Denna uppsats undersöker hur olika aktörer inom politik och juridik ser på landsbygdsutveckling i strandnära lägen, så kallade LIS-områden, som syftar till att bidra till landsbygdskommuners ekonomiska och demografiska utveckling i strandnära områden. Det empiriska materialet består uteslutande av domstolsreferat från Mark- och miljööverdomstolen samt riksdagsdebattprotokoll mellan åren 2012–2019 som analyserats kvalitativt. Sammanfattningsvis verkar naturvärden spela en liten roll vid juridiska överväganden om strandskyddsdispenser i strandnära lägen. Däremot används naturen och landskapet som argument för politiska ståndpunkter för eller emot ett förändrat strandskydd. En annan slutsats som kan dras från analysen är att länsstyrelserna i många fall hamnar i kläm mellan juridik och politik när man överprövar strandskyddsdispenser i landsbygdskommuner. Slutligen förefaller den allmänna politiska viljeriktningen i riksdagen idag gå mot att kommunerna delegeras mer makt till självbestämmande kring byggande i strandnära lägen och att strandskyddet kommer att bli alltmer selektivt i framtiden. / This essay explores how various actors within politics and law look upon rural development at waterfront locations, the so-called LIS-areas, which aims at contributing to the rural municipalities’ financial and demographic development in riparian areas. The empirical material is exclusively based on court reports from the Land and Environment High Court in Sweden and debate records from the Swedish Parliament between 2012-2019 which have been analysed qualitatively. In summary, nature seems to play a small role in court decisions about exemptions from the riparian law. However, nature and scenic landscapes are being used as political arguments for or against exemptions from the riparian law. Another conclusion from the analysis is that the Swedish County Boards are pushed into a tight corner between law and politics when they retry exemptions from the riparian law in rural municipalities. Finally, there is a common political direction of will, in the Swedish Parliament today, towards delegating more power to the municipalities for deciding on building in riparian areas and that beach protection will become more selective in the future.

This thesis investigates the factors that can sufficiently explain China's policy change on climate change issue. We utilize interest-based theory in environmental politics and constructivism to explore the drivers behind China's climate change policy formulation. The theories are tested by process tracing the historical development of China's policy on climate change. The analysis is further complemented by other explanatory factors based on empirical findings, including domestic policy process and the impact of non-state actors. The study finds out that China's climate change policy has experienced positive changes with growing policy stringency. The result shows that China's climate change policy cannot be sufficiently explained by the interest-based theory, the factor regarding ecological vulnerability can be only partially confirmed. Instead, international norms can provide plausible incentives for policy change through the process of socialization. The final policy outcomes are also connected to the interest of the most influential domestic political actor. The study results help us to better understand the environmental politics in China and provides guidelines to predict China's role in international climate change negotiation after the Conference of Parties in Paris.

The concept of “Environmental authoritarian” becomes the focus of discussion in the academic field of environmental politics since it has limited observations. In the recent years, the severe air pollute issue is considered as a threat by both citizens and authorities in China. Along with the more stricter environmental protection laws being issued, even the measures of the factory closings and coal ban seems to become acceptable as the population  have suffered in the heavy smog for years. Does this led to the rise of “environmental authoritarian” in China?  Taking this as a heuristic point, I observe the positions of various stakeholders in the environmental governance as well as present the findings from research on the implementation and enforcement of air pollution controls measures in Jing-Jin-Ji region. I offer a critical examination of “environmental authoritarian”, especially the levels of public participation at the policy process. After to do the research, the key funding is that the concept of “Environmental authoritarian” is too simplified, it cannot cover the complex and detailed environmental governance at local empirical cases.

Det globala matsystemet står inför enorma miljö- och hälsoutmaningar för attnå hållbar utveckling. Forskning på området visar att för att matsystemet skakunna rymmas inom de planetära gränserna krävs förändringar inom såvälproduktion, minskat matsvinn och kostvanor (Willet et al. 2019). Enligt Rööset al. (2020) finns det inte något som tyder på att detta kommer att ske spontantutan det behövs politiskt beslutade styrmedel (Röös et al. 2020).Forskningsplattformen SLU Future Food presenterade i augusti 2020 rapportenStyrmedel för hållbar matkonsumtion – en kunskapsöversikt och vägar framåt.Den kartlägger kunskapsläget inom hållbar matkonsumtion och beskriver 17möjliga statliga styrmedel inom området. De 17 styrmedlen är uppdelade i trekategorier utifrån vilka mekanismer staten kan använda sig av. Rapportenbeskriver att arbetet i offentlig sektor behöver intensifieras, att det behövsnationella mål för en hållbar matkonsumtion samt att det bör utvecklas ochinföras effektiva och attraktiva styrmedelspaket (Röös et al. 2020).Syftet med denna studie är att fastställa hur Sveriges åtta riksdagspartierförhåller sig till de fakta och behov av framtida åtgärder som SLU:s rapportvisar. Dels undersöker jag om partierna vill verka för införandet av mål för enhållbar matkonsumtion i linje med redan beslutade klimat- och miljömål, delshur partierna förhåller sig till införandet av de 17 styrmedel som föreslås avSLU Future Food. För detta ändamål har en kvalitativ och kvantitativ enkätanvänts. Underlaget till enkätdesignen är rapporten från SLU Future Food.Respondenterna för respektive parti är ledamöter inom Miljö- ochjordbruksutskottet då de arbetar med miljö- och klimatpolitik i Sverige ochförbereder Riksdagens beslut i miljömålsarbetet (Sveriges Riksdag 2021).Undersökningens resultat visar att styrmedel i kategorin Kunskap och stödgenerellt sett är mer accepterat bland partierna än styrmedel inom kategorinFörändrade relativpriser och Reglering och krav. Vidare står det klart att ingetav Sveriges åtta riksdagspartier kommer, inför sin kommande mandatperiod2022–2026, verka för införandet av styrmedelspaketet i sin helhet. Slutsatsen äratt det finns en tydlig diskrepans mellan de uppsatta nationella ochinternationella miljö- och klimatmålen och de politiska partiernas intentionergentemot konsumenten i frågan, samt att den politiska viljan att minska dennadiskrepans generellt är begränsad till enbart vissa styrmedel med låg/långsamgenomslagskraft. / The global food system is facing enormous environmental and healthchallenges to achieve sustainable development. Research in the field showsthat in order for the food system to be contained within the planetaryboundaries, changes are required in production, reduced food waste and dietaryhabits (Willet et al. 2019). According to Röös et al. (2020) there is noindication that this will happen spontaneously, but politically decidedinstruments are needed (Röös et al. 2020).In August 2020, the research platform SLU Future Food presented the reportInstruments for Sustainable Food Consumption - an Overview of Knowledgeand Ways Forward. The report is a survey of the level of knowledge insustainable food consumption and describes 17 possible instruments in thearea. The 17 instruments are divided into three categories based on whichmechanisms the state can use. The report shows that work in the public sectorneeds to be intensified, that national goals are needed for sustainable foodconsumption and that effective and attractive policy packages should bedeveloped and implemented (Röös et al. 2020).The purpose of this study is to examine how Sweden's eight parliamentaryparties relate to the facts and necessary future measures shown in the SLUreport. This is done by investigating whether the parties are willing to adoptgoals for sustainable food consumption that are in line with already decidedclimate and environmental goals and how the parties relate to theimplementation of the 17 instruments proposed by SLU Future Food. For thispurpose, a qualitative and quantitative questionnaire was used. The basis forthe survey design is the report from SLU Future Food. The respondents fromeach party are members of the Committee for the Environment and Agricultureas they are working with environmental and climate policies in Sweden andprepare the Swedish Parliament’s decisions relating to environmental goals(Swedish Parliament 2021).The results of the investigation show that instruments in the categoryKnowledge and Support are generally more accepted among the parties thaninstruments in the categories Changed Relative Prices and Regulation andRequirements. Further, it is clear that none of Sweden's eight parliamentaryparties will, before their forthcoming term of office 2022–2026, promote theimplementation of the policy package in its entirety. The conclusion is thatthere is an evident discrepancy between the national and internationalenvironmental and climate goals and the political parties’ intentions towardsthe consumer in this matter, and political willingness to decrease thisdiscrepancy is generally limited to measures with low/slow impact. / <p>2021-06-04</p>

The aim of this dissertation is to expand upon current understandings of the emergent global phenomenon that is private authority. Private authority is a process wherein private actors create, implement, and enforce rules aimed at managing global problems. As private authority is becoming increasingly important in the conduct of global governance, broadening our understanding of it will serve the field of International Relations. In this dissertation I argue that private actors are not simply outgrowths of structures or certain material conditions, rather they are purposive actors strategically pursuing an agenda. As such, explaining private authority requires an examination of the constitutive elements that underlie this social phenomenon––to which I apply an innovative conceptual and analytical framework that combines social network theory with discourse analysis. I applied these tools to two cases taken from the environmental sector––forests and fisheries. I found that as a result of the development of a greater networked character to environmental politics, the actors that were best able to generate and wield private authority were those that were able to construct discursive nodal points around which other competing actors could converge––at the level of identity. The construction of nodal points placed these private actors in privileged positions in-between competing networks––making them network connectors. In this position they are able to facilitate the flow of power across networks and convert such into private authority, at a rate greater than that of their competitors. As related to the cases, I found that in forests and fisheries sectors it was the Forest Stewardship Council and Marine Stewardship Council that emerged as the most prominent and expansive private authorities. They did so as a result of their ability to construct a nodal point around their tailored definition of what sustainable development meant, and looked like in practice. This placed them in-between two powerful networks (the environmental NGO network and the industrial network), facilitating the flow of power between them, and leveraging such to expand their programs beyond that of competing programs. Thus, social position plays a crucial role in determining the success of private authority programs.

近年來我國環保抗爭頻傳，許多大型開發案往往在地方居民與環保團體的抗議下，因而面對進退兩難的侷促局面，而其中牽涉範圍最廣、爭議也最大的環保抗爭事件，就屬核四案與拜耳案這兩件大型開發案了。這兩個案件都為國民黨政府所大力推動，而為民進黨地方政府所反對，但這兩個案子卻在國民黨同樣強力護航的情形下，在該黨執政期間產生了截然不同的結果。 本文在方法上綜合了以往相關文獻的研究觀點，以「政治-社會」與「結構-策略」兩個面向作為分析的途徑，本文的原始假設是：統治菁英的態度與地方動員的組織力將是影響開發案成敗的關鍵因素。在隨後的比較過程中，本文在結構面具體討論了法律制度、菁英態度、開發案正當性、開發地產業活動和開發者特質等數個因素；而在策略面則比較了贊成與反對興建雙方的各種策略運用。 本文的研究結果顯示，在這兩個案件中，政治結構對這兩個案件的影響最大，其中在制度方面，拜耳案的審查權大多落於必須民選的地方政府之首；而在政治菁英的態度上，宋省長與連內閣的心結也導致了拜耳案遲遲未能過關。值得一提的是，本文有一個新發現：開發者本身的特質亦影響了這類大型開發案的進展，而原先所預估的地方動員能力則並非其中的關鍵。 而在政治結構固化的情形下，這兩個案件中的社會行為者，對於政策的影響力就變得非常微弱，這也是強勢結構下的必然現象；由於在本文寫作完畢之時，民進黨已經掌握執政權，並做出廢除核四的主張，但卻其未在國會中獲得半數席次，引發了政治風暴，而促成了各個在野黨的合縱連橫。因此可以預見的是，在未來統治結構逐漸弱化的情形下，各相關當事人由於在體制內有策略協商的空間，未來的環保抗爭事件應該會慢慢走向體制化與法律化。

Most studies in environmental politics have traditionally examined three broad areas: the degradation of the environment; the regulatory regimes governing the environment; or environmental activism within the affluent North. This thesis provides an alternative perspective, exploring environmental activism in the less affluent South. In particular, while human rights and social justice perspectives have historically been largely absent from many environmental movements of the North, this thesis argues that, due to precarious living conditions and authoritarian governance, these issues are of primary importance for environmentalists in the South. As a result this thesis contends that most environmental movements in the South are part of a growing global justice movement and that important cultural diversities within this movement can result in novel forms of resistance and environmental governance. The focus here is on the emancipatory actors within these movements in the South who challenge existing power structures within society. Likewise, by adopting a critical perspective, this thesis argues that large business interests pursue energy projects in the South in the name of energy security and large scale industrial development that are often inappropriate for local development and security needs. To test these hypotheses, four case studies were undertaken that examine transnational gas pipeline and large dam projects at various stages of their development which originate in either Burma (Myanmar) or Thailand. Empirical research, primarily in the form of interviews, undertaken in the countries hosting the various energy projects demonstrated that although environmental activists in the South were assisted by transnational activist networks there were also important local factors that impacted on the emancipatory philosophies, strategies and tactics of many activists in this region. These strategies have achieved some success, with environmental impact assessment (EIA) processes in Thailand now providing a potential opening for the political engagement of communities. Nevertheless, this thesis finds that the power of corporate interests in the international political economy often poses insurmountable barriers for activists to achieve both their short and long term aims. The findings suggest that despite the efforts of activists, local indigenous and ethnic minority communities continue to bear the brunt of the social and environmental costs of transnational energy projects in the South while receiving few of the benefits. Rather than safeguarding these communities from deprivation, these projects often exacerbate existing social tensions and conflicts, resulting in increased community insecurity. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1474397 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2009

<p>Beginning in the 1990s, sustainability indicators have rapidly been developed in different political contexts to measure progress towards reaching sustainable development. Previous research has largely focused on developing models and criteria for defining indicators in order to identify scientifically sound systems. However, sustainability indicators represent more than pure aggregated data; they represent values. This thesis takes its departure in seeing indicators as socially constructed, and aims to explore the role(s) indicators play in governance for local sustainable development. The traditional environmental policy discourse characterised by rationality and efficiency became challenged in the 1990s by the Agenda 21 discourse, emphasizing the need for citizen participation for environmental governance. Notions of efficiency and participation are, however, often in conflict since achieving participation is time consuming and efficiency requires results within short time frames. Thus, a tension in governance is created which is especially apparent at the local level and in politics relating to sustinable development.</p><p>In this study, Sweden is seen as an extreme case in terms of implementing sustainable development policies. Swedish local authorities have been at the international forefront in developing sustainability indicators. Here, the work surrounding seven different sustainability indicator systems in three Swedish municipalities is analysed. The overall research question relates to the tension in governance: Are the sustinability indicators driven primarily by efficiency or participatory claims? The analytical framework combines two different, yet linked theoretical approaches: an institutional approach, which captures the organizational arrangements of the indicator systems; and a discourse inspired approach, shedding light on underlying notions and ‘problem’ representations embedded in the indicator systems. Interviews with politicians and local officers and written material serve as the main empirical sources.</p><p>The analysis shows that local sustainability indicators vary to a great extent regarding their scope, which implies that sustainable development is interpreted differently depending on the local context. In general, goals linked to ‘soft’ issues like democracy, awareness raising and learning tend to be less indicated than ‘hard’ issues such as pure natural scientific measures. Oftenmost, participation is interpreted in its ‘weak’ form, that is stakeholders and citizens are being informed about political decisions taken or are invitated to attend meetings. Many politicians express concern abut participatory methods that aim for empowering citizens, claiming that this is in conflict with the idea of representative democracy. Surprisingly, the more participatory driven indicator systems have not become established in the municipal organisation despite the involvement of many different stakeholders in the developing process. In contrast, the more efficiency driven systems, have been internally anchored but involved very few external stakeholdes in the process. These latter systems are therefore most likely to be used and implemented. In general, politicians’ trust in expert knowledge in policy making is high and it is difficult to involve citizens in that process. Also, because work with sustainable development issues in general, and indicators in particular, is largely seen as projects rather than processes, the efficiency ideal prevails in local policy making – maybe not in rhetoric, but certainly in practice.</p>

<p>In metropolitan areas where the exploitation pressure increases, also the importance to point out nature areas grows, both for the sake of outdoor life and for biodiversity conservation. Since nature conservancy and spatial planning constitute two different parts of the municipalities land use control, a case study has been carried out in two municipalities in the Stockholm region, Huddinge and Järfälla. Both these municipalities have protected about one third of their land and today there are plans to repeal parts of the reserves to enable exploitation. This thesis shows – from the theoretical concept of sustainable development – officials, politicians and non-governmental organizations perspectives on questions concerning land use together with the work with nature reserves and repeals. The study focuses on how different basic attitudes and paradigms emphasizes different aspects of sustainable development and how this in turn affects the work to repeal nature reserves. Interviews with stakeholders in the municipalities and documents concerning land use and nature reserves demonstrates that there is distinct differences between the planning-paradigm, based on spatial planning, and the environmental-paradigm, based on nature conservation. From the planning-paradigm it is considered that nature reserves had to big impact on the munici­pality's land use and that valuable nature more frequently should be protected by the Swedish planning and building act. From the environmental-paradigms view the nature conservancy is – and should also in the future be – an important tool in the long-term prevention to stop valuable nature from being exploited. The thesis also stresses the importance to in the work with repeals take all effects that this kind of decision can lead to into account – not just in the repealed area but also for the future work with nature reserves on the whole.</p> / <p>I storstadsregioner där exploateringstrycket blir allt större, ökar också vikten av att peka ut naturområden, både för det rörliga friluftslivet samt för bevarande av den biologiska mångfalden. Utifrån det att naturskydd samt fysisk planering utgör varsin del av kommuners styrning av mark­användningen har en fallstudie genomförts i två kommuner i Stockholmsregionen, Huddinge och Järfälla. Båda dessa kommuner har skyddat ungefär en tredjedel av kommunens mark och idag finns planer på att upphäva delar av reservaten för att där möjliggöra exploatering. Uppsatsen visar – utifrån det teoretiska begreppet hållbar utveckling – hur tjänstemän, politiker och intresse­organisationer ser på markanvändningsfrågor samt arbetet med naturreservat och upphävande. Studien fokuserar på hur olika grundinställningar och paradigm lyfter fram olika aspekter av hållbar utveckling samt hur detta i sin tur påverkar arbetet med att upphäva naturreservat. Intervjuer med kommunala aktörer samt dokument rörande markanvändning och naturreservat visar att det finns tydliga skillnader mellan planparadigmet, med grund i den fysiska planeringen, och miljö­paradigmet, med grund i naturvården. Utifrån planparadigmet anser man att naturreservaten har fått för stor inverkan på kommunens markanvändning och att värdefull natur oftare borde skyddas med hjälp av plan- och bygglagens verktyg. Från miljöparadigmets vinkel är naturskyddet – och bör även i fortsättningen vara – ett viktigt verktyg för att långsiktigt förhindra att värdefull natur exploateras. Uppsatsen framhåller också vikten av att man vid upphävande av naturreservat tar hänsyn till alla effekter som ett sådant beslut kan leda till – inte bara i det upphävda området utan även för det fortsatta arbetet med naturreservat i stort.</p>

Kemikalier utgör en grundläggande beståndsdel av det senindustriella samhället, och en omfattande produktion av kemikalier brukar allmänt anses som en nödvändig förutsättning för teknisk utveckling och ekonomisk tillväxt. I Sverige ledde miljölarmen om DDT, PCB och kvicksilver på 1960- och 1970-talet till inrättandet av ett system för kemikaliekontroll som brukar framhållas som ett av världens främsta. Avhandlingen undersöker detta kontrollsystem och dess logik. Detta görs genom textanalys av propositioner, statliga utredningar, rapporter från Naturvårdsverket och Kemikalieinspektionen, samt genom intervjuer med anställda på sistnämnda myndigheter. Analysen identifierar kemikaliekontroll i Sverige som ett system genomsyrat av motsättningar, vilka bottnar i en epistemologisk paradox som innebär att ju mer kunskap som ackumuleras om kemikalier, desto mer ökar osäkerheten. Den konstanta ökningen av världens kemikalieproduktion, i kombination med kemikaliers epistemologiska komplexitet, placerar kontrollmyndigheterna i en omöjlig sits. Samtidigt visar avhandlingen att myndigheterna är delaktiga i att upprätthålla detta kontrollsystem som till stor del är ett system av simulerad kontroll. Dels förmedlar kontrollsystemet genom sin blotta existens intrycket av kontroll, och dels fungerar vissa centrala regulatoriska begrepp som signaler om kontroll, trots att de visar sig vara ihåliga. På så vis blir osäkerhet inom kontrollsystemet alltid ett undantag, trots att den är så utbredd. / Chemical substances have become an inextricable feature of the late-industrial society, deemed necessary for the welfare, technological development and economic growth that large parts of the world have come to expect. In Sweden, the identification in the 1960s and 1970s of DDT, PCB and mercury as serious environmental threats led to the establishment of a system of chemicals control which is widely held to be one of the most advanced in the world. The thesisexamines this control system, its possibilities, its problems and its logic, through text analysis of state reports, governmental propositions, the reports of the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency (SEPA) and the Swedish Chemicals Agency (SCA), and interviews with employees at these agencies. The analysis shows chemicals control in Sweden to be a system pervaded with contradictions, which may be explained by an epistemological paradox at its core: that the accumulation of knowledge only serve to increase uncertainty. The constant increase of chemicals production, in combination with the highly unpredictable character of chemicals in the environment, puts the monitoring agencies in an impossible situation, always working against the tide. The thesis also shows, however, that the agencies are themselves an important part of maintaining a system of control that is to a large extent simulated. This in the sense that the system, by its very existence as well as by the circulation of regulatory concepts and principles within it which are in fact without much substance, always signals control, and constitute uncertainty as the exception.