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In response to an increase of school shootings, America has seen public outcry for safer schools and the implementation of get-tough discipline policies that remove students who pose threats of violence to the safe school environment. One response to the increased rate of violence was the implementation of the Gun-Free Schools Act (GFSA). Criticism of these policies grew, unintended outcomes undermined their implementation, and research data supporting their effectiveness were lacking. The legislature sought to address issues relating to discretion in implementation, due process rights, mandatory expulsion language, and alternative education placement. This study sought to trace the evolution of GFSA legislation in Virginia. Selected sponsors of GFSA and patrons were identified and interviewed to learn their perceptions of goals and outcomes of legislation prohibiting the possession of weapons on school grounds. Interview questions sought to identify key factors that were considered throughout the legislative process. Interviews were recorded and transcribed. Interview data were analyzed using QSR NVIVO 9, data analysis software. The research design incorporated the collection and analysis of extant information, as well as the use of open-ended interviews with selected policymakers in the Commonwealth of Virginia. Emerging themes were described, categorized, and analyzed within the structure of a historical timeline of the GFSA legislation. Non-legislative documents were analyzed to add support to the interview findings and legislative analysis. Twelve themes emerged, which were supported in the review of non-legislative documents and in legislative documents. The legislative intent was reinforced in the literature and in the interviews. A review of these data led this researcher to conclude that the General Assembly came full circle and virtually reversed the initial requirements for zero-tolerance discipline policies. Continued study is recommended to trace how the General Assembly ameliorates racial inequity, increased drop-out rates, increased criminalization, and other harsh and unintended consequences of GFSA legislation in the Commonwealth. / Ed. D.

The aim of this study was to explore how harm reduction methods are perceived by Swedish social workers working with treatment of substance abuse. In doing so, qualitative research method with semi-structured interviews was conducted with five social workers practicing within the social services adult unit from three different municipalities in mid-Sweden. The gathered data was analyzed through the perspective of the two related theoretical frameworks of social constructionism and discourse theory. The result revealed diverse perceptions and perspectives regarding harm reduction methods which both were conflicted between participants and within the participants. Methods practiced in Sweden were to a large degree perceived as positive. Perceptions regarding methods outside of Sweden were to a large degree split between an overall negative perception and a conflicted perception between negative views on the legitimization of drugs and positive perceptions regarding preventive positive outcomes. From the chosen theoretical framework, The participating social workers’ perceptions appeared to be influenced by experience, social context, and a prohibitionist discourse on drug abuse that has since long been predominant in Sweden.

Due to increasing media focus, there has been growing concern that U.S. students and the school environment are increasingly violent, leading the public to believe that school discipline should become more strict and punitive (Giroux 2003; Schept, Wall, & Brisman 2014). However, scholars argue that there is little evidence that current practices of school discipline have made the school environment safer, but instead have criminalized the school and are disproportionately targeting students of color and disabled students (Beger 2002; Civil Rights Project 2000; Gregory, Skiba, & Noguera 2010; Hirschfield 2008; McNeal & Dunbar 2010; U.S. Government Office of Accountability 2018). The expansion of zero-tolerance policies and the surveillance culture in schools have played a large role in the creation of the school-to-prison pipeline, in which students are increasingly being suspended and expelled from school and coming in contact with the juvenile justice system. This research explores the relation that zero tolerance policies function as the neoliberal social control mechanism to control students who are seen to have “no market value and [are] identified as flawed consumers because of their associations with crime and poverty, redundancy and expendability” (Sellers & Arrigo 2018, p. 66). Zero-tolerance policies function as the latest manifestation of capitalist reconstitution of educational institutions, through curricula, student conduct codes, disciplinary procedures, and the hidden curriculum, constructed of the language of capitalism, disproportionately targeting students of color (Bowles & Gintis 2011). A series of OLS regression analyses were conducted to analyze how community partners and school resource officer involvement impact the rate of suspension, expulsion, and combined school disciplinary measures using the School Survey on Crime and Safety Survey 2005-06 data. It was found that community partners and school resource officers have a positive and negative relationship with disciplinary rates. This research further substantiates that racial and ethnic minority students receive disproportionate rates of discipline.

近年來法務部提出「貪腐零容忍」（zero tolerance on corruption）的概念，期望可以型塑不容忍貪腐的社會文化，鼓勵全民踴躍參與廉政事務和勇於檢舉貪瀆，以建構廉能政府。紐西蘭在2016年全球清廉印象指數的評比中排名第一，其法務部長在接受媒體訪問時表示，可以榮獲第一的關鍵是：「推動貪腐零容忍政策。」可見在實務界，貪腐零容忍是一個跨越國界廣受使用的概念。然而，何謂貪腐零容忍？針對這個重要概念，過去雖有少數文獻提及，卻未直接說明何謂貪腐零容忍，也較少有文獻去討論民眾對於貪腐容忍的認知，若能了解民眾對於貪腐容忍的認知，便能制定相對應的政策，提高我國的競爭力。 故本研究想探究民眾對於貪腐容忍的認知、貪腐容忍對於貪腐情境的判斷及舉發意願的影響。本研究採取次級資料分析及深度訪談兩種研究方法，次級資料分析，採用於余致力、莊文忠（2016）年的在電訪調查，以臺北市的成年民眾為調查母體，採分層隨機抽樣方法調查1,069個有效樣本，調查資料經樣本代表性檢定與加權處理後進行分析，分為「貪腐零容忍」的民眾與「貪腐能容忍」的民眾，並探討受訪者對於各種具體貪腐情境在判斷上的差異及對於貪腐的舉發意願。在深度訪談中，訪談了一般民眾及公務人員，共27位受訪者，期望可以藉此彌補量化統計無法了解的問題。 本研究發現，不同的人口變項對於貪腐容忍程度有差異，貪腐零容忍者與貪能容忍者對於具體貪腐情境的判斷也有不同，貪腐零容忍者較貪腐能容忍者更願意舉發貪腐。大部分民眾對於貪腐情境的判斷受到個人經驗、風俗文化及法律規範影響，大多數的民眾表示願意舉發貪腐事件但卻擔心受到報復。本研究建議可以跳脫台北市的疆界，並檢視目前不合宜的立法。 / In recent years, the Ministry of Justice has been promoting “Zero Tolerance on Corruption”, in order to create a corruption-free society, and encourage all citizens to partake in anti-corruption affairs and report corruption. In 2016, New Zealand has reclaimed top spot in global anti-corruption rankings, as a result of its zero-tolerance on bribery and corruption. Therefore, zero tolerance on corruption is a widely used notion in many countries, but it has not been fully discussed in previous academic literature. Accordingly, this study aims to explore people’s tolerance on corruption, and how they evaluate some specific situations of corruption when they self-reported that they have zero tolerance on corruption. Moreover, this study examines whether tolerance on corruption will affect people’s willingness to report corruption. This study adopted two research methods, secondary data analysis and in-depth interview. The secondary data from Yu and Juang (2016) were collected through telephone survey on 1,069 subjects, based on the stratified random sampling of adult population in Taipei City. In-depth interviews were conducted on 27 people, including government officials and general public who live in Taipei. This study finds that the demographic variables will affect tolerance on corruption. In most cases, people who self-reported they have zero tolerance on corruption have a significantly different evaluation of specific situations of corruption as compared to people who self-reported they are somewhat tolerant to corruption. People that have high willingness to report the corruption have zero tolerance on corruption. Most people are willing to report the corruption, but they worry about being retaliated.

No description available.

In recent times, the popularity and acceptance of urban art has gradually increased among residents of the community. Graffiti festivals are being arranged and large murals are beginning to be seen more and more in our cities. Graffiti has for many years been seen as a major societal problem and it has often been associated with crime. Today, graffiti is not associated to the same extent with crime among residents and it is easier to include graffiti as an art form in the public space. Graffiti can also be described as an effort to show up and express oneself in the city. Even though graffiti is more accepted today, there is still a policy in Stockholm, regarding painting and graffiti without a permit should be cleaned up within 24 hours, a so-called "zero tolerance for graffiti". Graffiti is usually illegal, although there are places where it is allowed to paint. It can be in the form of places or on so-called open or legal walls. One of the most popular places to practice graffiti in Sweden is Snösätragränd in Stockholm, which from being an old industrial area has developed into a graffiti area. In August 2020, the municipality of Stockholm began demolition of parts of the graffiti area, which has brought to the discussions about urban art as a de-prioritized art form in urban planning. There is thus a growing demand for the art form in society, but also signs of fear that it may lead to for example crime and littering. The purpose of this study is to create a deeper understanding of urban art and how urban art can be included in urban planning. It is thus important first to examine how public art is included and then understand what conditions the actors of urban art have for expressing their art in the public space. The knowledge about art in public spaces and about urban art is based on literature and research. Furthermore, the graffiti area Snösätragränd, which is currently facing demolition, has been chosen as a case study area to create a deeper understanding of the subject. The case study together with site visits, interviews and e-mail communications further contributes with a current and in-depth picture of the studied phenomenon in its context. The study concludes that there is both a need and a desire to view and express urban art in our cities. Furthermore, the study shows that the financial means for public art that exist today are insufficient to enable practitioners of urban art to perform and display their art in the public space. On the one hand, municipalities want to limit urban art with the motivation to avoid crime, on the other hand, there are also efforts to make room for artists to promote this art form. Finally, it is clear that there are different views on urban art and whether it should be included in the public space or not. The study is therefore important for understanding graffiti as an art form or a breeding ground for criminal activity. / Under senare tid har populariteten samt acceptansen för urban konst successivt ökat hos invånare i samhället. Det arrangeras bland annat olika graffitifestivaler och stora muralmålningar börjar synas mer och mer i våra städer. Graffiti har under många år setts som ett stort samhällsproblem och den har ofta associerats med kriminalitet. Idag associeras graffitti inte i lika stor utsträckning med kriminalitet bland invånarna och det är enklare att inkludera graffitti som en konstform i det offentliga rummet. Graffiti kan också beskrivas som en strävan att visa sig och yttra sig i staden. Även om graffiti idag är mer accepterat finns det fortfarande policy bland annat i Stockholm, gällande att målande och klottrande utan tillstånd ska saneras inom 24h, en så kallad ”nolltolerans för klottring”. Graffiti är oftast olagligt fast det finns ställen som det är tillåtet att måla på. Det kan vara i form av platser eller på så kallade öppna eller lagliga väggar. Ett av de mest populära ställen för att utöva graffiti i Sverige är Snösätragränd i Stockholm som från att vara ett gammalt industriområde utvecklats till ett graffitiområde. Augusti år 2020 påbörjade Stockholm stad rivningen i delarna av graffitiområdet, vilket har aktualiserat diskussionerna kring urban konst som en bortprioriterad konstform i stadsplaneringen. Det finns alltså en växande efterfrågan på konstformen inom samhället men också tecken på rädsla att det kan leda till bland annat brottslighet och nedskräpning. Syftet med denna studie är att skapa djupare förståelse för urban konst och hur urban konst kan inkluderas i stadsplaneringen. Det är således viktigt att undersöka hur offentlig konst inkluderas för att sedan förstå vilka förutsättningar den urbana konstens aktörer har för att uttrycka sin konst i det offentliga rummet. Med bakgrund av litteratur och forskning lyfts kunskap fram kring konst i offentliga rum och urban konst. Vidare har graffitiområdet Snösätragränd som idag står inför rivning, valts som fallstudieområde för att skapa djupare förståelse för ämnet. Fallstudien tillsammans med platsbesök, intervjuer och mejlkommunikation bidrar vidare med en aktuell och fördjupande bild av det studerade fenomenet i sitt sammanhang. Studiens slutsats är att det finns såväl ett behov som en önskan att beskåda och uttrycka urban konst i våra städer. Vidare visar studien på att de ekonomiska medlen för offentlig konst som finns idag är otillräckliga för att möjliggöra för utövare att uppföra och visa sin konst i det offentliga rummet. Å ena sidan vill kommuner begränsa urban konst med motivationen att undvika brottslighet, å andra sidan finns också insatser för att ge plats till konstnärer för att främja denna konstform. Det är slutligen tydligt att det finns olika åsikter om urban konst och om det bör inkluderas i det offentliga rummet. Studien är således viktig för att förstå graffiti som en konstform eller en grogrund för brottslig verksamhet.

Under senare tid har populariteten samt acceptansen för urban konst successivt ökat hos invånare i samhället. Det arrangeras bland annat olika graffitifestivaler och stora muralmålningar börjar synas mer och mer i våra städer. Graffiti har under många år setts som ett stort samhällsproblem och den har ofta associerats med kriminalitet. Idag associeras graffitti inte i lika stor utsträckning med kriminalitet bland invånarna och det är enklare att inkludera graffitti som en konstform i det offentliga rummet. Graffiti kan också beskrivas som en strävan att visa sig och yttra sig i staden. Även om graffiti idag är mer accepterat finns det fortfarande policy bland annat i Stockholm, gällande att målande och klottrande utan tillstånd ska saneras inom 24h, en så kallad ”nolltolerans för klottring”. Graffiti är oftast olagligt fast det finns ställen som det är tillåtet att måla på. Det kan vara i form av platser eller på så kallade öppna eller lagliga väggar. Ett av de mest populära ställen för att utöva graffiti i Sverige är Snösätragränd i Stockholm som från att vara ett gammalt industriområde utvecklats till ett graffitiområde. Augusti år 2020 påbörjade Stockholm stad rivningen i delarna av graffitiområdet, vilket har aktualiserat diskussionerna kring urban konst som en bortprioriterad konstform i stadsplaneringen. Det finns alltså en växande efterfrågan på konstformen inom samhället men också tecken på rädsla att det kan leda till bland annat brottslighet och nedskräpning. Syftet med denna studie är att skapa djupare förståelse för urban konst och hur urban konst kan inkluderas i stadsplaneringen. Det är således viktigt att undersöka hur offentlig konst inkluderas för att sedan förstå vilka förutsättningar den urbana konstens aktörer har för att uttrycka sin konst i det offentliga rummet. Med bakgrund av litteratur och forskning lyfts kunskap fram kring konst i offentliga rum och urban konst. Vidare har graffitiområdet Snösätragränd som idag står inför rivning, valts som fallstudieområde för att skapa djupare förståelse för ämnet. Fallstudien tillsammans med platsbesök, intervjuer och mejlkommunikation bidrar vidare med en aktuell och fördjupande bild av det studerade fenomenet i sitt sammanhang. Studiens slutsats är att det finns såväl ett behov som en önskan att beskåda och uttrycka urban konst i våra städer. Vidare visar studien på att de ekonomiska medlen för offentlig konst som finns idag är otillräckliga för att möjliggöra för utövare att uppföra och visa sin konst i det offentliga rummet. Å ena sidan vill kommuner begränsa urban konst med motivationen att undvika brottslighet, å andra sidan finns också insatser för att ge plats till konstnärer för att främja denna konstform. Det är slutligen tydligt att det finns olika åsikter om urban konst och om det bör inkluderas i det offentliga rummet. Studien är således viktig för att förstå graffiti som en konstform eller en grogrund för brottslig verksamhet. / In recent times, the popularity and acceptance of urban art has gradually increased among residents of the community. Graffiti festivals are being arranged and large murals are beginning to be seen more and more in our cities. Graffiti has for many years been seen as a major societal problem and it has often been associated with crime. Today, graffiti is not associated to the same extent with crime among residents and it is easier to include graffiti as an art form in the public space. Graffiti can also be described as an effort to show up and express oneself in the city. Even though graffiti is more accepted today, there is still a policy in Stockholm, regarding painting and graffiti without a permit should be cleaned up within 24 hours, a so-called "zero tolerance for graffiti". Graffiti is usually illegal, although there are places where it is allowed to paint. It can be in the form of places or on so-called open or legal walls. One of the most popular places to practice graffiti in Sweden is Snösätragränd in Stockholm, which from being an old industrial area has developed into a graffiti area. In August 2020, the municipality of Stockholm began demolition of parts of the graffiti area, which has brought to the discussions about urban art as a de-prioritized art form in urban planning. There is thus a growing demand for the art form in society, but also signs of fear that it may lead to for example crime and littering. The purpose of this study is to create a deeper understanding of urban art and how urban art can be included in urban planning. It is thus important first to examine how public art is included and then understand what conditions the actors of urban art have for expressing their art in the public space. The knowledge about art in public spaces and about urban art is based on literature and research. Furthermore, the graffiti area Snösätragränd, which is currently facing demolition, has been chosen as a case study area to create a deeper understanding of the subject. The case study together with site visits, interviews and e-mail communications further contributes with a current and in-depth picture of the studied phenomenon in its context. The study concludes that there is both a need and a desire to view and express urban art in our cities. Furthermore, the study shows that the financial means for public art that exist today are insufficient to enable practitioners of urban art to perform and display their art in the public space. On the one hand, municipalities want to limit urban art with the motivation to avoid crime, on the other hand, there are also efforts to make room for artists to promote this art form. Finally, it is clear that there are different views on urban art and whether it should be included in the public space or not. The study is therefore important for understanding graffiti as an art form or a breeding ground for criminal activity.

The Swedish death rate related to narcotics is amongst the highest within the EU. The purpose of this study is to use process tracing while investigating and understanding the high death rate among people who use narcotics in Sweden. The focus is on whether the Swedish drug policy is driven by morals instead of scientific proof and asks whether morals are the main cause of the high death rate in Sweden. The study utilizes the “threshold theory” and the theory of “symbolic politics.” To do this the following questions are being answered: “How has the Swedish zero tolerance towards narcotics looked like since the 1970s until present day?” and “are there any signs to proof that the Swedish drug policy is driven more by morals than by scientific evidence, and if so, what are they?” The study also tests the hypothesis that the high death rate is related to the restrictive drug policy in Sweden. In order to answer this the study collects data and regulations from different time periods in Sweden thru a qualitative method. The study confirms that the Swedish drug policy is driven by moral while overlooking scientific proof and it is also likely that the hypothesis of the study is true.

No description available.