Orientador: Álvaro Santos Simões Junior / Banca: Marlene Holzhausen / Banca: Fábio Luís Chiqueto Barbosa / Resumo: A pesquisa intitulada "A crítica política e literária de Kurt Tucholsky e o início da República de Weimar (1919-1924)" objetiva discutir a construção do discurso crítico de Tucholsky expressa através dos heterônimos Peter Panter e Ignaz Wrobel. O estudo de seus textos suscita indagações a respeito não só do contexto artístico e cultural da República de Weimar, como também questões referentes à relação do autor com o novo sistema político que é marcado, em grande parte, pelo caos social após a Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914-1918). Sob este aspecto, além de contribuir para a ampliação dos conhecimentos sobre Kurt Tucholsky com o respaldo da tradução de seus textos para o português, a pesquisa investiga a configuração do novo sistema político e cultural no início da década de 1920 alemã. / Abstract: The goal of the research entitled "Political and Literary Criticism of Kurt Tucholsky and the beginning of the Republic of Weimar (1919-1924)" is to discuss the construction of Tucholsky's critical discourse expressed through the heteronyms Peter Panter and Ignaz Wrobel. The study of his texts propitiates questions not only about the artistic and cultural context of the Republic of Weimar, but also about the author's relation to the new political system, which is greatly marked by the social chaos post First World War (1914-1918). Under this aspect, besides contributing to the expansion of the knowledge about Kurt Tucholsky with the translations of his texts to Portuguese, the research investigates the configuration of a new political and cultural system in the early German 1920s. / Mestre

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-12-21Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:48:15Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 roszik_aa_me_assis.pdf: 1230308 bytes, checksum: 11540821cea3e0d3e83bdd1d6243bdd2 (MD5) / A pesquisa intitulada “A crítica política e literária de Kurt Tucholsky e o início da República de Weimar (1919-1924)” objetiva discutir a construção do discurso crítico de Tucholsky expressa através dos heterônimos Peter Panter e Ignaz Wrobel. O estudo de seus textos suscita indagações a respeito não só do contexto artístico e cultural da República de Weimar, como também questões referentes à relação do autor com o novo sistema político que é marcado, em grande parte, pelo caos social após a Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914-1918). Sob este aspecto, além de contribuir para a ampliação dos conhecimentos sobre Kurt Tucholsky com o respaldo da tradução de seus textos para o português, a pesquisa investiga a configuração do novo sistema político e cultural no início da década de 1920 alemã. / The goal of the research entitled “Political and Literary Criticism of Kurt Tucholsky and the beginning of the Republic of Weimar (1919-1924)” is to discuss the construction of Tucholsky’s critical discourse expressed through the heteronyms Peter Panter and Ignaz Wrobel. The study of his texts propitiates questions not only about the artistic and cultural context of the Republic of Weimar, but also about the author’s relation to the new political system, which is greatly marked by the social chaos post First World War (1914-1918). Under this aspect, besides contributing to the expansion of the knowledge about Kurt Tucholsky with the translations of his texts to Portuguese, the research investigates the configuration of a new political and cultural system in the early German 1920s.

La présente thèse procède à une analyse archéologique des discours sur le « romantisme politique » sous la République de Weimar pour mettre en évidence que ce paradigme constitue un idéologème fondamental de l’univers intellectuel et politique de l’époque. Par le recours à une conception de la « réception » qui met entre parenthèses la fonction « auteur » il s’agit d’analyser les stratégies discursives qui se structurent autour du paradigme « romantique » entre 1918 et 1933. A partir de l’étude d’un corpus d’auteurs pour qui la référence romantique est centrale (Sigmund Rubinstein, Carl Schmitt, Hans Freyer, Othmar Spann, Karl Mannheim, Wilhelm von Schramm, Paul Tillich) ainsi que des réseaux sociaux qui s’organisent autour d’eux, il est possible d’affirmer l’existence d’une sensibilité « romantique » centrale au monde weimarien, qui transcende les oppositions politiques traditionnellement conçues comme imperméables (gauche/droite, conservateur/progressiste, nationaliste/universaliste, etc.) et qui se construit dans l’opposition fondamentale à l’individualisme matérialiste du libéralisme capitaliste. / This PhD thesis offers an archeological analysis of the discourses on « political romanticism » in the Weimar Republic. It shall endeavour to analyze the discursive patterns which revolved around the « romantic » paradigm between 1918 and 1933 by resorting to a concept of « reception » which minimizes the importance of the « author ». By studying the works of thinkers who explicitly refer to « political romanticism » (Sigmund Rubinstein, Carl Schmitt, Hans Freyer, Othmar Spann, Karl Mannheim, Wilhelm von Schramm, Paul Tillich) and the social networks they belong to one may assert the existence of a romantic « sensibility » which is at the core of the intellectual universe of the Weimar Republic, transcends political differences traditionally considered as essential (left/right, conservative/progressive, nationalist/universalist etc.) and is fundamentally opposed to the materialist individualism of capitalist liberalism.

The presented thesis deals with the New Right in Germany and its current reception of the Conservative Revolution of the Weimar Republic. The thesis primarily focuses on the German New Right, which it aims to define by its references to ideological and political stances of the right-wing conservative and extremist movement of the Weimar Republic - the Conservative Revolution. Based on a detailed textual analysis of selected articles from the New Right's journal Sezession, the thesis presents the elementary worldviews of the New Right as well as its rhetoric and strategies. Furthermore, it is demonstrated how the New Right perceives the central ideas of the Conservative Revolution (anti- enlightenment, anti-liberalism, anti-democracy, anti-parliamentarism, advocacy of an authoritarian state concept and promotion of a homogenous society) and how it implicitly or explicitly employs these ideas for its argumentation. The thesis proved that the worldviews of the Conservative Revolution nowadays still function as an ideological reservoir of the New Right, meaning also that the New Right is theoretically little innovative and takes over and passes on a large part of the ideas of the intellectuals of the Conservative Revolution, which are currently one hundred years old.

This dissertation investigates how German-language critics articulated and publicly negotiated ideas about music and expressionism in the first five years after World War I. A close reading of largely unexplored primary sources reveals that "musical expressionism" was originally conceived as an intrinsically musical matter rather than as a stylistic analog to expressionism in other art forms, and thus as especially relevant to purely instrumental rather than vocal and stage genres. By focusing on critical reception of an unlikely group of instrumental chamber works, I elucidate how the acts of performing, listening to, and evaluating "expressionist" music were enmeshed in the complexities of a politicized public concert life in the immediate postwar period. The opening chapters establish broad music-aesthetic and sociopolitical contexts for critics' postwar discussions of "musical expressionism." After the first, introductory chapter, Chapter 2 traces how art and literary critics came to position music as the most expressionist of the arts based on nineteenth-century ideas about the apparently unique ontology of music. Chapter 3 considers how this conception of expressionism led progressive-minded music critics to interpret expressionist music as the next step in the historical development of absolute music. These critics strategically—and controversially—portrayed Schoenberg's "atonal" polyphony as a legitimate revival of "linear" polyphony in fugues by Bach and late Beethoven. Chapter 4 then situates critical debates about the musical and cultural value of expressionism within broader struggles to construct narratives that would explain Germany's traumatic defeat in the Great War and abrupt restructuring as a fragile democratic republic. Against this backdrop, the later chapters explore critics' responses to public performances of specific "expressionist" chamber works. Chapter 5 traces reactions to a provocative performance of Schoenberg's Chamber Symphony, op. 9 (1906) at the Berlin Volksbühne in February 1920. Chapter 6 examines the interplay of musical-aesthetic and sociopolitical issues in critical reception of several postwar concerts that juxtaposed Schoenberg's "expressionist" Chamber Symphony with Franz Schreker's "impressionist" Chamber Symphony (1916). Chapter 7 considers how critics situated performances of Alexander Zemlinsky's Second String Quartet, op. 15 (1916) in relation to ideas about "expressionism" in music. Finally, Chapter 8 considers critical reception of performances of Béla Bartók's Second String Quartet, op. 17 (1917) in the context of two concert series sponsored by "expressionist" journals: the Anbruch-Abende in Vienna (1918) and the Melos-Abende in Berlin (1922 and 1923). Each of these final chapters uses contemporary criticism as a vehicle for a close reading of the relevant musical work, resulting in a portrait of "expressionist" music that is both contextually and musically nuanced.

[pt] O presente estudo tem como objetivo realizar uma análise simultaneamente histórica e conceitual sobre as percepções de Walter Benjamin sobre o direito e a política situando-as no contexto histórico da República de Weimar (1918/9-1933). Através dessa análise articulada, trata-se de expor os traços principais do debate proposto por Benjamin, analisando seus escritos que enfrentam a discussão sobre o direito e a política, seus embates em torno da noção de estado de exceção, e sua relação com a filosofia da história do autor. Será importante também desdobrar tais reflexões, indicando os questionamentos colocados, as inflexões sofridas em relação ao seu pensamento anterior e a incorporação de novas questões. Benjamin será, portanto, analisado tendo como referência o seu próprio tempo, indicando-se também suas especificidades como autor e as respostas dadas a esse tempo que o particularizam. A hipótese central do presente trabalho é que para uma melhor compreensão dos escritos políticojurídicos de Benjamin é fundamental a análise conjunta do contexto de onde emergiram, reconhecendo que os problemas levantados pelo autor vão além dele, e que a partir daquele contexto determinado levantou questões que dizem respeito à tendências da própria modernidade, e que ainda são, portanto, questões do nosso tempo. / [en] This study aims to conduct both a historical and a conceptual analysis of Walter Benjamin s perceptions on law and politics, locating them in the historical context of the Weimar Republic (1918/9 - 1933 ). Through this articulated analysis, the purpose is to expose the main features of Benjamin s debates, analyzing his writings that face the discussions on law and politics, the struggles around the concept of state of exception, and its relation with author s philosophy of history.It will also be important to unfold such reflections, indicating the questions posed, the inflections incurred in relation to his previous thought and the incorporation of new issues. Benjamin will therefore be analyzed with reference to his own time, indicating as well his specificities as author and the answers given to this time that particularizes him.The central hypothesis of this study is that for a better understanding of Benjamin s political and legal writings is fundamental to analyse them together with the context from which they emerged, recognizing that the problems raised by the author go beyond him and, from that particular context, he lifted questions concerning particular tendencies of modernity which still are issues of our time.

There are surprisingly detailed similarities between Germany and the USA on their way towards the Second World War. In this paper, I have compared the nations' expansionist philosophies, their encounter with racism, and the internal conflicts between authoritarian leadership and democracy. I began with an overview of Manifest Destiny and the German myth of the East. Next, I summed up the deep changes that the First World War caused for both societies and how they went into the Great Depression. I examined the rise of scientific racism as part of the international eugenics movement and the emergence of populist leaders during the economic crisis. It became clear that neither expansionism nor racism were genuine German ideologies. In fact, the American Manifest Destiny served as a role-model for German plans in the East. Even the racist concepts of the Third Reich were strongly influenced by American scientists. The main difference seems to be the experience with the First World War and the diversity of American protest during the crisis.

Ce mémoire porte sur les représentations de la masculinité traumatisée dans le cinéma expressionniste allemand. Le traumatisme de la Première Guerre mondiale occasionne, en Allemagne, l’ébranlement des identités genrées individuelles et de l’identité masculine nationale. Par le biais de l’analyse de cinq films expressionnistes (Das Cabinet des Dr Caligari, Robert Wiene, 1920 ; Nosferatu, Wilhelm Murnau, 1922; Die Nibelungen, Fritz Lang, 1924 ; Orlacs Hände, Robert Wiene, 1924 ; Metropolis, Fritz Lang, 1927), le présent mémoire étudie à la fois l’expression du genre, du traumatisme et de l’Histoire nationale. Nous y envisagerons l’image filmique comme un lieu de conflits et de compromis. C’est particulièrement par le biais des enjeux de contrôle, des corps et de leur économie et des dynamiques d’agentivité dans les rapports hommes-femmes que se manifeste l’ébranlement de la masculinité allemande d’après-guerre. Si certaines œuvres confrontent les anxiétés masculines de l’époque en traitant frontalement des traumatismes liés à la guerre et au bouleversement de la place de l’homme dans la société d’après-guerre, d’autres s’appliquent plutôt à rétablir une masculinité d’avant-guerre par l’expression de fantasmes nationaux et individuels de pouvoir et de virilité. En privilégiant une approche psychanalytique du cinéma, ce mémoire s’intéresse notamment aux mécanismes de défense qui transparaissent dans les œuvres. Il s’agit, tout compte fait, de comprendre comment le cinéma négocie avec le genre suite au traumatisme, et comment la temporalité peut influencer cette négociation. / This thesis focuses on representations of traumatized masculinity in German Expressionism. In Germany, trauma caused by the First World War unsettled individual gender identities and upset national conceptions of male identity. The thesis examines issues of gender, trauma and national history in five Expressionist films (Das Cabinet des Dr Caligari, Robert Wiene, 1920; Nosferatu, Wilhelm Murnau, 1922; Die Nibelungen, Fritz Lang, 1924; Orlacs Hände, Robert Wiene, 1924; Metropolis, Fritz Lang, 1927). These films comprise notable embodiments of conflict and compromise. It is argued that the disruption of German masculinity after the war registers in them by way of issues related to control, corporeality and gender relations. Contemporary anxieties about masculinity are tackled differently in the films, with some directly addressing themes of war trauma, emasculation and the postwar disruption to men’s traditional social roles and others seek to re-establish pre-war notions of manhood through expressing national and individual fantasies of power and virility. Drawing on a psychoanalytic approach to cinema, this thesis examines how defence mechanisms operate in the films. Key aims are to understand how Expressionist cinema addresses the impact of trauma on masculine identity and also how its approach to articulating trauma shifts through time.

<p>Slutgiltigt godkännandedatum: 2022-10-03</p>

Die Dissertation ist dem politischen Denken Max Schelers gewidmet. Die Darstellung und Analyse von Schelers politischem Denken zwischen Kaiserreich und Weimarer Republik ist um die zentralen Begriffe Wert und Elite strukturiert. Schelers Bemühen um eine Stabilisierung der politisch-gesellschaftlichen Verhältnisse mit metapolitischen Mitteln ist das Resultat seiner Zeitdiagnostik. Er warnt angesichts der Entwicklung zu einer individualistischen Gesellschaft vor den damit einhergehenden Dissoziierungstendenzen. Seine Überlegungen zur Elite ziehen sich wie ein roter Faden durch sein Werk und prägen sein Politikverständnis. Durch die synchrone und diachrone Darstellungsweise wird der Umkreis jener elitetheoretischer Erörterungen einbezogen, die bis heute der Ausgangspunkt mancher Diskurse bilden. Entgegen der Tendenz den komplexen Elitebegriff der stratifizierten Gesellschaft, in der Macht-, Funktions- und Wertelite koinzidierten, auf seine funktionale Komponente zu reduzieren, in der Funktion und Leistung von Werten und Orientierung entkoppelt werden, hält Scheler an dem komplexen Elitebegriff fest und erklärt insbesondere die Bedeutung von Wertvermittlung und Sinnstiftung zum Nukleus seines Elitebegriffs. / This dissertation is dedicated to Max Scheler's political thinking. The representation and analysis of Scheler's political thinking between German Empire and Weimar Republic is structured around the central concepts of value and elite. Scheler's endeavour to stabilize the political and social conditions by meta-political means comes as the result of his time-diagnosis warning of dissociation tendencies that come along with the development towards an individualistic society. Reflections on elite is the central theme of his work and mark his concept of politics. The synchronic and diachronic reprensentation involves the vicinity of those theoretical elite discussions that even today form the basis of some discourses. Contrary to the tendency to reduce the complex elite concept of stratified society, in which elite of power, function and value coincided, to its functional component, in which function and performance are being uncoupled from value and orientation, Scheler sticks to the complex concept of elite and particularly emphasizes the meaning of imparting value and sense as the nucleus of his elite term.