的不配合,而使得當時此一運動的成效不彰。在這個歷史事件中,可以看到在少數民族統治多數民族時,如何透過文化與身分的界定來團結本民族,並維護自身的統治與優勢地位。因此,此一事件同時具有身分、文化與統治上的意義。而歷史人類學與族群理論兩者之間,在這個課題上也出現了對話的空間。
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interaction between pirates and the government in Guangdong Province during the 1850s-1900sLiu, Bingqing January 2016 (has links)
University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences / Department of History
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Les cercles de collectionneurs et de numismates dans la région de Pékin durant la première moitié du XIXème siècle : échange des monnaies anciennes, partage des idées et renouveau des études numismatiques / A Social Network of Coin collectors and numismatists around Beijing during the first half of the 19th century : Exchanging Coins and IdeasJankowski, Lyce 06 November 2012 (has links)
La période qui s’étende de la fin du XVIIIe siècle à la première moitié du XIXe constitue un âge d’or de la numismatique chinoise. Suite à l’édition en 1751 du Qinding qianlu, nombreux sont les collectionneurs qui s’intéressent à la monnaie et qui s’engagent dans la publication de catalogues, de monographies ou d’études érudites. Ces publications qui s’inspirent des méthodes appliquées en littérature par le courant d’érudition appelé l’ « Ecole des vérifications et des preuves » (kaozhengxue), entraînent une révolution méthodologique dans les études numismatiques. L’œuvre la plus représentative de cette période est le Guquanhui de Li Zuoxian (1807-1876) publiée en 1864. Cet ouvrage rassemble les collections, ainsi que les idées d’une communauté de passionnés qui correspondaient régulièrement, s’échangeaient des monnaies, estampages ou encore manuscrits et se réunissaient parfois. Mettre en évidence la nature des correspondances entre membres de ce cercle et l’existence d’échanges marchands et amicaux entre passionnés à la capitale permet de comprendre dans quelle mesure les échanges informels ont contribué à l’élaboration de critères d’étude des monnaies et à faire faire un bond qualitatif sans précédent à la numismatique chinoise. Il s’agit de voir quand quelle mesure les réseaux de sociabilité existant entre collectionneurs ont contribué aux progrès significatifs de cette époque, c’est-à-dire de retracer l’apparition d’une exigence de scientificité dans le milieu des collectionneurs privés. Cette recherche questionne aussi l’articulation entre le goût de la collection et la réflexion historique savante. / The period from the late eighteenth century to the mid-nineteenth constitutes a golden age for Chinese numismatics. Following the publication in 1751 of the Qinding qianlu (The Imperially Ordered Catalogue of Coins), many collectors became interested in coins and engaged themselves in publishing catalogues, monographs, or studies. These publications using the methods employed in littérature by the « Evidential studies » (kaozhengxue), created a révolution in methods in numismatics studies. The most représentative work of this period is the Guquanhui (Catalogue of Ancient Coins) published by Li Zuoxian (1807-1876) in 1864. This book brings together the collections and the ideas of a community of collectors that met regularly, exchanged coins, rubbings or unpublished documents. These informal exchanges have contributed to the invention of criteria for the study of coins and to the qualitative leap made in Chinese numismatics. An attempt will be made to understand how social networks between collectors have conrtbuted to the significant progress of that time, and to trace the emergence of a requirement of scientific approach among coin collectors. This reserch also questions the relation betwwen the taste for collection and historical thinking.
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