Shaoul et al. (2012) state that the accounting, scrutiny and oversight of Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) remain areas of concern. Also, there have been calls for a more socio-technical and multidisciplinary approach to accounting and governance studies (Broadbent, 2012; Broadbent and Guthrie 2008), especially in relation to the empirical study of PPPs (Hodge et al., 2010). This thesis responds to these calls in part by drawing on Giddens’ structuration theory to examine the financial accountability and governance concerns that are created in PPP joint venture structures. The empirical work focuses on the health sector, which is identified as one of the sectors inundated by PPP activities, particularly in the UK (Treasury, 2012; Whitfield, 2010). It adopts a case study approach, based on qualitative methodology, which involves documentary analysis of secondary data and interviews in relation to two PPP schemes under the Local Improvement Finance Trust (LIFT) scheme in the UK’s health sector.The thesis investigates: the extent to which the corporate structures of the LIFT scheme do complicate financial accountability and governance including external scrutiny; the extent to which the LIFT scheme does enhance partnership working between the public and private sector partners; the structures in financial accountability and governance in the LIFT scheme; the human agents that provide agency in financial accountability and governance in the LIFT scheme and; whether and in what ways structures and human agency in financial accountability and governance interact in the LIFT scheme and what the implications are.The thesis finds firstly that the complex corporate structure of the LIFT scheme is very complicated and the joint venture mechanism cannot be relied upon to deliver transparency of reporting. Secondly, as limited companies, all financial reporting follows private sector accounting regulations and Company Law and there is minimal disclosure in terms of information available to the general public. This is worsened by lack of information sharing between partners as evidenced in one case study group. Thirdly, there was considerable inconsistency in the reporting due to multiplicity of interpretive schemas between the two case study groups. Fourthly, there was considerable change in the reporting due both to changes in accounting regulations and changes in organisational structure and interpretive schemas throughout the period. Fifthly, there is lack of continuity of public sector oversight and monitoring as the public sector, in practice, restricts its activities to pre-operational phase and limited oversight after construction phases. Moreover, partnership working is very difficult in the context of profit seeking under the LIFT structure. Partnership working and success of the LIFT scheme may depend on trust, key personalities working together as well as leadership. From the structuration perspective, the study finds structural contradictions and conflicts of interests in financial accountability and governance practices. Therefore, transparency, public accountability, oversight and scrutiny are necessarily undermined and, policy makers should pay attention to not only the private sector technologies but also the manner in which they are used to benefit finance capital.

This research considers the place of media in society by means of a Foucaudian genealogy of welfare and neo-liberal discourse surrounding youth misconduct in two Toronto newspapers. It was found that the overall “mode of talking” about youth misconduct has shifted from welfare to neo-liberal discourse, and that resistance or critical thought surrounding current neo-liberal discourse emerges in The Globe and Mail. I explore the role of newspapers in the process of governance by analyzing these discourses in terms of Foucault’s three rationalities for “the art of government” and also by analyzing the knowledge produced or titillated and the power outcomes or effects of these discourses. It is argued that newspapers can benefit governance by reflecting, validating and perhaps even rendering current neo-liberal governmentalities more efficient, by encouraging non-government groups to assist in the management of youth misconduct.

In this study I will present an investigation conducted at two communities in the northernPeruvian highlands during the months of February and March of 2019. I applied an anthropological perspective to Communication for Development and investigated how health promotion concerning anemia was perceived by different groups (health care workers and Patients) at the communities. I applied an ethnomethodological approach and worked with an applied anthropology perspective as collected data through ethnography and semi-structured interviews throughout the communities. I found that perspectives that are hard to accommodate within dominating discourses – such as critical perspectives questioning inequality and poverty – may beless prioritized in favour of narratives that can be accommodated within a neoliberal context.Furthermore, I found that there exists a myriad of accounts of development and that development work cannot easily be accommodated within simplified dichotomies.

Ce mémoire problématise les tenants et les aboutissants de la stratégie de développement adoptée au Brésil par le Parti des travailleurs entre 2003 et 2015, appelée néodéveloppement, compte tenu de la position périphérique qu’occupe le pays dans le système international. Elle cherche à démontrer que les gouvernements du Parti des travailleurs, même en ayant assuré la protection sociale prévue par la Constitution de 1988 et réalisé des avancées sociales significatives, n’ont pas pu rompre avec la logique néolibérale, hégémonique dans le pays depuis les années 1980. À cette fin, nous reprenons la discussion sur le développement brésilien au 20e siècle, depuis l’ère Vargas (1930) jusqu’à la fin de la dictature militaire (1985). Nous discutons ensuite de la période néolibérale — qui débute au milieu des années 1980, mais se consolide dans les années 1990 — et de ses conséquences, ainsi que de la montée au pouvoir du Parti des travailleurs et de sa tentative de reprendre le développement national. Enfin, nous aborderons l’incapacité du néodéveloppementalisme à générer des changements réels par rapport au néolibéralisme, car non seulement il cherche à se réconcilier avec la logique hégémonique actuelle, mais la renforce. / This dissertation problematizes the ins and outs of the development strategy adopted in Brazil by the Workers' Party between 2003 and 2015, called neo developmentalism, considering the country's peripheral position in the international system. It seeks to demonstrate that the Workers' Party governments, even though they have provided the social protection guaranteed by the 1988 Constitution and have made significant social advances, have not been able to break with the neoliberal logic that has been hegemonic in the country since the 1980s. To this end, we return to the discussion of Brazilian development in the 20th century, from the Vargas era (1930) to the end of the military dictatorship (1985). We then discuss the neo-liberal period - which began in the mid-1980s but was consolidated in the 1990s – and its consequences, as well as the rise to power of the Workers' Party and its attempt to resume national development. Finally, we discuss the impossibility of neo developmentalism being able to generate real changes with respect to neoliberalism, since it not only seeks to reconcile itself with the current hegemonic logic, but also reinforces it. / Esta dissertação visa discutir os avanços e limites da estratégia de desenvolvimento adotada no Brasil pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores entre 2003 e 2015, chamada neodesenvolvimentismo, considerando a posição periférica que o país ocupa no Sistema internacional. Procura-se demonstrar que os governos petistas, embora tenham assegurado a proteção social prevista na Constituição de 1988 e feito avanços sociais significativos, não conseguiram romper com a lógica neoliberal que tem sido hegemônica no país desde os anos 1980. Para isso, retomamos a discussão sobre desenvolvimento brasileiro no século XX, entre a Era Vargas (1930) e o fim da ditadura militar (1985). Discutimos então o período neoliberal no país – iniciado em meados dos anos 1980, mas consolidado nos anos 1990 – e suas consequências, bem como a ascensão ao poder do Partido dos Trabalhadores e sua tentativa de retomar o desenvolvimento nacional. Finalmente, discutimos sobre a impossibilidade de o desenvolvimentismo ser capaz de gerar mudanças reais em relação ao neoliberalismo, uma vez que ele não só procura conciliar-se com a lógica hegemônica atual, mas também a reforça.

Unlike many other international instruments, accession to the WTO does not simply require the commitment of the government to sign and ratify the multilateral agreements. A country needs to make considerable legislative and administrative changes to comply with the standards of the WTO and its members to finalize the negotiation for accession. For governments with impure free market economy policy the challenges amplify. The government of Ethiopia publicly pronounces its adherence to the ideology of the developmental state. On the other hand the nucleus of WTO principles is progressive trade liberalization. Therefore, this dissertation tries to provide some reflection on the paradox created as a result of the divergence in priority between WTO principles and developmental state in the context of Ethiopian desire to join the organization. The research is an interdisciplinary work. The issues that will be discussed are not purely legal in their nature. They have legal, political and economic dimensions. And the main focus of the paper is on trade in services and foreign investment negotiation aspect of the accession. Furthermore the objective of the dissertation is to give some insight for policy makers about the challenges and opportunities that „Developmental State‟ ideology will pose in the accession process of Ethiopia to the WTO. The research is divided into five chapters. Chapter one gives introductory remarks about the concept of the developmental state and accession to the WTO. The limitations of the WTO accession process and an overview of the features of developmental state in the world and particularly in Ethiopia are also briefly discussed in the chapter. The origin and concept of developmental state in the world, in Africa and Ethiopia is discussed in some detail under chapter two. The chapter also tries to show the impact of developmental state policies in the laws of the country that are going to be deliberated in the process of accession. Chapter three is about accession to the WTO. In this chapter the requirements, benefits, challenges and procedures of accession are dealt in depth. The writer debates and tries to show the fact that the system is slowly shifting from rule based negotiation to power and precedent based negotiation. By analyzing the laws of Ethiopia that are inspired by the principles of developmental state against the legal and precedent requirements to join the WTO, I tried to correlate the findings of chapter two and three in chapter four. Specific strategies and advises on how to move the negotiation forward on certain areas are also outlined in this chapter. Finally, conclusion and my summarized recommendations are placed under chapter five. / Economics / LL.M (with specialization in International Economic Law)

During the year 2007 when this thesis was completed the European Union could look back at fifty years of collaboration, which began with the signing of the Treaty of Rome in 1957 and which has developed from being mainly economic in character to incorporating a political as well as a social dimension at the European level. In 2007 the European Union also commemorated the twentieth anniversary of Erasmus, its higher education mobility programme. It is this relatively new political dimension which I have been interested in investigating in this thesis. More precisely, it is the political construction of a common European identity which is analysed using a critical discourse analysis approach. The major aim of this thesis has been two-fold. The first aim has been to investigate how the European is constructed in the discourse contained within the official European Union documents. I have been interested in analysing the various structures, in the form of ideas and norms which are used to construct 'the European'. The second aim has been to explore whether the role of higher educated, as constructed in the official European Union discourse, is given a similar identity-making role as education is argued to have in the nation-state according to the theory on national identity. I argue that there are three versions of European identity construction, i.e. cultural, civic, and neo-liberal, with their own relationship to higher education, present in the empirical material analysed, consisting of official European Union documents. Further, this thesis is also a study of the power of modern government. I argue that there is an increase in normative soft power where 'the Good European' is not something 'you' are but something 'you' become by being a responsible active citizen. Through the use of critical discourse analysis I illuminate the power which resides in the language in the discourse analysed. Thus, I have been interested in investigating how the discourse analysed works to both include and exclude individuals. / Under 2007 då denna avhandling färdigställdes kunde den Europeiska Unionen se tillbaka på femtio år av samarbete som började med Romfördraget 1957 och som har utvecklats från att vara framförallt ekonomiskt till att även behandla politiska och sociala frågor på den europeiska nivån. År 2007 firade den Europeiska Unionen även tjugoårsjubileet för Erasmus, sitt program för rörlighet inom högre utbildning. Det är denna relativt nya politiska dimension som jag har varit intresserad av att undersöka i avhandlingen. Närmare bestämt, det är den politiska konstruktionen av en gemensam europeisk identitet som analyseras med hjälp av kritisk diskurs analys. Syftet med avhandlingen har varit tvådelat. Det första syftet har varit att undersöka hur europén skapas i diskursen som finns att finna i officiella EU policy dokument. Jag har varit intresserad av att analysera de olika strukturer, i form av idéer och normer som används för att konstruera 'europén'. Det andra syftet har varit att undersöka om högre utbildning, som den konstrueras i den officiella EU diskursen, har samma identitetsskapande roll som utbildning sägs ha i nationalstaten enligt nationell identitetsteori. Jag påstår att det finns tre versioner av europeisk identitet, i.e. kulturell, politisk och neoliberal, var och en med sin egen relation till högre utbildning, i det empiriska materialet, bestående av officiella EU dokument, som har undersökts. Dessutom, avhandlingen är en studie av den makt som är del av modernt styrande. Jag påstår att det har varit en ökning då det gäller 'mjuk. makt där en 'God Europé' inte är något 'du' är utan något 'du' blir genom att vara en ansvarstagande aktiv medborgare. Genom kritisk diskursanalys belyser jag uttrycken av makt som finns att finnas i den diskurs jag analyserar. Med andra ord, jag har varit intresserad av att undersöka hur den analyserade diskursen både inkluderar och exkluderar individer.

Unlike many other international instruments, accession to the WTO does not simply require the commitment of the government to sign and ratify the multilateral agreements. A country needs to make considerable legislative and administrative changes to comply with the standards of the WTO and its members to finalize the negotiation for accession. For governments with impure free market economy policy the challenges amplify. The government of Ethiopia publicly pronounces its adherence to the ideology of the developmental state. On the other hand the nucleus of WTO principles is progressive trade liberalization. Therefore, this dissertation tries to provide some reflection on the paradox created as a result of the divergence in priority between WTO principles and developmental state in the context of Ethiopian desire to join the organization. The research is an interdisciplinary work. The issues that will be discussed are not purely legal in their nature. They have legal, political and economic dimensions. And the main focus of the paper is on trade in services and foreign investment negotiation aspect of the accession. Furthermore the objective of the dissertation is to give some insight for policy makers about the challenges and opportunities that „Developmental State‟ ideology will pose in the accession process of Ethiopia to the WTO. The research is divided into five chapters. Chapter one gives introductory remarks about the concept of the developmental state and accession to the WTO. The limitations of the WTO accession process and an overview of the features of developmental state in the world and particularly in Ethiopia are also briefly discussed in the chapter. The origin and concept of developmental state in the world, in Africa and Ethiopia is discussed in some detail under chapter two. The chapter also tries to show the impact of developmental state policies in the laws of the country that are going to be deliberated in the process of accession. Chapter three is about accession to the WTO. In this chapter the requirements, benefits, challenges and procedures of accession are dealt in depth. The writer debates and tries to show the fact that the system is slowly shifting from rule based negotiation to power and precedent based negotiation. By analyzing the laws of Ethiopia that are inspired by the principles of developmental state against the legal and precedent requirements to join the WTO, I tried to correlate the findings of chapter two and three in chapter four. Specific strategies and advises on how to move the negotiation forward on certain areas are also outlined in this chapter. Finally, conclusion and my summarized recommendations are placed under chapter five. / Economics / LL. M. (with specialization in International Economic Law)

Diese Dissertation demonstriert, inwiefern historisch gewachsene Strukturen sozialer Hierarchie in einer Gemeinschaft aufrechterhalten werden, während sie zugleich unterschiedliche legalisierende Rechtfertigungen und rechtlich vertretbare Erscheinungsbilder angenommen haben. Im ersten Kapitel zeige ich, dass das zeitgenössische egalitäre Prinzip der Chancengleichheit (FEO) und seine Anwendung, im Zusammenspiel mit Meritokratie, dazu führt, dass aufgrund sozialer Hierarchien existierende Unterschiede über die Zeit hinweg in politisch legitimierbare sozioökonomische Ungleichheiten übersetzt werden. Ich nähere mich dem zugrunde liegenden Mechanismus der weiterbestehenden Ungleichheit durch die Verwendung von Bourdieus Theorie der symbolischen Herrschaft und Gewalt. Er erklärt, dass auf der Grundlage der Meritokratie individuelle soziale Positionen als direkte Folgen individueller Leistungen missverstanden werden und so die Existenz sozialer Ungleichheit gerechtfertigt wird. Der Glaube an fairen sozialen Wettbewerb kann demnach dazu beitragen, existierende Strukturen sozialer Hierarchien hinter der Logik von Gleichheit und Freiheit zu verdecken. Ein Fischerdof in Japan stellt die empirische Grundlage meiner Thesis dar. Die alles überspannende Forschungsfrage lautet: Ist das Konzept vom Leben, eingebettet in FEO internalisiert und wird es von Individuen befolgt, um die existierenden Strukturen sozialer Ungleichheit der Gesellschaft zu bewahren, in der sie leben? Meine empirische Studie zeigt, dass die schon in der feudalen Ära mächtigsten Familien auch jetzt die höchsten sozialen Positionen innerhalb des Gemeinschaftsbildungsprojekts innehaben. Zudem verkennen sowohl die mächtigsten als auch die marginalisiertesten Bewohner des Dorfes ihre soziale Position innerhalb der Gemeinschaft als direkte Resultate ihres individuellen Handelns und ihrer daraus entstehenden Leistungen, haben dabei aber keinerlei bewusste Intention die feudale Machthierarchie aufrecht zu erhalten. / This doctoral research demonstrates how the structures of social hierarchy of the past have been perpetuated while acquiring different justifications and appearances in a legally justifiable manner. In the first chapter, I demonstrate that the commonly used egalitarian principle in today’s society, namely Fair Equality of Opportunity, hand in hand with meritocracy, functions as a translator of the existing structures of social hierarchy into politically justifiable disparities between individuals. I approach the un-derlying mechanism of persisting inequality by using the theory of symbolic domination proposed by Pierre Bourdieu. He explains that the existence of social inequality is justified because individual social positions are misrecognised as being the direct results of individual achievements via meritocracy. Widespread belief in fair social competition can thus contribute to concealing existing structures of social hierarchy behind the logic of equality and freedom. My thesis is empirically based on a rural fishing village in Japan. The overarching research question is: Is a concept of life as being the direct result of personal achievements internalised and acted upon by individuals to perpetuate the existing structure of social inequality in the society in which they live? My empirical study shows that the families that were powerful during the feudal era now occupy the highest social positions in the community-building project. Furthermore, both the powerful and the marginalised members of the local society accept their social positions in the community as being the direct results of their own individual achievements, without any conscious intention to perpetuate the feudal hierarchy of power. Given these affirmative answers to my research question, hermeneutically, I establish the explanatory power of my theoretical framework.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alberio Neves Filho.pdf: 1997150 bytes, checksum: 566d8ff8b3c8f13ffb17e050d94da052 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-28 / Following doctoral thesis developed in terms of qualification project of post-graduate studies program in social sciences from the Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo. The goal of the thesis presented here is to examine the political assumptions expressed in macroeconomic models of the International Monetary Fund adjustment and the political conditions necessary for its implementation, in the period 1980-2008. And justifications to develop a work of this nature were provided both by the recognized critical social and economic effects, as the current theoretical controversies existing on the pertinence of such programs and the reasons that led the IMF to promote macroeconomic policy, contained therein. The hypothesis explored here is that macroeconomic adjustment programmes developed and deployed by the IMF, indifferently applied in the various national economies and after the period of the so-called debt crisis, sought to make and was a result of complying with regulatory rules and symbolic imposed at the time and throughout the period in which gives the ownership of real resources in the Central States, by class of bankers. From this point of view, this change produced a rearrangement within the economic and political theories in use by the Fund, implying several attempts on your part, to the economic reconstruction of the most basic postulates, which formed the action parameter to the institution, in the long period from after World War II. The theoretical-methodological aspects are developed here, first, use of the postulates laid by M. DOBB on the SCHUMPETER s contribution towards the understanding of macroeconomic models as a political instrument design and ideological. Second, it uses the reading confirms M. BLAUG in the same sense that economic analysis models, hide, without rejecting their premises heuristics. It is used also of a long tradition, revived by K. MARX and not closed in this, which affirms the relevance of politics as the vehicle through which theoretical models, concepts and assumptions are thought of as fed by historical contexts and, at the same time will be part of the consolidation symbolic or not, these same contexts. When such theoretical-methodological aspects are applied to that working hypothesis to explain the study results and understand that the adjustment programmes of the International Monetary Fund and the evidence of their policies have had significant effects, to confirm it, about the current trend financialisation of the world capitalism. If correct, the exposed, lighten and contribute to the understanding of these issues were addressed in the body of work now submitted / Segue Tese de Doutorado desenvolvido nos termos do projeto de qualificação do Programa de Estudos Pósgraduados em Ciências Sociais da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo. O objetivo da tese ora apresentada é o de examinar os pressupostos políticos expressos nos modelos macroeconômicos de ajuste do Fundo Monetário Internacional e as condições políticas necessárias à sua efetivação, no período de 1980-2008. E as justificativas para desenvolver um trabalho dessa natureza foram fornecidas tanto pelos reconhecidos efeitos críticos, sociais e econômicos, provenientes da incorporação desses programas pelas economias nacionais, quanto pelas atuais controvérsias teóricas existentes sobre a pertinência desses programas e as razões que levaram o Fundo Monetário a promover a política macroeconômica, neles contidos. A hipótese aqui trabalhada é que os programas macroeconômicos de ajuste desenvolvidos e implantados pelo FMI, indiferentemente aplicado nas diversas economias nacionais e após o período da chamada crise da dívida, buscou viabilizar e foi resultado do atendimento às regras normativas e simbólicas instituídas no momento e ao longo do período no qual se dá a apropriação dos recursos reais nos Estados Centrais, pela classe dos banqueiros. E esta apropriação dos recursos reais por essa classe significou, por seu lado, o rompimento da coalização política do pós-guerra, onde o Estado de Bem-Estar Social tomou corpo, induzindo a uma mudança histórica genuína para a efetivação de um novo tempo histórico. Desse ponto de vista, essa mudança produziu um rearranjo no interior das teorias políticas e econômicas em uso pelo Fundo, implicando em diversas tentativas, de sua parte, para a reconstrução dos postulados econômicos os mais básicos, os quais serviram de parâmetro de ação para a instituição, no longo período do após a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Ocorre que, nesse momento no qual aparentava sua maior vitalidade com intervenções nas diversas economias nacionais, assistiu-se, isso sim, a uma crise de legitimidade em sua ação e em seus postulados teóricos, induzida por aquelas mudanças mais gerais, que travaram sua melhor atuação. Assim, um dos focos da tese será o de demonstrar, justamente, como essas mudanças se deram no FMI. Os aspectos teórico-metodológicos aqui desenvolvidos fazem uso, primeiro, das postulações lançadas por M. DOBB acerca da contribuição de J. SCHUMPETER no sentido da compreensão dos modelos macroeconômicos como uma concepção e instrumento de natureza política ideológica. Segundo, utiliza-se da leitura confirmativa de M. BLAUG no mesmo sentido de que os modelos de análise econômica ocultam, sem rejeitar, suas premissas heurísticas. Estas serão trazidas para o interior das concepções e modelos teóricos que balizam os modelos analíticos e operacionais dando suporte para as proposições macro microeconômicas e aparecem, nesses modelos, na forma de uma intromissão de ideologias, valores e interesses políticos, dentro dos programas e das sugestões de políticas econômicas, em geral. Terceiro, utiliza-se de uma larga tradição, reavivada por K. MARX e não encerrada com este, que afirma a pertinência da política como o veículo por onde modelos teóricos, concepções e pressuposições são pensadas como alimentadas pelos contextos históricos e, em simultâneo será parte da consolidação simbólica, ou não, desses mesmos contextos. Quando tais aspectos teórico-metodológicos são aplicados àquela hipótese de trabalho o resultado obtido permitiu explicar e compreender que os programas de ajustes do Fundo Monetário e as evidências de suas políticas surtiram efeitos significativos, ao confirmá-la, sobre a atual tendência financerizada do capitalismo mundial. Mas, ao final, constituindo-se no veículo para a expansão, a partir das economias centrais para as demais economias de industrialização tardia, desses novos interesses da classe dos financistas o FMI teve sua atuação histórica, em seus termos originais, esgotada. Se correto o exposto, conseguiu-se clarear e contribuir no entendimento dessas questões, tratadas no corpo do trabalho ora apresentado

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alberio Neves Filho.pdf: 1997150 bytes, checksum: 566d8ff8b3c8f13ffb17e050d94da052 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-28 / Following doctoral thesis developed in terms of qualification project of post-graduate studies program in social sciences from the Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo. The goal of the thesis presented here is to examine the political assumptions expressed in macroeconomic models of the International Monetary Fund adjustment and the political conditions necessary for its implementation, in the period 1980-2008. And justifications to develop a work of this nature were provided both by the recognized critical social and economic effects, as the current theoretical controversies existing on the pertinence of such programs and the reasons that led the IMF to promote macroeconomic policy, contained therein. The hypothesis explored here is that macroeconomic adjustment programmes developed and deployed by the IMF, indifferently applied in the various national economies and after the period of the so-called debt crisis, sought to make and was a result of complying with regulatory rules and symbolic imposed at the time and throughout the period in which gives the ownership of real resources in the Central States, by class of bankers. From this point of view, this change produced a rearrangement within the economic and political theories in use by the Fund, implying several attempts on your part, to the economic reconstruction of the most basic postulates, which formed the action parameter to the institution, in the long period from after World War II. The theoretical-methodological aspects are developed here, first, use of the postulates laid by M. DOBB on the SCHUMPETER s contribution towards the understanding of macroeconomic models as a political instrument design and ideological. Second, it uses the reading confirms M. BLAUG in the same sense that economic analysis models, hide, without rejecting their premises heuristics. It is used also of a long tradition, revived by K. MARX and not closed in this, which affirms the relevance of politics as the vehicle through which theoretical models, concepts and assumptions are thought of as fed by historical contexts and, at the same time will be part of the consolidation symbolic or not, these same contexts. When such theoretical-methodological aspects are applied to that working hypothesis to explain the study results and understand that the adjustment programmes of the International Monetary Fund and the evidence of their policies have had significant effects, to confirm it, about the current trend financialisation of the world capitalism. If correct, the exposed, lighten and contribute to the understanding of these issues were addressed in the body of work now submitted / Segue Tese de Doutorado desenvolvido nos termos do projeto de qualificação do Programa de Estudos Pósgraduados em Ciências Sociais da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo. O objetivo da tese ora apresentada é o de examinar os pressupostos políticos expressos nos modelos macroeconômicos de ajuste do Fundo Monetário Internacional e as condições políticas necessárias à sua efetivação, no período de 1980-2008. E as justificativas para desenvolver um trabalho dessa natureza foram fornecidas tanto pelos reconhecidos efeitos críticos, sociais e econômicos, provenientes da incorporação desses programas pelas economias nacionais, quanto pelas atuais controvérsias teóricas existentes sobre a pertinência desses programas e as razões que levaram o Fundo Monetário a promover a política macroeconômica, neles contidos. A hipótese aqui trabalhada é que os programas macroeconômicos de ajuste desenvolvidos e implantados pelo FMI, indiferentemente aplicado nas diversas economias nacionais e após o período da chamada crise da dívida, buscou viabilizar e foi resultado do atendimento às regras normativas e simbólicas instituídas no momento e ao longo do período no qual se dá a apropriação dos recursos reais nos Estados Centrais, pela classe dos banqueiros. E esta apropriação dos recursos reais por essa classe significou, por seu lado, o rompimento da coalização política do pós-guerra, onde o Estado de Bem-Estar Social tomou corpo, induzindo a uma mudança histórica genuína para a efetivação de um novo tempo histórico. Desse ponto de vista, essa mudança produziu um rearranjo no interior das teorias políticas e econômicas em uso pelo Fundo, implicando em diversas tentativas, de sua parte, para a reconstrução dos postulados econômicos os mais básicos, os quais serviram de parâmetro de ação para a instituição, no longo período do após a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Ocorre que, nesse momento no qual aparentava sua maior vitalidade com intervenções nas diversas economias nacionais, assistiu-se, isso sim, a uma crise de legitimidade em sua ação e em seus postulados teóricos, induzida por aquelas mudanças mais gerais, que travaram sua melhor atuação. Assim, um dos focos da tese será o de demonstrar, justamente, como essas mudanças se deram no FMI. Os aspectos teórico-metodológicos aqui desenvolvidos fazem uso, primeiro, das postulações lançadas por M. DOBB acerca da contribuição de J. SCHUMPETER no sentido da compreensão dos modelos macroeconômicos como uma concepção e instrumento de natureza política ideológica. Segundo, utiliza-se da leitura confirmativa de M. BLAUG no mesmo sentido de que os modelos de análise econômica ocultam, sem rejeitar, suas premissas heurísticas. Estas serão trazidas para o interior das concepções e modelos teóricos que balizam os modelos analíticos e operacionais dando suporte para as proposições macro microeconômicas e aparecem, nesses modelos, na forma de uma intromissão de ideologias, valores e interesses políticos, dentro dos programas e das sugestões de políticas econômicas, em geral. Terceiro, utiliza-se de uma larga tradição, reavivada por K. MARX e não encerrada com este, que afirma a pertinência da política como o veículo por onde modelos teóricos, concepções e pressuposições são pensadas como alimentadas pelos contextos históricos e, em simultâneo será parte da consolidação simbólica, ou não, desses mesmos contextos. Quando tais aspectos teórico-metodológicos são aplicados àquela hipótese de trabalho o resultado obtido permitiu explicar e compreender que os programas de ajustes do Fundo Monetário e as evidências de suas políticas surtiram efeitos significativos, ao confirmá-la, sobre a atual tendência financerizada do capitalismo mundial. Mas, ao final, constituindo-se no veículo para a expansão, a partir das economias centrais para as demais economias de industrialização tardia, desses novos interesses da classe dos financistas o FMI teve sua atuação histórica, em seus termos originais, esgotada. Se correto o exposto, conseguiu-se clarear e contribuir no entendimento dessas questões, tratadas no corpo do trabalho ora apresentado