This Master Thesis was written at the Graduate Program in History (UFSM) and its main topic is the power relations and the support for the 1964 Civil-Military Coup from the Legislative Assembly of Rio Grande do Sul. Therefore, the research subject is the Legislature elected to State Parliament in 1962 – which was in its mandate in 1964 – and whose members we consider as Rio Grande do Sul political elite. We seek to analyze the political positioning by Assembly members regarding the political process experienced in Brazil in the 1960s; therefore, profiles of the parliamentarians were created, as well as a comparison between profiles of both groups: in opposition of the Coup and in support of the Coup. Therewith, we intend to show the profiles of the civilian supporters of the Coup, besides the profiles of the ones in opposition. In order to do this, two methodologies were used in different moments: prosopography, which was used to create the profiles of the parliamentarians, and sources, which were the parliamentarians‟ records, acquired at Memorial do Rio Grande do Sul, Correio do Povo and Zero Hora newspapers and the Brazilian Biographical-Historical Dictionary. Besides, content analysis was the methodology used for the examination of the political debate in the Assembly Annals. / A presente dissertação foi realizada junto ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, do Centro de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da UFSM e tem por tema as relações de poder e o apoio ao Golpe Civil-Militar de 1964 na Assembleia Legislativa do Rio Grande do Sul. Devido a isso, tem-se por objeto de pesquisa a Legislatura eleita em 1962 – e que por conta disso estava no exercício de seu mandato em 1964 – para o Parlamento Estadual, cujos membros consideramos como elite política gaúcha. Procura-se analisar as posições políticas tomadas pelos membros da Assembleia frente ao processo político vivido pelo Brasil na década de 1960, mais especificamente em relação ao Golpe de 1964; foi realizada, assim, a elaboração de um perfil dos parlamentares da legislatura, bem como a comparação entre o perfil dos dois grupos que se formaram na oposição e no apoio ao Golpe. Pretende-se com isso, demonstrar o perfil dos civis que apoiaram o Golpe, além do perfil dos que se opuseram, para além das filiações partidárias. Para tanto, duas metodologias foram utilizadas em momentos distintos: a prosopografia foi empregada para a elaboração do perfil dos parlamentares, e as fontes desse momento da pesquisa foram as fichas parlamentares do Memorial do Legislativo do RS, edições dos jornais Correio do Povo e Zero Hora e o Dicionário Histórico-Biográfico Brasileiro; de outra parte a análise de conteúdo foi a metodologia empregada para o exame do debate político nos Anais da Assembleia.

Submitted by Marlene Santos (marlene.bc.ufg@gmail.com) on 2016-06-08T18:25:39Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Camila de Jesus Silva - 2016.pdf: 1834874 bytes, checksum: af0326200ae3e1ae9c431880024c2170 (MD5) license_rdf: 19874 bytes, checksum: 38cb62ef53e6f513db2fb7e337df6485 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-06-09T11:29:33Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Camila de Jesus Silva - 2016.pdf: 1834874 bytes, checksum: af0326200ae3e1ae9c431880024c2170 (MD5) license_rdf: 19874 bytes, checksum: 38cb62ef53e6f513db2fb7e337df6485 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-09T11:29:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Camila de Jesus Silva - 2016.pdf: 1834874 bytes, checksum: af0326200ae3e1ae9c431880024c2170 (MD5) license_rdf: 19874 bytes, checksum: 38cb62ef53e6f513db2fb7e337df6485 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Our work aims to understand the role of the Ação Popular militancy in the state of Goiás, throughout its entire history, that starts in 1963 and ends in early 1972, due to the close in siege to the Brazilian New Left organizations by the repression agencies at the service of the Military Dictatorship. On this purpose, from the common ideological basis leading to the emergence and development of the organization in several states of Brazil, as the Liberation Christianity, the National People's minds and the Political Party, we seek to understand, not only the similarities expressed by the party, in the region, in relation to its political axis, but mainly its peculiarities. In order to properly Investigate the whole activity of these political subjects, we used the official documents issued by the information intelligence services, linked to the State Terrorism system, supported by the Brazilian military regime, but mostly to oral sources from interviews gave to the author herself. From the analysis of documentary sources, we seek to determine the impact which have had many external processes, for example the Coup in 1964, always questioning the influence of everlasting changes in policy guidance by the national leadership and how it was applied, fully or partially, the Ação Popular, in Goiás. / A nossa pesquisa visa compreender a atuação da militância da Ação Popular, no estado de Goiás, durante toda a sua trajetória, esta que inicia-se em 1963 e encerra-se no início de 1972, devido ao fechamento do cerco às organizações da Nova Esquerda brasileira por parte dos órgãos de repressão à serviço da Ditadura Militar. Diante de tal objetivo, à partir das bases ideológicas comuns que suscitaram o surgimento e desenvolvimento da organização nos vários estados do Brasil, como o Cristianismo da Libertação, o ideário Nacional Popular e o Partido Político, procuramos perceber não apenas as semelhanças manifestadas pelo partido, na região, em relação ao seu eixo político, mas principalmente as suas particularidades. À fim de averiguarmos devidamente o conjunto da atividade desses sujeitos políticos, recorremos aos documentos oficiais expedidos pelos serviços de inteligência informação, vinculados ao sistema de Terrorismo de Estado, sustentado pelo Regime Militar brasileiro, mas principalmente às fontes orais provenientes de entrevistas concedidas à própria autora. À partir da análise dessas fontes documentais, buscamos apurar a repercussão que surtiram diversos processos externos, por exemplo o Golpe de 1964, sempre questionando a influência da constante mudança de orientação política por parte da direção nacional e como ela foi aplicada, plena ou parcialmente, na Ação Popular, em Goiás.

A 435 km da cidade de São Paulo, longe dos grandes centros, em São José do Rio Preto, o Golpe Militar de 1964 também se manifestou. No dia 1º de Abril de 1964, os interventores estavam a postos dentro da Faculdade Isolada de São José do Rio Preto, hoje UNESP. Isso porque desde o final dos anos 1950, uma intensa movimentação cultural acontecia. De lá partiam anseios reais e objetivos com relação à educação pública de qualidade, alfabetização de adultos, reforma universitária e conscientização do povo através da arte. Os responsáveis por esses movimentos eram os integrantes do grupo de teatro amador GRUTA, criado pelo Professor Orestes Nigro, que surgiu como uma alternativa cultural aos estudantes.Estabelecendo intercâmbio com artistas consagrados, se apresentava nas cidades da região e em outras universidades Isoladas do interior paulista. As atividades passaram a se articular com propostas políticas de esquerda, juntando-se, por exemplo, ao MPC (Movimento Popular de Cultura) que havia sido fundado pelo Professor Wilheim Heimer, alemão, docente da faculdade. Com a intervenção, professores e alunos envolvidos nesses movimentos foram presos. O presente trabalho, valendo-se do recurso de História Oral, busca registrar, estabelecer e analisar narrativas dos sujeitos que atuaram como educadores e alunos deste grupo, desejando contribuir para a compreensão de suas experiências e dos resultados dessa intervenção para a educação superior brasileira. / Far 435 kilometers from São Paulo, far away from big cities, in São José do Rio Preto, the Military Coup of 1964 in Brazil was demonstrated. On april , 1rst, 1964, the interventor were inside the University of São José do Rio Preto, today UNESP. This happens because since the 1950 years, an intense cultural movement was on course. There were a real and objective desire for a high quality public education, university reform and make people aware through the art. Those whom were responsible for all of this were teachers and students from a non professional theater group created by Professor Orestes Nigro, called GRUTA, and its was supposed to be a cultural alternative for the students. Anyway a intense exchange started with a lot of established artist and its group start to present the plays in other cities and other universities. The Theater group activities started to joint the proposal with left-wing groups, getting together, for example, to the MPC ( Popular Cultural Movement) that was created by Professor Wilheim Heimer, germany, a university teacher. With the Military Coup teachers and students were put in jail. This assignment, using Oral History searchs to register, to establish and to analyze the subjects oral narratives of this group, teachers and students, wishing to contribute to understand their experiences and the results of this intervine for the superior education on Brazil.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-05-15T11:47:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 gloriamariadeoliveirabaltazar.pdf: 7387183 bytes, checksum: 9b69fbca19850f3fa1e0411b358c842d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-05-17T15:52:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 gloriamariadeoliveirabaltazar.pdf: 7387183 bytes, checksum: 9b69fbca19850f3fa1e0411b358c842d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-17T15:52:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 gloriamariadeoliveirabaltazar.pdf: 7387183 bytes, checksum: 9b69fbca19850f3fa1e0411b358c842d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-17 / O trabalho tem como principal objetivo entender a ressignificação das narrativas sobre o golpe de 1964 durante a ditadura militar (1964-1985) que vieram à tona nos depoimentos da Comissão Municipal da Verdade de Juiz de Fora com ênfase na resistência do sindicato dos ferroviários da Estação de Ferro Leopoldina. Procuramos contextualizar a significativa atuação dos Sindicalistas durante o regime tomando por base a história de Edson Nogueira da Silva que recebeu a ordem para realizar uma das primeiras tentativas de resistência ao golpe militar e atravessar o trem na frente das tropas que o Mourão levava de Juiz de Fora para o Rio de Janeiro. Esse fato permaneceu silenciado até a instalação da Comissão na cidade de Juiz de Fora e traz consigo outra possibilidade de entender como foi aquele período. Para situar a questão, buscamos analisar o contexto da ditadura com Juiz de Fora, de onde partiu o golpe. As articulações entre militares, sociedade e imprensa. A pesquisa analisou o periódico mais importante da cidade naquela época, o Diário Mercantil, fazendo uma reflexão com outros jornais importantes no país na intenção de detectar o papel da imprensa no momento de repressão. Buscou-se arcabouço teórico nos principais autores de testemunho, memória, silenciamento e história oral para contribuir na reflexão sobre essas lembranças que voltam depois de cinco décadas carregadas de outros significados. Para a análise do depoimento de Edson Nogueira da Silva foram criadas categorias, de acordo com Luiz Gonzaga Motta, para compreender que narrativa é essa contada 50 anos depois do golpe militar. / The work has as main objective the understanding of the re-signification of narratives about the coup of 1964 during a military dictatorship (1964-1985) that came to light in the testimony of the Juiz de Fora Truth Commission with emphasis on resistance from Railway Workers Union of the Iron Station of Leopoldina. It was tried to contextualize the important action of the syndicalists during the regime based on the story of Edison Nogueira da Silva who received an order to accomplish the first attempts of resistance to the military coup and to cross the train in front of the troops that Mourão took from Juiz de Fora to Rio de Janeiro. This fact remained silent until the installation of the Commission in the city of Juiz de Fora and brings another possibility to understand how that period was. Seeking to open a discussion, it was attempted to analyze the context of the dictatorship using Juiz de Fora, where the coup broke, as a parameter. The articulations between the military, society and the press. It will be analyzed the most important periodical of the city at that time, the Diário Mercantil, reflecting with other important newspapers in the country in order to detect the role of the press in the moment of repression. A theoretical framework was sought in the main authors of testimony, memory, silence and oral history to contribute to the reflection on the memories that come back after five decades loaded with other meanings. For an analysis of the deposition of Edson Nogueira da Silva, categories were created, according to Luiz Gonzaga Motta, who told a narrative 50 years after the military coup.

How does the level of clientelistic distribution effect the risk of violent challenges towards the state in democracies? The relationship between democracy and violent conflict has been extensively tested, with diverging results. Utilizing time-series data from 162 independent democratic states ranging from 1946 to 2018, the relationship is here tested by separating the informal institutions of democracy from the formal. And running the level of clientelistic distribution, a conflicting informal institution, as the independent variable in a linear probability model. Which shows that an increase in the level of clientelism significantly increases the risk of violent challenges.

The July military coup attempt in 2016 forced the Turkish nation to decide, whether it would follow examples of Republic's past and support the coup, or whether it would turn away from the army, thus giving up on the traditional perception of the army as a guardian of secularism and values on which Atatürk built the Republic. This work analyses how the Turkish civil-military relations changed, what factors influenced this change and how the Turkish society currently perceives the army. The research focused on four interventions staged by the army in the 20th century, as well as on the July coup attempt. Military coup is understood as a specific feature of the Turkish army and it is examined based on the theory of praetorianism; the coups in Turkey are then being presented as interventions, that were repeated not only based on army's determination to protect stability and the Republic as such, but also based on the nation's acceptance of the interventions which did perceive the army as a last resort. Furthermore, the work presents reasons, which played a crucial role in the transformation of civil-military relations in the beginning of 21st century, and it compares, how the perception of army by the Turkish nation was changing before and after the July coup attempt.

Despite the developments in the international arena to ensure and protect human rights, evidence from around the world showcase examples of organized and systematic violations of human rights in the form of war crimes, genocides, and crimes against humanity. Turkey is one of the countries that has shown decline in the last ten years when it comes to respect for human rights. Aftermath of the Coup d’etat from 2016, involvement in Syrian civil war, and Kurdish question raised concern within the international community regarding human rights. Consequently, this research aims to provide a deeper understanding of how Turkish government treats the civilian population in these three cases in order to assess if there is a risk of Turkish government committing crimes against humanity. Furthermore, in order to get a more objective view of the happenings, this paper will also examine Turkish actions through the lenses of Realism. A qualitative research with an abductive approach with case study design was conducted. Analytical framework, that presents 10 risk factors for committing atrocities and crimes against humanity, developed by Dieng and Welsh was utilized to make sense of gathered data. Realism, with focus on national interest and security, was used to examine Turkish actions. Findings suggest that all 10 risk factors are presented in each case through different indicators. Journalists, lawyers, professors, refugees, and Kurds face systematic threat of mostly arbitrary detentions and imprisonments. Furthermore, findings show that Turkish actions can be explained through national interest expressed through security and unitary national identity.

The dissertation focuses on the microhistorical analysis of the last years of the life of Hugo Vavrečka (1880-1952), technician, journalist, economist, diplomat and sales director of the Baťa company. The theoretical and methodological part elaborates on the epistemological differences between biographical and microhistorical research, after which attention is paid especially to the possibilities of microhistorical research in the field of contemporary history. The methodology of clues (Carlo Ginzburg) and the researcher's own positionality follow, while the sources used are presented. The interpretative part briefly summarizes the basic outlines of Hugo Vavrečka's life before 1944, after which the main research focus is put on his actions from autumn 1944 to his death in August 1952. Thesis analyses Vavrečka's post-war life, his own attitude to the personal and socio- political situation, to its changes, trying to name the approaches and individual motivations or beliefs with which he chose them. Last but not least, the work also focuses on the broader context of his family and friends, as well as on at least partially exposing the steps of his post-war opponents, who largely led him into this uneasy situation.

No description available.

Africa is the continent having the most coups d'état. From 2020 to 2022, there were six coups and three coup attempts on the continent. This study aims to investigate the causes of these coups d'état in Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Guinea, four former French colonies in West Africa. A new theoretical framework has been developed to investigate this pattern. Indicators of political instability and economic factors are taken from earlier theories, but additional external impact and climate change factors have been incorporated. The method applied in this study is a comparative case study with few cases, combining theory testing, theory building, and theory consuming. The findings indicate that while GDP per capita has improved, it is still unequally distributed among the populace, with high unemployment among the young often leading to migration in search of opportunities. About a year prior to every coup, there has been an increase in political violence. In all four of the cases under investigation, climate change factors such as climate migration and violence resulting from scarcity are present along with disinformation campaigns by Russia, a strong anti-French sentiment, and public discontent with the way the government operates. Both economic factors and climate change factors are found to be closely connected to governance deficits.