Depuis ses balbutiements au début des années 2000, la Réduction des Emissions liées à la Déforestation et la Dégradation forestière, plus connue sous le sigle REDD+, a peu à peu été admise comme un moyen indispensable des politiques globales de lutte contre le changement climatique. Reposant sur le concept de « déforestation évitée », elle nécessite la formulation d’un scénario de référence servant à évaluer les efforts des pays dans la maîtrise de leur niveau de déforestation. Ces scénarios sont au cœur de nombreux débats politiques et scientifiques. Cette thèse constitue une mise en perspective des principes de REDD+ avec, comme cas d’étude, le Plateau des Guyanes. Dans un premier temps, on présentera l’établissement d’un modèle spatialisé de déforestation pour la Guyane française, insistant sur la nécessité de se focaliser sur les moteurs socio-économiques de la déforestation. Ce constat sera renforcé, dans un second temps, par l’étude de la déforestation liée à l’orpaillage à l’échelle de l’ensemble du Plateau des Guyanes, montrant un impact très fort du cours de l’or et des contextes politiques sur le niveau déforestation. Ces résultats alimenteront une discussion critique du mécanisme REDD+, basé sur la formulation de scénarios de référence potentiellement très variables et fondés sur des déterminants davantage politiques que scientifiques, ouvrant ainsi la porte à un potentiel chantage environnemental. / Since its appearance at the beginning of the 2000’s, the Reduction of Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation, known as REDD+, has gradually been admitted as an indispensable option for global policies aiming at tackling climate change. Relying on the concept of « avoided deforestation », it requires the formulation of a reference scenario aiming at evaluating efforts made by the countries involved in controlling their level of deforestation. Those scenarios are facing numerous political and scientific debates. This thesis aims at putting into perspective the principles of REDD+, based on a study site covering the Guiana Shield. In a first step, the formulation of a spatialiazed deforestation model over French Guiana will be presented, insisting on the necessity to focus on socio-economic drivers of deforestation. This statement will be reinforced, in a second step, by the the study of deforestation due to gold mining in the Guiana Shield, showing a very strong effect of gold prices and national political contexts on deforestation. These results finally contribute to a critical discussion on REDD+ mechanism, based on the formulation of very variable reference scenarios, relying more on political than on scientific determinants, and potentially enabling the emergence of environmental blackmailing.

Abstract This study analyses environmental concern in the Komi Republic from the contextual perspective. The main research data consisted of thematic interviews of industrial workers (n =  114), teachers (n =  30), administration staff (n =  33) in the towns of Usinsk and Vorkuta in the Northern Komi Republic. In addition, the in-depth thematic interviews of state administrators, scientists and NGO actors are analysed as well as the survey study conducted in several regions in the republic. As a broad theoretical frame the study uses the context model, in which environmental concern in everyday life is interpreted at five closely connected levels. The study consists of four previously published articles, one submitted manuscript and a concluding chapter. As the major theoretical and methodological idea the study presents two different environments: a life-world of the individual, where environmental changes are perceived and experienced in a framework of everyday life, and secondly, global environmentalism’s Environment, which is nowadays in Western discourses viewed as a globe. This study focuses on the life-world perspective, and asks how these two environments communicate with each other in the particular contexts of the Komi Republic. In general, environmental issues hold a low profile compared with other social problems in the Komi Republic. However, the citizens of the Komi Republic are concerned about so-called ’brown‘ environmental issues; that is issues of pollution and waste disposal in their immediate environs. The public’s environmental concerns are mostly about ’ecological risks‘ – the health and well-being implications of environmental degradation. Environmental problems are regarded as part societal transformation. This ’brown‘ environmentalism is understandable in Russia since approximately 60 million Russians now live in zones with adverse environmental situations. Green or global issues are not much discussed among the public of Russia. The findings stress that engagement with the surrounding environment, local conditions and socio-political contexts shape perceptions and framings of environmental change. Local perceptions and local knowledge are still a crucial basis for concern. / Tiivistelmä Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan ympäristötietoisuutta ja -huolta Komin tasavallassa kontekstuaalisesta näkökulmasta. Tärkein osa tutkimusaineistosta koostuu teollisuustyöntekijöiden (n =  114), opettajien (n =  30) ja yritys- ja julkisen hallinnon edustajien (n =  33) teemahaastatteluista Usinskin ja Vorkutan kaupungeissa tasavallan pohjoisosassa. Lisäksi työssä on analysoitu valtion virkamiesten, tutkijoiden sekä kansalaisjärjestöjen toimijoiden teemahaastatteluja sekä tasavallan eri alueilla tehdyn kyselytutkimuksen tuloksia. Tutkimuksessa hyödynnetään kontekstimallia, jossa ympäristötietoisuutta tarkastellaan viiden toisiinsa limittyvän tason kautta. Tutkimus koostuu neljästä julkaistusta artikkelista, yhdestä käsikirjoituksesta ja yhteenvetoluvusta. Tutkimuksen tärkein teoreettinen ja metodologinen idea jakaa ympäristön kahtia: ensimmäinen on yksilön elämismaailma, missä ympäristömuutokset havaitaan ja koetaan arkielämän kehystäminä, ja toinen, globaalin environmentalismin ympäristö, minkä nykyisin ajatellaan käsittävän koko maapallon. Tämä tutkimus keskittyy elämismaailmanäkökulmaan ja kysyy, kuinka nämä kaksi ympäristöä kommunikoivat toistensa kanssa eri konteksteissa. Yleisellä tasolla tarkasteltuna ympäristöongelmat ovat taustalla kansalaisten elämässä verrattuna muihin sosiaalisiin ongelmiin. Komin tasavallan asukkaat ovat kuitenkin huolissaan niin kutsutuista ’ruskeista’ ympäristökysymyksistä eli lähinnä saastumiseen ja erilaisiin jätteisiin liittyvistä ongelmista. Kansalaisten ympäristöhuoli kytkeytyy ennen kaikkea ekologisiin riskeihin – ympäristön pilaantumisen terveydellisiin ja hyvinvointiin liittyviin seuraamuksiin. Näin ympäristöongelmat limittyvät muiden sosiaalisten ongelmien kanssa ja koetaan osaksi yhteiskunnallista muutosta. Tämä ’ruskea’ ympäristöhuoli on ymmärrettävä ilmiö Venäjällä, missä noin 60 miljoonaa kansalaista asuu terveydelle haitallisissa ympäristöoloissa. ’Vihreitä’ tai globaaleja ympäristökysymyksiä ei juurikaan käsitellä Venäjän julkisessa keskustelussa. Tutkimuksen tulokset painottavat lähiympäristöön sitoutumisen ja elämismaailman merkitystä ympäristömuutosten havainnoinnissa sekä yhteiskunnallisten kontekstien vaikutusta ympäristökysymysten kehystämiseen. Paikallisella havainnoinnilla ja tiedolla on edelleen suuri rooli ympäristötietoisuuden muotoutumisessa.

Sveriges riksdag har antagit 16 nationella miljökvalitetsmål. Miljömålsarbetet kan ses som en del av de insatser som krävs för att vi ska skapa en hållbar utveckling, vilken är en målsättning som ska genomsyra hela vårt samhälle. Myndigheter har tilldelats ansvaret för att de nationella miljömålen implementeras, men att målen nås är hela samhällets ansvar. I denna avhandling analyseras de kommunikativa villkoren i det svenska miljömålsarbetet. Studien bygger till stor del på erfarenheter som kommit till uttryck i de fokusgruppsintervjuer som genomförts med miljömålsansvariga tjänstemän på centrala, regionala samt kommunala myndigheter. Såväl politiska dokument som myndighetsrapportering har analyserats och satts i relation till tjänstemännens erfarenheter. Utifrån teorier om målstyrning, implementeringsprocesser och kommunikation i sociala system analyseras sedan kommunikativa barriärer och broar, hur de visar sig och kan förklaras. Avhandlingen visar att det finns kommunikationsbarriärer men också broar i miljömålsarbetet. När nya mål och beslut ska omsättas i etablerade organisationer uppstår kommunikationsbarriärer både inom myndigheter och i kommunikationen med andra aktörer i samhället. Att implementera beslut om ett nytt målstyrningssystem i en komplex omvärld med dess ekologiska såväl som sociala system är ingen friktionsfri process. Olika systemkoder som är i bruk kan förklara en del av problematiken, men även otydlighet i målsystem och bristande resurstilldelning. En utmaning inför framtiden blir att skapa information som ger resonans och skapar mening i olika sociala system och därigenom bidrar till möjligheterna att nå de nationella miljökvalitetsmålen. / In 1999, the Swedish Parliament introduced a new management by objectives (MBO) approach to sustainable development politics with the adoption of 15 national environmental quality objectives, ambitious objectives that are to be achieved within 20 years. Overall responsibility for implementing and evaluating the environmental objectives at the national level is assigned to central agencies but also for business and the public. This dissertation analyses the communicative conditions within the environmental objectives implementation process. The analysis in this study has a social system theoretical approach. The system with National Environmental Quality Objectives has both pros and cons. The National Environmental Quality Objectives has been difficult to communicate in established organisations as well as different sector agencies and departments. A challenge for the future is to adjust information and communication to a differentiated society on purpose to get resonance and understanding about the efforts needed to fulfil the National Environmental Objective’s achievement.

Au cours des années 2000, deux mobilisations parallèles ont contribué à renouveler le paysage de l’écologie politique : la décroissance en France, et les Transition Towns au Royaume-Uni. Nous proposons une approche comparative internationale de ces deux mouvements, d’abord distincts, mais qui se sont progressivement imbriqués à mesure qu’ils s’internationalisaient. Nous nous intéresserons particulièrement à la dimension catastrophiste de ces deux mouvements, entendue comme un mode de pensée politique fondé sur l’anticipation de ruptures écologiques majeures (pic pétrolier, mais aussi réchauffement climatique ou effondrement écosystémique) qui mettraient fin à la version moderne du projet démocratique. Loin de n’être qu’une posture intellectuelle, le catastrophisme s’incarne dans ces mouvements en des pratiques délibératives expérimentales qui invitent à questionner la temporalité continuiste dans laquelle se conçoit généralement la théorie démocratique.L’étude de ces deux mobilisations vise à nourrir une réflexion d’ordre plus théorique sur les outils dont dispose la science politique pour penser l’insertion des communautés politiques dans leur environnement. En nous appuyant sur les travaux pionniers de la green political theory, nous montrerons qu’une théorie politique environnementale pourrait contribuer à interroger la théorie démocratique en invitant à la réinsérer dans un contexte de déstabilisation écologique globale. / During the 2000’s decade, two social movements, the décroissance movement in France and Transition Towns in the United- Kingdom, have contributed, both in parallel, to a renewal of the green political landscape. This thesis is an international comparative analysis of these two movements, which were first distinct, then progressively overlapped as they evolved to become international. This research will focus in particular on the catastrophist dimension of these two movements, understood as a form of political thought based on the anticipation of major ecological shifts (peak oil, climatechange, ecosystems collapse, etc.) that would put an end to the modern version of the democratic project. Far from being an intellectual framework only, catastrophism also gives rise to experimental deliberative practices that put into question the hypothesis of continuity that generally pervades theories of democracy.The analysis of these two movements aims at proposing new material to provide for a theoretical reflection on the intellectual tools that political science uses to investigate the ecological embeddedness of political communities. Dwelling on the pioneer work of green political theory, we will suggest that a théorie politique environnementale could contribute to reconsider theories of democracy, with an invitation for them to fit within the framework of the global ecological disruption.

The objective of the thesis is to explore if the European Union membership has changed the Swedish Green Party’s use of parlance, ideology and political content. To explore this, a quantitative content analysis has been done on election manifestos during a 30-year period on national parliamentary manifestos as well as European Parliament manifestos. A framework of green ideology as well as previous research of the Swedish Green’s is used to further the findings from the manifestos. The thesis has found that the European Union membership has affected the Swedish Greens which is seen in the change of how they use language, their transformation of ideas throughout the years as well as their views on political areas and how that has expanded. Further research is recommended to additionally explore the subject, a suggestion is to increase the material because that was an issue in this essay.

Far-right parties and their supporters have long been associated with climate skepticism and opposition to climate action. However, all far-right supporters do not share these views, and some even emphasize the importance of caring about the environment. Prior research has not paid much attention to this question; this thesis hence aims to investigate which kinds of far-right supporters are more likely to hold pro-environmental views. The study argues that it is essential to disentangle different eco-friendly attitudes related to the (national) environment on the one hand, and to (global) climate change on the other hand. Using prior research on far-right values and climate change attitudes, the study focuses on regional differences and various individual-level characteristics such as attitudes towards the nation- state, state sovereignty, and individuals’ socio-economic background. The empirical analysis uses the European Social Survey’s data from 2016 and employs multiple linear regression. The results demonstrate that there is indeed a “green divide” between concern for the environment and for the climate among the European far-right, particularly in Eastern Europe. Nationalist attitudes were statistically related to caring for the (national) environment, and not as much to climate responsibility. Female and older far-right supporters care more for the environment, while younger far-right supporters have higher climate responsibility. These results demonstrate the heterogeneity of far-right supporters and their pro-environmental attitudes. They also suggest that certain groups within the far right may be more open to environmentally friendly politics than others, and that an emphasis on the environment instead of on climate may greatly impact polarization in modern environmental politics.

No description available.

This thesis explores how the Lacanian concept of ‘the enjoyment of the Other’ (la jouissance de l’Autre) can be applied to break open normative understandings of the political factors shaping the climate crisis deadlock. The principal aim is to investigate how ostensibly disconnected environmental debates may be regarded as linked by an economy of enjoyment, more precisely by the promise of enjoyment by which the subject is libidinally attached to an ideology. Analysis of text proceeds by way of a psychoanalytic critique of ideology on two case studies from UK news media, namely, i) the development of onshore wind turbines and, ii) the appearance of direct-action environmentalist groups, in particular the activities of the group Just Stop Oil. This thesis finds that rhetorical devices across the discourses analysed are sustained by an ideological belief that the subject’s enjoyment has been stolen or ruined by the Other, that is, the external symbolic framework of language, morals and other people that shapes and influences subjectivity. On the one hand it is argued that the mediatisation of the climate crisis in terms of the enjoyment of the Other, that is, the belief that the Other has access to a full enjoyment which the subject is denied, portrays environmental politics as an empty display or ‘spectacle.’ On the other hand, it is suggested that the experience of environmental politics as a spectacle is a symptom of the decline of the state’s symbolic role in late capitalism.

[pt] Este trabalho analisa comparativamente, sob uma perspectiva neo institucionalista, dois projetos distintos de integração regional: União Européia - fruto de um processo que remonta à década de 1950, mais institucionalizado, com maior delegação a órgãos supranacionais e também maior número de estados membros, e Nafta - mais recente, de caráter intergovernamental, ênfase em mecanismos de solução de controvérsias, menor número de estados, grande disparidade de poder entre as partes e onde, aparentemente, a lógica de mercado se sobrepõe à ética ambiental - no que diz respeito à incorporação e administração da agenda ambiental. Tal análise é realizada a partir do estudo do desenho institucional de cada projeto. Especial atenção é dada às instituições, órgãos, atores e mecanismos relacionados ao estabelecimento, execução e fiscalização de políticas ambientais. Os resultados obtidos indicam como o desenho institucional de Nafta e da UE reflete o modo como as questões ambientais são incorporadas e tratadas nestes arranjos. / [en] This Project compares, under an institutionalist perspective, two distinct regional projects: The European Union - a product of a process initiated in the 1950 s, with higher level of institutionalization and delegation to supranational bodies and with also more member states, and the North American Free Trade Agreement (Nafta) - a more recent venture, of intergovernmental character, with emphasis on mechanisms of dispute resolution, less states and sharper differences between the parties, where the logic of the market seems to lie above environmental ethics - regarding the incorporation of an environmental agenda within regional institutions, as well as the management of this agenda. Such analysis is performed through the study of the projects institutional design. Special attention is given to institutions, bodies, actors and mechanisms dealing with environmental policies establishment, execution and enforcement. The results obtained indicate what does Nafta and EUs institutional designs can tell about the incorporation and treatment given by these regional arrangements to environmental affairs.

Esta pesquisa visa contribuir para a produção de conhecimentos que subsidiem atividades de educação ambiental através da descrição de um estudo de caso realizado junto aos alunos moradores da Área de Proteção Ambiental de Sousas e Joaquim Egídio, localizada em Campinas - São Paulo. O grupo formado por alunos da 7ª série da Escola Municipal de Ensino Fundamental "Ângela Cury Zackia" constituiu o público-alvo da pesquisa. Seu foco está na análise da compreensão da questão ambiental para os alunos moradores. Foi utilizado como referencial metodológico o estudo de caso, a pesquisa qualitativa e pesquisa-ação, com auxílio de instrumentos como: entrevistas semi-estruturadas, questionários, análise documental e realização de oficinas. Busca-se refletir sobre o significado de meio ambiente e natureza e caracterizar do grupo frente ao envolvimento, participação e compromisso nos problemas relacionados ao meio ambiente. / This research aims at to contribute for the production of knowledge that subsidize activities of ambient education through the description of a study of case carried through together to the living pupils of the Area of Environment Protection of Sousas and Joaquin Egídio, located in Campinas - S.P. The group formed for pupils of 7ª series of the Municipal School of Basic Education "Ângela Cury Zackia" it constituted the public-target of the research. Its focus is in the analysis of the understanding of the ambient question for the living pupils. It was used as referencial metodológico the case study, the qualitative research and research-action, with aid of instruments as: half-structuralized interviews, questionnaires, documentary analysis and accomplishment of workshops. One searchs to reflect on the meaning of environment and nature for this group of students. The characterization of the group front to the envolvement, participation and commitment in the problems related to the environment.